23.11.2023.Untouchables of India today.by Sivaji.
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Dalit youth attacked for sitting in front of upper-caste men in TN's Tiruppur
"The accused rebuked me for sitting in front of him and then made casteist remarks," Pratap, the victim told this daily.
Published: 22nd November 2023 03:41 PM | Last Updated: 22nd November 2023 03:47 PM | A+A A-

Image used for representational purpose only. (Photo | PTI)
TIRUPPUR: A 29-year-old man was allegedly assaulted and bitten by a group of caste Hindu men for sitting in front of them in Avinashipalayam town in Tiruppur district.
The district police arrested eight accused under the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989.
The victim, C Prathap, who works as a verification officer in a private bank in Tiruppur told TNIE that when he was with his friend, Rajesh at a shop in the town, watching the cricket match on his phone, one of the accused E.Navin Kumar, a member of the upper-caste community arrived at the shop.
"He (Navin) enquired about my caste to Rajesh and rebuked me for sitting in front of him and then made casteist remarks," Pratap told this daily.
However, just a few minutes later, Navin Kumar's friend Vivekanandan called Prathap over the phone and issued a death threat. Unable to take the 'casteist slurs' and threats, Prathap lodged a complaint with Avinashipalayam police on November 8.
On the same night, When Prathap was riding a bike, Navin Kumar and his friends rammed their car into his bike on Dharapuram main road in Koduvai. They allegedly trashed Prathap and took him to a coconut grove, where he was tied to a tree and beaten with iron rods.
A senior police officer said they rescued Prathap around midnight after they were alerted by Adi Tamilar Jananayaga Peravai president K Bowthan.
Based on the inputs from Prathap, the police arrested Navin Kumar (22), Nandakumar (26), and Ramesh (38) under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. Five more persons, in connection with the case, were arrested later. One accused is on the run, the police said.
News no 2.
Tracing the Long, Complex History of Debate on Caste Census
CasteNov 22, 2023

The Bihar caste census has caused quite a clamour. Counterintuitively, the survey has revealed that Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs) together make up over 63% of the state’s population. Indeed, since its revelation, livid ultimatums by the opposition have demanded the extension of the exercise in other states. This curious insistence might make it seem that the opposition, which has bandwagoned for the census in the name of ‘social justice’, has always been in favour of enumerating caste. However, a longer history of the politics around the caste census reveals mixed attitudes on the statistical enumeration of caste by prominent political parties, even those that vociferously demand it today.
The debate on the first post-Independence census included discussions on whether to include caste as a parameter. Ambedkar was crisp on why an up-to-date database was instrumental in formulating policy measures and ensuring representation of the diverse communities in India.
The Congress party championed the idea of collecting caste-based data for purposes of affirmative action in the first post-Independence census of 1951. However, this would imply that caste enumeration would be limited to Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs). Following this logic, the state under Nehruvian leadership made a policy decision not to conduct a caste-wise population enumeration, except for the scheduled categories.
Also read: Need of the Hour: A Selfie Called Caste Census – India Must Confront its Truth
Collation of caste-based data, other than for purposes of affirmative action, was seen as ironically ‘entrenching the caste system’. Unironically, following Independence, the 1951 census data on caste was never made public. Concerns of privacy, potential misuse, social unrest, and even state capacity to assemble such data with accuracy were cited as reasons. In the thick of many of these concerns and the administrative challenges of processing such voluminous and potentially controversial data, subsequent debates on caste enumeration were delayed, if not completely evaded. Again, the grand narrative of ‘national integration’ was instrumentalised – Indians had to ‘move beyond caste’ once and for all. In the nearly 30 years of uninterrupted Congress rule since Independence, caste and its enumeration became feeble cries in parliamentary debates.
Post-Mandal scenario
However, wrangles around caste and the politics of recognition resurfaced in the 1970s, 80s, and 90s with the Mandal Commission. The commission recommended expanding reservation for government jobs to include ‘backward classes’, based on the 1931 census data collated by the colonial government. In his early political career in the 1970s, much before he left the Congress party, V.P. Singh had marked his support for the Commission and his advocacy for caste-based affirmative action. Such discussions were closely related to discussions about the collection of caste data.

File photo. B.P. Mandal submitting copies of the Mandal Commission report to Gyani Zail Singh, former President of India.
At the peak of the movement, Kanshiram in his batty retorts personified that the census as a much-needed “social surgery” whereby the “backward classes would be given their due share”. After much delay, finally, in 1990, the implementation of the Mandal Commission resulted in the introduction of OBC reservations. The Mandal Commission estimated the OBC population at 52%.
The BJP was staunchly opposed to the Commission and its recommendations. Advani, who at this time went about rabble-rousing the masses with the ‘rath yatra’ that culminated in the demolition of the Babri Masjid, patronisingly caricatured the recommendations as “well-intentioned” but emphasised that reservations were “diluting the emphasis on merit-based selection”.
Also read: 30 Years On, Mandal Commission Is Still a Mirror for India
For the Congress, even as its broad rhetoric scrawled in favour of caste enumeration for affirmative action, there were elusive opinions afloat on a complete caste census. Post-Mandal, the party faced a complex political landscape and its stance became entangled with electoral considerations. Considerations of potential electoral implications implied that the Congress party had to ‘balance’ the interests of various social groups.
Given this history, the recent fervour surrounding the Bihar caste census serves as a reminder of the ongoing struggle between electoral concerns and actual attempts by the state to ameliorate social inequities. Indeed, in a country where caste-based voting blocs play a crucial role in electoral outcomes, a caste census could open a Pandora’s box. After all, enumeration is also a process of creation, standardisation and reification.
Stance of the BJP
Simultaneously, within the present-day state that has sought to broaden its reach and increase the legibility of its population, the omission of caste as a categorisation is puzzling. Citizens today are required to possess a never-ending list of documents to ‘prove’ their identity to the state: Aadhaars, ration cards, passports, civil registers, and various types of censuses. Yet, despite this increased enumerative logic, caste – which remains, in many ways, a primary logic of identity construction in India – has remained as elusive as ever. The absence of data makes it impossible to account for the ever-worsening social inequities in the nation.
Evasion around discussions of enumerating caste, citing uneven state capacity, was possible in the early years of Independence. This is not the case anymore. With the increase in the many ways the state has attempted to expand every other form of enumeration, it is clear that incentives to omit caste as an enumerative category are deeply political and motivated by electoral calculus.
In addition to adhering to constitutional mandate (Article 340), statistical enumeration has become all the more important today. Even the Supreme Court, in the M. Nagaraj v. Union of India, 2006 case has demanded that “quantifiable data” was a requisite “to demonstrate backwardness and inadequate representation”.
In 2011, the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government initiated the Socio-economic and Caste Census (2011), showing how there is a greater willingness, at least from the side of the Congress to collect caste-related data for policy planning and resource allocation. The ruling regime’s reluctance around the Census shows that enumeration will not only fundamentally restructure welfare politics and affirmative action but will also potentially shift the electoral base of political parties. In this context, prominent parties having no fixed position on the census have begun to engineer their politics to finesse shifting demographics and electoral tides.
Noel Mariam George is a research scholar in International History at the London School of Economics.
In Cuddalore village, Dalits have no road to the burial ground

The Vadakuthu panchayat leader said that while the dominant Vanniyars are willing to give their land for the road, many of them do not possess the required documents proving ownership, thus delaying land acquisition.
Written by :Nithya Pandian
Edited by :Maria Teresa Raju
It has been seven years since a peace meeting was first held between Dalits and caste Hindus to solve a dispute over the laying of a road to a Dalit burial ground in Tamil Nadu’s Cuddalore district. Yet, to this date, Dalit residents of Melvadakuthu village in Kurinjipadi block are forced to carry the dead bodies of their loved ones on their shoulders through the muddy fields owned by dominant caste persons to reach their burial ground. Since long, the Dalits have been demanding that the government act immediately to enable the conduct of dignified and peaceful funeral processions. Even after the dominant Vanniyar (Most Backward Class, MBC) residents have expressed willingness to give away their land for constructing the road, the local administration has made the process cumbersome by citing technical roadblocks, causing inordinate delay.
Palanivel, a Paraiyar (Scheduled Caste, SC) man from Melvadakuthu village, succumbed to health issues on November 3. His relatives carried his mortal remains to the designated burial ground located 3 km away from their residential area. The first half of the funeral procession, which passed through a pucca road, went well. But the second half, which required Palanivel’s relatives to carry the body on their shoulders through paddy fields for 1.5 km, did not go smoothly as they were muddy and slippery on account of the onset of the northeast monsoon.
This has been the case of all funerals and funeral processions of Dalit residents of Melvadakuthu over the past four decades. Since 2011, the Dalit residents have been meeting different officials, local politicians, and MLAs and participated in peace committee meetings. In 2016, they were promised road access soon. With the local administration showing no inclination to implement an immediate solution, they fear that the state of their funeral processions will remain the same in the future also.
Melvadakuthu is a Dalit residential area in Vadakuthu panchayat in Kurinjipadi union in Cuddalore district. Keezhvadakuthu, another Dalit residential area, does not even have a burial ground. The 2000-odd Dalit residents from both villages who depend on the same burial ground have been demanding that the government empower Dalits to conduct dignified last rites for their loved ones.
J Velu, a Dalit resident of Melvadakuthu and a Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK) functionary, said that the issue stemmed from the Vanniyar residents’ refusal to allow the laying of a road across their agricultural land to the burial ground decades ago. “They denied the right to use the pathway 30 years ago. In the past, they have created issues and stopped processions on a few occasions,” he said.
“The current Vanniyar owners have no problem with the Dalit funeral processions through their agricultural land. But we cannot expect the same understanding from the next generation. It would be a distasteful experience if any of the youngsters opposed the funeral procession in the future,” VCK camp secretary Velmurugan said while explaining potential future issues.
Velu also pointed out that Vanniyars too stand to benefit from the construction of the road. “While the Dalits will use the road mostly only for funeral processions, Vanniyars can use it to transport the crops with ease,” he said.
Vadakuthu panchayat president Anjalai Kuppusamy, who is a Dalit, said that while the Vanniyars are willing to give their land for the road, many of them do not possess the required documents. “Twelve Vanniyar families own the land, of which only two have proper documents. As the land was passed down as generational wealth, the remaining nine families do not have any documents to submit to get permission from land registration authorities to lay the road,” she said.
Mathu, one of the 12 landowners, told TNM that there is no problem in giving land. “Our only request to the government is to approve the road project to the burial ground so that farmers do not unnecessarily waste labour for the next season. Once the land is acquired, the government may proceed at their convenient time,” he said.
VCK camp secretary Velmurugan said that the residents had approached several officials in the last two decades with the demand for a road to the burial ground. “We met every collector who assumed office in Cuddalore district. There are no government officials that we did not approach for the road. But, still, the issue has not been resolved,” he said, stressing that the delay is caused by the government officials.
A source in the Kurinjipadi Tahsildar office confirmed that Vanniyyars have made their willingness to give the required land along the 1.5 km stretch for road construction. “The land that the Vanniyars own is generational wealth and documents are in their grandfather’s names even now. Even if we agreed to lay a road on the land, we need to confirm that the current owners are the descendants of those ancestors whose names are registered in the land records,” the source said.
Officials said that they have urged the Vanniyar landowners to change the ownership of the land to avoid possible legal issues in the future after laying the road.
Vadakuthu panchayat is a developing zone in Cuddalore as it is located near the Neyveli Lignite
Courtesy : TNM
News 4.
Know India’s First Billionaire Dalit Entrepreneur Rajesh Saraiya: Father’s Foresight Carved A Name The World Won’t Forget

Cast might hamper the decision in a love marriage in India, but it cannot restrict somebody’s dreams and aspirations. Rajesh Saraiya, a man from the once-discriminated Dalit community in India, proved that no caste system can break your spirit of succeeding in life if you are committed enough. He proved that when people are provided with efficient opportunities, they can actually prove all the sympathetic notions wrong.
By Akarshi Srivastava
It is just that you have to create the opportunities and not sit back for them to happen on their own. Read the story of the role model of Dalits in the 20th century to know how he defied all odds and made it clear that there is an ocean of opportunities in the world, but it all depends on how much you can absorb. Take your required dose of motivation for achieving your dreams from Rajesh Saraiya story!
What was the situation of Dalits in ancient India?
Dalit Entrepreneur Rajesh Saraiya rose to the top
India’s First Dalit Billionaire
Rajesh Saraiya company turning crores
Rajesh Saraiya net worth
Rajesh Saraiya Family and future plans to pay back to the nation!
Frequently Asked Questions
Why Dalits in India worship mahatma Gandhi?
Is Rajesh Saraiya company in India?
Who is the richest entrepreneur in the world?
What was the situation of Dalits in ancient India?
All our social sciences and history books have painted a picture enough to understand the terrible situation of Dalits in ancient India. They were differentiated from the others just on the basis of their caste. They were denied equal access to education, food, religious values, and every other basic necessity in life until Mahatma Gandhi fought for them. It is obvious that when someone does not get equal opportunities in life, their growth will differ for sure.
Rajesh Saraiya – Mahatma Gandhi
But the growing India evolved way too much from differentiating Dalits and holding sympathy for them to actually treating them as normal surviving individuals having equal rights over everything in life. But the situation was not this normal when Rajesh Saraiya was still a kid.
Even during a time that made it difficult for the Dalit community to thrive, he proved the ancient beliefs wrong by rising to the top and becoming the first Dalit billionaire in India. His story had its own struggles and challenges to break through but he did and did it with such a wonder that the world will always remember him as the first Dalit billionaire of India.
Dalit Entrepreneur Rajesh Saraiya rose to the top
It was not easy for him to survive life and hustle side-by-side for the success he owns today, but he never chose to give up in life. Read on to know the story of India’s first dalit billionaire!
India’s First Dalit Billionaire
Rajesh Saraiya was born in the Saraiya Sani village near Sitapur in Uttar Pradesh. The Dalit community had the commonality of naming their kids with names like “kallu”, “kuddu”, “nathu” etc. However, breaking free from these conventions, Saraiya’s father, Natharam, sought to usher in a new era for the next generation. Refusing to adhere to the degrading tradition of assigning mocking names to Dalit children, Natharam boldly departed from the norm and bestowed upon his son the dignified name of Rajesh.
Rajesh owes his distinctive name and surname to his father’s progressive mindset. In the Dalit community, surnames were uncommon due to economic constraints, but Natharam broke this tradition. He not only gave Rajesh a meaningful name but also introduced “Saraiya” as a surname, aiming to preserve the identity of his village with his son’s existenceuggested For You Inspiring Story Of Comeback After Seeing Cancer So Closely, Mother-daughter Duo Are Working To Help Breast Cancer Patients
Rajesh Saraiya
Rajesh Saraiya might not be a name known to many but for the people of the Dalit community in India, he is a superhero and a role model. Born in a middle-class family in Dehradun, India, Rajesh was always a studious child, hell-bent on making a career that nobody could ever imagine for a Dalit man.
He completed his bachelor’s in aeronautical engineering from Russia and later in life, did what he dreamt of. Today, Rajesh Saraiya owns a multi-national company that deals in metal across some developed countries such as Germany, Turkey, Czech Republic, Italy, etc.
Rajesh Saraiya company turning crores
Rajesh Saraiya company
Rajesh Saraiya became India’s first Dalit entrepreneur by starting a multi-national trading company named Steel Mont with steel trading experience of more than 10 years. It supplies industrial finished and semi-finished materials such as Coke, Coal, Iron ores, etc. all over the world. One principle that Steel Mont has followed from day 1 is its inception to maintain the highest quality standards in the world which is the secretive reason behind the success of Steel Mont till now!
Rajesh Saraiya net worth
Rajesh Saraiya net worth is breaking multiple records in the steel industry. In the late 40’s Rajesh Saraiya net worth is around 5 million dollars making him the first billionaire entrepreneur of the Dalit community in India.
Rajesh Saraiya Family and future plans to pay back to the nation.Rajesh Saraiya is one of the biggest entrepreneurs in the world and he follows the rule of keeping his personal life private. Currently, he is living in Dusseldorf, Germany with his wife and two sons. Rajesh Saraiya family is living in Europe for 25 years but all of them own an Indian passport highlighting their nationality.
Rajesh Saraiya
Rajesh Saraiya family believes in coming back to their homeland because there is no place like India which has multiple cultures and exciting traditions and he wishes to give back to the nation. In an interview, he highlighted his great plans for homecoming by setting up a cooperative unit in the food processing units.
Despite all the discrimination and pre-assumptions, this dalit entrepreneur never let anything affect his morals and he kept evolving. Today, owns a company turning billions!
Why Dalits in India worship mahatma Gandhi?
Mahatma Gandhi was of the view that they should be given equal assistance in society and even named them “Harijan – The people of God”. Hari – God, Jan – people. So, he is worshipped a lot in the Dalit community.
Is Rajesh Saraiya company in India?
No, Rajesh Saraiya company has so many collaborations across the world but not in India. He is planning to relocate to India and launch a new business model here.
Who is the richest entrepreneur in the world?
Elon Musk is the richest entrepreneur in the world.
If you liked reading this inspiring story of India’s first dalit billionaire, then do give a read to the Top 10 Time Management Skills, Each Corporate Employee Needs To Grow.
If you know more inspirational stories about any person, company, new idea, or social initiative, write to us at mad4india.com, or share such information with us on Facebook, LinkedIn or Instagram.
Courtesy : Mad4India.
News no 5.
For Dalits, BJP and Congress inert, BSP only a fringe party, Azad is new hope

Neither the Congress nor the BJP has ever acted against those who kill Dalits for who they are, say voters; in the past few months, Chandrashekhar Azad and his Bhim Army have consistently stood with them whenever atrocities happen and have put pressure on the authorities to act, they add
SOBHANA K. NAIR, ABHINAY LAKSHMAN
There is just a difference of one word in the names of Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and Azad Samaj Party (ASP) for the former though it spells its worst ever crisis in Rajasthan since 25 years after it won its first seat in the Assembly elections. While the Jatav community, especially in eastern Rajasthan, remains committed to BSP supremo Mayawati, the ASP is drawing mostly the younger Dalit crowd.
Will the young voters’ attraction towards the ASP’s flamboyant leader Chandrashekhar Azad prove fatal to the BSP is a question up in the air. As per the 2011 census, Rajasthan has 17.8% Dalit population with 34 SC reserved seats and as per estimates, another 30 to 40 seats where they hold the deciding vote.
This time again the BSP is contesting in 185 seats while the ASP is contesting in 42 seats in alliance with Jat leader Hanuman Beniwal’s Rashtriya Loktantrik Party.
Atrocities against Dalits
About 500 km away in Pali, a similar narrative is heard. As per the latest report of the National Crime Records Bureau, Pali is among the top 10 districts in terms of number of atrocities against Dalits. There is widespread disappointment with both the BJP and the Congress for being inert. The BSP has not been a significant player here but Mr. Azad holds out a hope for them. Mangilal Meghwal (62), former sarpanch of the Maandal village, said, “Regularly, people from the Rajpurohit community are beating us up, killing our women. Even getting an FIR registered is a task.” Mr. Meghwal’s village falls under the Sumerpur constituency which has been with the BJP for the last 10 years. He is a self-confessed BJP supporter. “Neither the Congress nor the BJP have ever really acted against those who kill us for who we are. But in the last few months, we have come to know about Chandrashekhar Azad in our village. He and his Bhim Army have consistently stood with us whenever atrocities happen and have put pressure on the authorities to act.”
But when asked if this was enough to secure their support, Mr. Meghwal added, “Look, they are young and seem to be doing good. But at the end of the day, we know the chances of Azad forming the government is very low.”
The same doubt was expressed by Lakshmanram Meghwal (67) in Dhola Shasan village in the same constituency. Even though he has been voting for the Congress in the State elections, Mr. Meghwal said, “I would vote for the BSP if I could but I don’t know the candidate they are fielding as opposed to the ones fielded by the Congress and the BJP.”
The appeal for Azad and his Azad Samaj Party has also spread to parts of areas like Jhunjhunu, where traditionally, the fight has always been between the BJP and the Bahujan Samaj Party. “This time around tens of thousands are showing up for ASP rallies and Mayawati ji does not seem to be enthusing the crowds too much,” said Deependra Kumar (34), who hails from a Dalit family in Jhunjhunu, and was in Sojat at a Congress rally on Wednesday.
Mr. Kumar added that while many households, traditionally with the BSP, were now looking towards the ASP in his hometown of Ambedkar Nagar, he expressed doubts about how many will actually convert into votes. “They might be getting the crowds, but the question is how many of these people will end up voting for them.”
The End.
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