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Worshippers abandon temple after Dalits are allowed to enter
Across Tamil Nadu and Uttar Pradesh, Dalits continue to bear the brunt of discrimination and violence
Despite forming about 16.6% of the total population of the country, the Dalit community continues to deal with horrifying social stigma and violence.
Tiruvannamalai, Tamil Nadu
A struggle goes for Dalit dignity in the village of Thenmudiyanur, nestled within the Tiruvannamalai district of Tamil Nadu as higher caste Hindus boycott a temple after Dalits were begun to be allowed in it. According to Frontline Magazine, Dalits were long excluded from the local temple. However, after demands and political pressure from the CPI (M) and Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK), the district administration granted access to the Dalits on January 30, 2023 the temple was closed. The temple’s priest, belonging to a backward caste, gave up his post. However, after a series of peace meetings, the temple reopened in August 2023, only to be boycotted by the higher caste community. A new temple has now been erected according to reports, where the higher caste Hindu communities are preparing to go to pray.
Bengaluru, Karnataka
In Karnataka’s Bengaluru, a Dalit professor named Ravi Bagi, has made allegations of caste discrimination against the National Education Society’s management following his transfer to a different college. Bagi, who is a teacher of Kannada has asserted that the institution’s management is being discriminatory against him and have reportedly “demoted” him even though for a year, he has been urging the college to furnish a letter supporting his PhD guideship to Bengaluru University. However, he has been transferred to teach pre-university students now, according to Hindustan Times.
The transfer has reportedly relocated Bagi from Basavanagudi National College, where he taught both undergraduate and postgraduate students, to Jayanagar National College where he will now be teaching pre-university students. According to the HT report, he has stated that he feels “marginalised”, “There have been no complaints regarding my competence or performance. Suddenly, the management has demoted me from teaching PG and UG to Pre University. I feel marginalised due to my Dalit identity.”
Narauli, Uttar Pradesh
After the Republic Day function at Sardar Singh Inter College in Narauli town, two students reportedly assaulted and beat up a Dalit student who had finished his speech on Dr BR Ambedkar with the chant ‘Jai Bhim-Jai Bharat’. The victim has filed a complaint after which a First Information Report (FIR) has been registered by the police. The police have stated that they are actively investigating the matter. The FIR was filed at Baniya Ther police station and it includes charges under sections 323 (voluntarily causing hurt), 504 (intentional insult with intent to provoke breach of peace), and 506 (criminal intimidation) of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), along with relevant sections of the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. The incident highlights the importance of addressing and preventing discrimination within educational institutions.
Courtesy : CJP
தலித்துகள் கோயிலுக்குள் செல்ல அனுமதிக்கப்பட்ட பிறகு வழிபாட்டாளர்கள் கோயிலை விட்டு வெளியேறுகிறார்கள்
தமிழ்நாடு மற்றும் உத்தரபிரதேசம் முழுவதும், தலித்துகள் பாகுபாடு மற்றும் வன்முறையின் சுமைகளை தொடர்ந்து சுமந்து வருகின்றனர்
நாட்டின் மொத்த மக்கள்தொகையில் சுமார் 16.6% உள்ள போதிலும், தலித் சமூகம் பயங்கரமான சமூக இழிவு மற்றும் வன்முறையை தொடர்ந்து கையாள்கிறது.
திருவண்ணாமலை, தமிழ்நாடு
தமிழ்நாட்டின் திருவண்ணாமலை மாவட்டத்தில் அமைந்துள்ள தென்முடியனூர் கிராமத்தில் தலித் மக்கள் கோவிலில் அனுமதிக்கப்படுவதைத் தொடர்ந்து உயர்சாதி இந்துக்கள் கோவிலை புறக்கணித்ததால், தலித் கண்ணியத்திற்காக போராட்டம் நடைபெறுகிறது. ஃபிரண்ட்லைன் இதழின் படி, தலித்துகள் நீண்ட காலமாக உள்ளூர் கோவிலில் இருந்து ஒதுக்கப்பட்டுள்ளனர். இருப்பினும், CPI (M) மற்றும் Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK) கோரிக்கைகள் மற்றும் அரசியல் அழுத்தங்களுக்குப் பிறகு, மாவட்ட நிர்வாகம் தலித்துகளுக்கு அனுமதி வழங்கியது ஜனவரி 30, 2023 அன்று கோவில் மூடப்பட்டது. பிற்படுத்தப்பட்ட சாதியைச் சேர்ந்த கோவிலின் பூசாரி பதவியை துறந்தார். இருப்பினும், தொடர்ச்சியான அமைதிக் கூட்டங்களுக்குப் பிறகு, உயர் சாதியினரால் புறக்கணிக்கப்பட, ஆகஸ்ட் 2023 இல் கோயில் மீண்டும் திறக்கப்பட்டது. உயர்சாதி இந்து சமூகத்தினர் பிரார்த்தனை செய்ய செல்ல தயாராகி வரும் செய்திகளின்படி தற்போது புதிய கோவில் ஒன்று கட்டப்பட்டுள்ளது.
பெங்களூரு, கர்நாடகா
கர்நாடகாவின் பெங்களூருவில், ரவி பாகி என்ற தலித் பேராசிரியர், வேறு கல்லூரிக்கு மாற்றப்பட்டதைத் தொடர்ந்து, தேசிய கல்விச் சங்கத்தின் நிர்வாகத்தின் மீது சாதிப் பாகுபாடு குற்றச்சாட்டுகளை முன்வைத்துள்ளார். கன்னட ஆசிரியரான பாகி, நிறுவனத்தின் நிர்வாகம் தனக்கு எதிராக பாரபட்சமாக நடந்துகொள்வதாகக் கூறி, ஒரு வருடமாக அவரை "தரமிழக்க" செய்ததாகக் கூறி, பெங்களூரு பல்கலைக்கழகத்திற்கு தனது பிஎச்டி வழிகாட்டுதலை ஆதரிக்கும் கடிதத்தை கல்லூரிக்கு வழங்குமாறு கல்லூரியை வற்புறுத்தி வருகிறார். இருப்பினும், ஹிந்துஸ்தான் டைம்ஸ் படி, அவர் இப்போது பல்கலைக்கழகத்திற்கு முந்தைய மாணவர்களுக்கு கற்பிக்க இடமாற்றம் செய்யப்பட்டுள்ளார்.
இந்த இடமாற்றம் பசவனகுடி தேசிய கல்லூரியில் இருந்து பாகியை இடமாற்றம் செய்துள்ளது, அங்கு அவர் இளங்கலை மற்றும் முதுகலை மாணவர்களுக்கு கற்பித்தார், அவர் இப்போது பல்கலைக்கழகத்திற்கு முந்தைய மாணவர்களுக்கு கற்பிக்கும் ஜெயநகர் தேசிய கல்லூரிக்கு மாற்றப்பட்டார். HT அறிக்கையின்படி, அவர் "ஒதுக்கப்பட்டதாக" உணர்கிறார் என்று கூறினார், "எனது திறமை அல்லது செயல்திறன் குறித்து எந்த புகாரும் இல்லை. திடீரென்று, நிர்வாகம் என்னை முதுகலை மற்றும் யுஜி கற்பிப்பதில் இருந்து ப்ரீ யுனிவர்சிட்டிக்கு தரமிறக்கிவிட்டது. எனது தலித் அடையாளத்தால் நான் ஒதுக்கப்பட்டதாக உணர்கிறேன்.
நரௌலி, உத்தரப் பிரதேசம்
நரௌலி நகரில் உள்ள சர்தார் சிங் இன்டர் கல்லூரியில் குடியரசு தின விழாவுக்குப் பிறகு, டாக்டர் பி.ஆர். அம்பேத்கர் குறித்து 'ஜெய் பீம்-ஜெய் பாரத்' கோஷத்துடன் தனது உரையை முடித்த தலித் மாணவர் ஒருவரை இரண்டு மாணவர்கள் தாக்கி, அடித்ததாகக் கூறப்படுகிறது. பாதிக்கப்பட்ட பெண் புகார் அளித்ததையடுத்து, காவல்துறையால் முதல் தகவல் அறிக்கை (எஃப்ஐஆர்) பதிவு செய்யப்பட்டுள்ளது. இது குறித்து தீவிரமாக விசாரித்து வருவதாக போலீசார் தெரிவித்துள்ளனர். பனியா தேர் காவல் நிலையத்தில் எஃப்.ஐ.ஆர் பதிவு செய்யப்பட்டது, அதில் இந்திய தண்டனைச் சட்டம் (ஐபிசி) பிரிவு 323 (தன்னிச்சையாக காயப்படுத்துதல்), 504 (அமைதியை மீறும் நோக்கத்துடன் வேண்டுமென்றே அவமதித்தல்) மற்றும் 506 (குற்றவியல் மிரட்டல்) ஆகியவற்றின் கீழ் குற்றச்சாட்டுகள் அடங்கும். பட்டியல் சாதி மற்றும் பழங்குடியினர் (வன்கொடுமைகள் தடுப்பு) சட்டத்தின் தொடர்புடைய பிரிவுகளுடன். கல்வி நிறுவனங்களுக்குள் பாகுபாடு காட்டப்படுவதையும் தடுப்பதன் முக்கியத்துவத்தையும் இந்த சம்பவம் எடுத்துக்காட்டுகிறது.
உபயம் : சி.ஜே.பி.
Parents Cry Foul After Alleged Suicide Of Dalit Girls In Hyd Hostel
Two Dalit girls of Class 10 allegedly died by suicide after being reprimanded by a teacher for misbehaving with junior girls. The incident happened at Telangana government-run hostels for Scheduled Castes in Bhongir.
Rudrani Gupta
Two Dalit girls of Class 10 allegedly died by suicide after being reprimanded by a teacher for misbehaving with junior girls. The incident happened on February 3 at Telangana government-run hostels for Scheduled Castes in Bhongir. The parents of the girls, who live in the city, are not ready to believe that it is a suicide and have started protesting on the hostel campus. The police have registered a case of suspicious death and the probe into the case is going on.
As per the reports, the girls studied in class 10 in a government school near the hostel. The school received complaints against them from junior students following which the girls were scolded by their teacher.
The preliminary police investigation revealed the girls were scared and embarrassed after the incident. The police also found a suicide note in which the girls claimed that they were falsely implicated in the altercation. The note also added that the girls’ hostel warden Shailja was the only one who believed in their innocence.
What did the suicide note claim?
Citing the suicide note, a media handle reported, “Nobody believes us. We are being framed for something we did not do. We are unable to cope with it and so we are dying by suicide. Perform our funeral together.” The school had received complaints against the girls from junior students. It immediately informed the hostel warden. “The warden came and counselled them. But it seems the girls were deeply disturbed by the incident,” he added.
Parents of the girls are in disbelief
However, the parents of the deceased girls are not ready to believe that their daughters died by suicide. A police officer involved in the investigation said, “Parents are alleging that these individuals engaged in suspicious activities leading to the girls’ deaths. They also contend that the handwriting on the suicide note doesn’t match either student.”
One of the parents said, “We are not convinced that they wrote such a letter praising just their warden. We can’t understand why their teachers and warden did not call and inform us when there were complaints against them. The police must probe their roles.”
Consequently, protests have erupted in the hostel campus led by the parents and relatives of the girls. They are demanding immediate action against the hostel warden, staff and the auto driver responsible for delivering vegetables and groceries to the hostel.
The police have registered a report under Section 174 of CrPC which provides for the preparation of an inquest report of a death caused by suicide or under suspicious circumstances. The hostel staff and the auto driver have been summoned for interrogation.
Courtesy : She The People
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కథనాలు దళిత బాలిక దళిత వార్తలు రాష్ట్ర తెలంగాణ
హైద్ హాస్టల్లో దళిత బాలికలు ఆత్మహత్య చేసుకున్నారని ఆరోపిస్తూ తల్లిదండ్రులు రోదిస్తున్నారు
10వ తరగతి చదువుతున్న ఇద్దరు దళిత బాలికలు జూనియర్ బాలికలతో అసభ్యంగా ప్రవర్తించినందుకు ఉపాధ్యాయుడు మందలించడంతో ఆత్మహత్యకు పాల్పడ్డారు. తెలంగాణ ప్రభుత్వ ఆధ్వర్యంలోని భోంగీర్లోని షెడ్యూల్డ్ కులాల హాస్టళ్లలో ఈ ఘటన చోటుచేసుకుంది.
రుద్రాణి గుప్తా
10వ తరగతి చదువుతున్న ఇద్దరు దళిత బాలికలు జూనియర్ బాలికలతో అసభ్యంగా ప్రవర్తించినందుకు ఉపాధ్యాయుడు మందలించడంతో ఆత్మహత్యకు పాల్పడ్డారు. ఈ ఘటన ఫిబ్రవరి 3న తెలంగాణ ప్రభుత్వ ఆధ్వర్యంలోని భోంగీర్లోని షెడ్యూల్డ్ కులాల హాస్టళ్లలో జరిగింది. నగరంలో నివాసముంటున్న బాలికల తల్లిదండ్రులు ఆత్మహత్య అని నమ్మడానికి సిద్ధంగా లేకపోవడంతో హాస్టల్ క్యాంపస్లో నిరసనకు దిగారు. పోలీసులు అనుమానాస్పద మృతిగా కేసు నమోదు చేసి దర్యాప్తు చేస్తున్నారు.
నివేదికల ప్రకారం, బాలికలు హాస్టల్ సమీపంలోని ప్రభుత్వ పాఠశాలలో 10వ తరగతి చదువుతున్నారు. పాఠశాలలో జూనియర్ విద్యార్థుల నుండి వారిపై ఫిర్యాదులు అందాయి, ఆ తర్వాత బాలికలను వారి ఉపాధ్యాయుడు తిట్టాడు.
ఈ ఘటన తర్వాత బాలికలు భయాందోళనకు గురయ్యారని పోలీసుల ప్రాథమిక విచారణలో తేలింది. ఈ గొడవలో తమను తప్పుగా ఇరికించారని బాలికలు రాసిన సూసైడ్ నోట్ను కూడా పోలీసులు కనుగొన్నారు. బాలికల హాస్టల్ వార్డెన్ శైలజ మాత్రమే తమ అమాయకత్వాన్ని నమ్ముకుందని నోట్లో చేర్చారు.
సూసైడ్ నోట్లో ఏం పేర్కొంది?
సూసైడ్ నోట్ను ఉటంకిస్తూ, ఒక మీడియా హ్యాండిల్ నివేదించింది, “మమ్మల్ని ఎవరూ నమ్మరు. మనం చేయని పనికి మనల్ని ఇరికిస్తున్నారు. దీంతో తట్టుకోలేక ఆత్మహత్యలు చేసుకుంటున్నాం. కలిసి మా అంత్యక్రియలు నిర్వహించండి. పాఠశాలలో జూనియర్ విద్యార్థుల నుంచి బాలికలపై ఫిర్యాదులు అందాయి. వెంటనే హాస్టల్ వార్డెన్కు సమాచారం అందించారు. “వార్డెన్ వచ్చి వారికి కౌన్సెలింగ్ ఇచ్చారు. అయితే ఈ ఘటనతో బాలికలు తీవ్ర ఆందోళనకు గురయ్యారని తెలుస్తోంది.
బాలికల తల్లిదండ్రులు నమ్మలేని స్థితిలో ఉన్నారు
అయితే, తమ కుమార్తెలు ఆత్మహత్యతో చనిపోయారని నమ్మడానికి మృతుల తల్లిదండ్రులు సిద్ధంగా లేరు. విచారణలో పాల్గొన్న ఒక పోలీసు అధికారి మాట్లాడుతూ, “ఈ వ్యక్తులు బాలికల మరణాలకు దారితీసే అనుమానాస్పద కార్యకలాపాలకు పాల్పడ్డారని తల్లిదండ్రులు ఆరోపిస్తున్నారు. సూసైడ్ నోట్లోని చేతిరాత ఏ విద్యార్థితోనూ సరిపోలడం లేదని వారు వాదిస్తున్నారు.
తల్లిదండ్రుల్లో ఒకరు ఇలా అన్నారు, “వారు కేవలం తమ వార్డెన్ను ప్రశంసిస్తూ అలాంటి లేఖ రాశారని మేము నమ్మడం లేదు. వారిపై ఫిర్యాదులు వచ్చినప్పుడు వారి ఉపాధ్యాయులు, వార్డెన్లు ఎందుకు ఫోన్ చేసి సమాచారం ఇవ్వలేదో అర్థం కావడం లేదు. పోలీసులు వారి పాత్రపై విచారణ చేయాలి.
దీంతో బాలికల తల్లిదండ్రులు, బంధువుల ఆధ్వర్యంలో హాస్టల్ క్యాంపస్లో నిరసనలు వెల్లువెత్తాయి. హాస్టల్కు కూరగాయలు, కిరాణా సరుకులు పంపిణీ చేసిన హాస్టల్ వార్డెన్, సిబ్బంది, ఆటో డ్రైవర్పై వెంటనే చర్యలు తీసుకోవాలని డిమాండ్ చేస్తున్నారు.
సిఆర్పిసిలోని సెక్షన్ 174 కింద పోలీసులు ఒక నివేదికను నమోదు చేశారు, ఇది ఆత్మహత్య లేదా అనుమానాస్పద పరిస్థితులలో మరణానికి సంబంధించిన విచారణ నివేదికను సిద్ధం చేయడానికి అందిస్తుంది. హాస్టల్ సిబ్బందిని, ఆటో డ్రైవర్ను విచారణకు పిలిచారు.
సౌజన్యం: షీ ద పీపుల్
గమనిక: ఈ వార్తా భాగం వాస్తవానికి
‘Is it right for children of IAS, IPS officers to get reservation?’, Dalit judge asked in the Supreme Court
The Supreme Court said on Tuesday (February 6, 2024) that it will again review its 2004 decision regarding SC-ST reservation. In this decision it was said that the states do not have the right to create sub-categories for Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST) to provide reservation. A seven-judge Constitution bench led by Chief Justice DY Chandrachud made it clear that it would not go into the arguments related to figures due to which the Punjab government had provided 50 per cent quota within the reservation. During the hearing of this case, Justice BR Gavai raised questions about reservation for children of bureaucrats.
By Ananya Dewan
In 2006, the Congress government of Punjab had given Mahadalit status to Valmiki and the religious (Sikh) community. Under this, it was decided to reserve half of the 15 percent reservation for the Scheduled Tribes. In this way, two communities in Punjab got priority among the Scheduled Castes, but in the year 2010, the Punjab High Court rejected it. In 2011, the Punjab government challenged the High Court’s decision in the Supreme Court. The state government has argued that the most backward among the backward classes should be identified and they should be provided the means to avail employment opportunities. Hearing is going on on 23 petitions filed against the decision of the Supreme Court, which also includes the petition of Punjab Government. Hearing on these petitions started on 6 February.
The bench of Chief Justice of India DY Chandrachud, Justice BR Gavai, Justice Vikram Nath, Justice Bela M Trivedi, Justice Pankaj Mithal, Justice Manoj Mishra and Justice Satish Chandra Mishra held the hearing on Tuesday (February 6, 2024). During this, Justice Gavai asked, ‘If a person from the Scheduled Caste/Scheduled Tribe community joins central services like IAS, IPS, he gets the benefit of the best facilities. Yet his children and their children continue to get reservation. Should this continue?’ Justice BR Gavai is also a Dalit and is going to become the Chief Justice in May next year. The Punjab government said that the 2004 decision of the Supreme Court does not apply to it.
What did Punjab High Court say in its 2010 decision?
The High Court had struck down Section 4(5) of the Punjab Act as unconstitutional, which gave 50 per cent of the 15 per cent reservation to the Scheduled Castes to Valmikis and religious Sikhs. The court had said that this provision violates the 2004 decision of a five-member Constitution bench of the Supreme Court in the case of EV Chinnaiah vs. State of Andhra Pradesh. In the Chinnaiah decision, it was said that sub-categorization of Scheduled Castes would violate Article 14 (right to equality) of the Constitution.
What did the Punjab government say in the petition
The Punjab government had approached the Supreme Court in 2011 challenging the High Court’s decision, saying that the 2004 decision of the apex court did not apply to it. Hearing the Punjab government’s petition, a five-member bench led by Justice (now retired) Arun Mishra had on August 27, 2020 expressed disagreement with the Chinnaiya decision and referred the matter to a seven-member larger bench. In higher educational institutions funded by the central government, 22.5 percent of the available seats are reserved for Scheduled Caste and 7.5 percent seats for Scheduled Tribe (ST) students. The same criteria applies in the case of government jobs also. There is no Scheduled Tribe population in states like Punjab and Haryana.
Courtesy : Connexionblog
Dalit Sinha Garjana to be held on February 11 in Rajahmundry
Dalit Sinha Garjana which is to be held on February 11 in Rajahmundry is a movement led by Vijay, the in-charge of Kadapa district in Andhra Pradesh. During the unveiling of the Dalit Simha Garjana poster, Vijay expressed his disappointment with the current government for removing 26 schemes that were benefiting the Dalit community.
Vijay stated that previous governments had provided subsidized loans to Dalits, but the current government has not given a single loan. He claimed that although the government claims to prioritize education, it is actually depriving poor students of their right to education. He also highlighted that accommodation and education benefits have been reduced, hindering Dalits from pursuing higher education Vijay criticized the allocation of seats in the new medical college in Kadapa district, alleging that half of them are being sold instead of being given to deserving candidates. He also criticized the use of SC sub plan funds for the Amma Odi scheme, considering it inappropriate.
Courtesy : THI
4.
ఫిబ్రవరి 11న రాజమండ్రిలో దళిత సింహా గర్జన
ఫిబ్రవరి 11న రాజమండ్రిలో జరగనున్న దళిత సింహా గర్జన ఆంధ్రప్రదేశ్లోని కడప జిల్లా ఇన్చార్జి విజయ్ నేతృత్వంలోని ఉద్యమం. దళిత సింహగర్జన పోస్టర్ను ఆవిష్కరించిన సందర్భంగా దళితులకు మేలు చేస్తున్న 26 పథకాలను ప్రస్తుత ప్రభుత్వం తొలగించడం పట్ల విజయ్ అసంతృప్తి వ్యక్తం చేశారు.
గత ప్రభుత్వాలు దళితులకు సబ్సిడీ రుణాలు అందించాయని, ప్రస్తుత ప్రభుత్వం ఒక్క రుణం కూడా ఇవ్వలేదని విజయ్ పేర్కొన్నారు. ప్రభుత్వం విద్యకు ప్రాధాన్యమిస్తోందని చెబుతున్నప్పటికీ పేద విద్యార్థుల విద్యాహక్కును కాలరాస్తోందన్నారు. వసతి, విద్యా ప్రయోజనాలను తగ్గించారని, దళితులు ఉన్నత విద్యను అభ్యసించకుండా అడ్డుకున్నారని, కడప జిల్లాలో కొత్త మెడికల్ కాలేజీలో సీట్ల కేటాయింపులో అర్హులైన అభ్యర్థులకు ఇవ్వకుండా సగం అమ్ముకుంటున్నారని విజయ్ విమర్శించారు. అమ్మ ఒడి పథకానికి ఎస్సీ సబ్ ప్లాన్ నిధులను వినియోగించడం సరికాదని విమర్శించారు.
సౌజన్యం : THI
Delhi BJP to launch mega Dalit outreach drive ahead of LS polls
The Delhi BJP is going to roll out a mega Dalit outreach campaign ahead of Lok Sabha polls through a series of events, including a “Dhanyawad Modi” rally, over naming of Ayodhya airport after Maharshi Valmiki, a party leader said on Wednesday.
The SC Morcha of Delhi BJP has planned three big programmes, two of which, “Basti Samark Abhiyan” and “Dalit Yuva Samvad,” will be held in coming days, said president of the outfit Mohanlal Giraha.
Couurtesy : Millennium Post.
Why reservation is still necessary to uplift the depressed classes?
Reservation isn’t a fundamental right, stated SC. The SC refused to act on a petition filed by Tamil Nadu’s political parties who sought 50% OBC reservation in the all-India NEET seats surrendered by states. The Dalit communities around India were aggrieved by this statement. Several of them took Twitter to present their disagreement to this statement. #SaveReservations, and #आरक्षण_मौलिक_अधिकार_है trended on twitter, now known as X, for hours.
By Radhika12
Why Reservation in India is important
This entire discussion pushes us to ask an important questions, are reservations necessary? I am sure, every one of us has an opinion on the same. There are several narratives about it as well. Let us try and understand what the court said, and if reservations are indeed necessary.
“We appreciate the concern of all political parties for the welfare of Backward Classes. But reservation is not a Fundamental Right,” Justice LN Rao said.
Caste based reservation in india
In that case, the petitioners were asked to approach Madras High Court. Former Justice Rao lauded the sentiment behind the move, which had parties of all shades from the state on the same page, as “unusual” for Tamil Nadu but refused to hear them. Dr. Bhim Rao Ambedkar had fought hard for the depressed classes and this statement shows disrespect of the work done by him.
A relevant part of the court’s decision is cited below:
What basically reservation in India is?
Reservation in India is a system of affirmative action that provides representation for historically and currently disadvantaged groups in Indian society in education, employment, and politics. Enshrined in Articles 15 and 16 of the Indian Constitution, it allows the Indian government to set quotas to ensure any “socially and educationally backward classes of citizens” is properly represented in public life. It is intended to realize the promise of equality enshrined in the Constitution of India.
Reservation is primarily given to 3 groups: Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, and Other Backward Classes abbreviated as SC, ST, and OBC respectively. These are groups that have faced social and economic discrimination in the past and/or the present and were severely underrepresented in public life. Originally reservation was only given to SCs and STs but was later extended to OBCs in 1987 after the implementation of the Mandal Commission report. There are income caps on EWS (Economically weaker sections) and OBCs (Other backward classes) and no income limits exist for members of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
Reservations are put in place to dissuade caste supremacists from blatantly neglecting the learning rights of the less privileged. For thousands of years, education was denied to the majority of the population of our country based on one’s birth. All the mighty kings who ruled the Indian subcontinent were bound by Manu Shashtra, the rulebook of the Hindu religion that proscribed education of the Shudras. Non-Brahmins were oppressed in many ways. Not only education but also positions of power and lucrative jobs were denied to them.
“Reservation” is a mechanism to give education and jobs to the oppressed based on their caste – yes, that very caste based on which they were earlier denied education and jobs.
Understanding Honour through the lens of Upper Caste Women
Why is it still important for the depressed classes?
We live in the 21st century India and the caste system feels like history for some of us. As per that assumptions, SCs/STs/OBCs should be affluent, and won’t be discriminated against? Somehow, we are aware that’s not true either. Another argument might be that this is a rural issue. In urban areas, people don’t discriminate. Class, not caste that is the social currency. Another argument, through Right to Education, schools are accessible for all. I can go on and list many more arguments are mentioned above. But, if we sit back and think, we realise that things are not in binaries. The reality is quite stark, and is happening beyond our purview.
Even today, in many villages, teashops serve tea to the oppressed castes (Dalits or Scheduled Castes) in disposable cups and the others in reusable glass tumblers. They have different benches for each caste group. Do those teashops ask for caste certificates? No. They identify someone’s caste based on his appearance.
The places where they are born and live are already divided based on caste. Their towns and villages are divided into “agraharas”, the exclusive settlements for Brahmins; “colonies” or “cherish”, the ghettos for the oppressed; and the rest of the area for the other caste Hindus. Even streets are identified with castes. Merely by looking at a pupil’s address, one can guess his or her caste. Do they ever allocate these reserved dwellings using caste certificates? No. These partitions are imposed upon us at birth.
In several incidents, if Dalits found burning Holika for the Holika Dahan ceremony, they are tonsured and paraded naked in the villages. Also in some parts of India, there have been allegations that Dalit grooms riding horses for wedding ceremonies have been beaten up and ostracised by upper caste people. In August 2015, upper-caste people burned houses and vehicles belonging to Dalit families and slaughtered their livestock in reaction to Dalits daring to hold a temple car procession at a village in Tamil Nadu. In August 2015, it was claimed that a Jat Khap Panchayat ordered the rape of two Dalit sisters because their brother eloped with a married Jat girl of the same villages.
Discrimination can also exist in access to healthcare and nutrition. A sample survey of Dalits, conducted over several months in Madhya Pradesh and funded by ActionAid in 2014, found that health field workers did not visit 65 percent of Dalit settlements. 47 percent of Dalits were not allowed entry into ration shops; and 64 percent were given fewer grains than non-Dalits. In Haryana state, 49 percent of Dalit children under five years were underweight and malnourished while 80 percent of those in the 6–59 months age group were anemic in 2015.
A sample survey in 2014, conducted by Dalit Adhikar Abhiyan and funded by ActionAid, found that among state schools in Madhya Pradesh, 88 percent discriminated against Dalit children. In 79 percent of the schools studied, Dalit children are forbidden from touching mid-day meals. They are required to sit separately at lunch in 35 percent of schools and are required to eat with specially marked plates in 28 percent.
There have been incidents and allegations of SC and ST teachers and professors being discriminated against and harassed by authorities, upper castes colleagues, and upper caste students in different education institutes of India. In some cases, such as in Gujarat, state governments have argued that, far from being discriminatory, their rejection when applying for jobs in education has been because there are no suitably qualified candidates from those classifications.
Way forward
Could additional inquiries be posed regarding whether the SCs and STs have adequate representation at the top levels of civil services, academia, judiciary – including both the Supreme Court and high courts – police, policy-making, and other public services? Does having jobs in lower tiers signify economic prosperity and the eradication of social backwardness? Is Indian society entirely free of caste-based discrimination? Has the domination of upper-castes in public institutions completely disappeared?
The fact that a Dalit judge has been appointed to the Supreme Court after nearly ten years, and his notable absence from the five-judge panel deciding on the reservation, reflects the unfortunate state of wealth disparity and the lack of representation in public institutions.
The article is written by Radhika Bansal. She is a Journalism student at Amity University.
Courtesy : Ground Report
ADIVASIS ARTICLES CASTE DALIT NEWS NATIONAL POOR TRIBAL
Budgeting For Inequality: Examining SC And ST Allocations
Last Friday, the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR) held a press conference at the Press Club of India to unveil a budget analysis report. The report shed light on the allocation of funds for Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs).
By Anuj Behal
Last Friday, the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR) held a press conference at the Press Club of India to unveil a budget analysis report. The report shed light on the allocation of funds for Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs). Contrary to the government’s claims of inclusive development, the analysis revealed that funds intended for the upliftment and welfare of marginalised communities have been diverted to general schemes like road construction and urea subsidy.
Contrary to the government’s claims of inclusive development, the analysis revealed that funds intended for the upliftment and welfare of marginalised communities have been diverted to general schemes like road construction and urea subsidy.
It’s disheartening to observe that merely about 3.1% of the allocated funds for Scheduled Castes (SCs) and approximately 2.5% for Scheduled Tribes (STs) are specifically targeted for the benefit of these communities; the majority of the funds remain symbolic.
The government had a prime opportunity to prioritise adequate allocations for schemes and public entitlements aimed at uplifting Dalits and Adivasis, but unfortunately, this opportunity was squandered.
Out of the total allocation of Rs. 1,65,598 crore for SCs, a mere Rs. 44,282 crore is earmarked directly for the SC community, while only Rs. 36,212 crore out of Rs. 1,21,023 crore allocated for STs directly benefits tribal communities. Although there has been a slight increase in allocations this year, with the total allocation for SCs rising from Rs. 159,126 crore to Rs. 1,65,598 crore and for STs increasing from Rs. 119,510 crore to Rs. 1,21,023 crore.
Disparity in scheme allocation
According to the report, while there are numerous schemes in place, the allocation for many of them falls short, with several irrelevant schemes receiving disproportionately large funding. For instance, the scheme titled ‘Formation and Promotion of 10,000 Farmer Producer Organisations (FPOs)’ under the Ministry of Agriculture receives a mere Rs. 174 crore in allocation, despite directly benefiting communities. Conversely, there are several other schemes under the same ministry that receive a staggering Rs. 19,913 crore, yet provide little to no benefit to the communities they ostensibly serve.
Similarly, within the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, there exist several impactful schemes that directly benefit marginalised communities, but unfortunately, their allocation remains minimal.
Notably, crucial schemes such as Free Coaching for SCs, STs, and OBCs, National SCs/STs Hub Centre, National Overseas Scholarship, and Top Class Education for SCs have seen almost negligible changes in allocation, despite their significant role in improving the condition of marginalised communities.
Attendees at the press briefing expressed their disappointment over the meager budgetary allotment for Dalits and tribals, underscoring their conviction that the budget, touted as a blueprint for economic revival, neglects the pressing requirements of the socially and economically disadvantaged segments of society. They lamented that the budget fell short in fulfilling needs and addressing their grievances.
Attendees at the press briefing expressed their disappointment over the meager budgetary allotment for Dalits and tribals, underscoring their conviction that the budget, touted as a blueprint for economic revival, neglects the pressing requirements of the socially and economically disadvantaged segments of society.
‘This budget keeps existing inequalities in place and hinders progress for social justice and inclusivity. We are also distressed by the fact that the Central government is trying to ignore the issues of Dalits by changing the entire narrative of caste,’ they said.
Budget utilisation and credibility
Budget credibility refers to the degree to which government budgets are executed, comparing actual revenues and expenditures with approved budget estimates. In countries like India, the underutilisation of SC budgets is a prevalent issue nationwide. For instance, data from the Ministry of Finance’s Union Budget reports reveal that in FY 2019–20, 20% of SC budget funds remained unspent, followed by 14% in FY 2020–21, undermining the integrity of budget execution. According to the concept of Budget Credibility, if the variance between approved budget and utilisation exceeds 10%, it indicates a lack of budget credibility. Similarly, in FY 2019–20, 11% of ST budget funds were left unutilised, as reported by the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG), India’s supreme audit department.
Experts note that in FY 2024–25, there has been an overall allocation to notional schemes within the SC budget. For example, significant funds were allocated to schemes such as Urea Subsidy Payment for Indigenous Urea and Import of Urea, Nutrient-Based Subsidy Payment for Imported P and K Fertilisers, Compensation to Service Providers for Telecom Infrastructure, and Reform-Linked Distribution Scheme. Conversely, there is an inadequate allocation to effective schemes under the SC Budget, including Top-Class Education for SCs, National Overseas Scholarship for SCs, National Means cum Merit Scholarship Scheme, National Schedule Caste/Schedule Tribe Hub Centre, Free Coaching for SCs and OBCs, and Venture Capital Fund for SCs and OBCs.
Gender in the budget
The ‘Gender Budget Statement‘ by the Union government serves as a crucial instrument for integrating a gender perspective into policymaking processes. However, despite its potential, significant disparities persist between the intended goals and the lived realities experienced by Dalit and Adivasi women.
This year continues to reflect the same trend. The budget allocation for Dalit women stands at Rs. 19,050.24 crore, while for ST women, it is Rs. 4,837.25 crore. An analysis of the Gender Budget Statement (GBS) and Allocation for Welfare of Scheduled Caste/Scheduled Tribe (AWSC/AWST) underscores the meager allocations, indicating a lack of priority accorded to Dalit and Adivasi women. Specifically, the Union Budget 2024-25 allocates only 1.32% for Dalit women and 0.34% for Tribal women from the total eligible Centrally Sponsored Schemes (CSS) and Central Sector Schemes (CS).
Women from these marginalised communities face heightened vulnerability to discrimination and violence due to intersecting caste and gender identities. Shockingly, recent data from the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) for 2022 reveals that atrocities against Dalit women and girls constitute 15.11% of total crimes registered under the SCs & STs (PoA) Act from 2014-19. Despite the alarming rise in violence against SC and ST women, there is a mere marginal allocation of Rs. 168 crore for their access to justice. Remarkably, only one scheme addresses this issue, namely ‘Strengthening of Machinery for Enforcement of PCR Act, 1955, and the PoA Act, 1989‘, primarily focusing on sensitisation programs under the Gender Budget.
Recommendations
Over the past decade, from FY 2013-14 to FY 2022-23, a significant sum of Rs. 1,15,68,979 crores in direct tax collection, encompassing Corporation tax, income tax, Customs, and Union Excise Principal tax, remains unrealised. This includes amounts categorised under both disputed and undisputed groups. This substantial sum, if realised, could have been effectively utilised to address pressing needs such as housing, entrepreneurship, quality education, and water and sanitation requirements for at least 100 million of the poorest individuals, including SCs, STs, and other economically disadvantaged groups. However, corporations and businesses have been allowed to evade tax, compounding the issue despite the concessions they already receive from the government.
The report highlights the presence of numerous schemes, yet the allocation is disproportionately low. Additionally, there are several irrelevant schemes receiving substantial funding, which unfortunately offer little benefit to communities. Across six Ministries including Agriculture, Power, Health and Family Welfare, Micro, Medium, and Small Entrepreneurship, Social Justice and Empowerment, and Higher Education, a total of Rs. 27,210 crore has been allocated to these irrelevant schemes.
Conversely, only Rs. 569 crore has been earmarked for effective schemes directly benefiting communities, posing a challenge for comprehensive community development. Therefore, it’s imperative to defund such non-targeted large-scale schemes. Furthermore, all mandatory ministries should allocate funds proportionate to the population for Dalits and Adivasis in accordance with the NITI Ayog guidelines issued in April 2018.
Anuj is an urban practitioner and an independent writer. He’s mostly interested in Feminist Urbanism and the intersection of various identities in the urban. He is a graduate of the Indian Institute for Human Settlements and has disciplinary training in Urban and Regional planning.
Courtesy : FII
ART CULTURE & HISTORY ARTICLES CASTE DALIT NEWS
Why some Indian language Dalit writers have to hide their caste in their works
An excerpt from ‘Concealing Caste: Narratives of Passing and Personhood in Dalit Literature,’ by Joel Lee and K Satyanarayanan.
Joel Lee & K Satyanarayanan
“So, how did you know…” he paused.
“What?”
“…that… I’m a darbar?”
With these halting words the urbane, educated protagonist of Ajay Navaria’s short story “New Custom” steps gingerly into a tabooed region of South Asian social life, a terrain as disturbing to the logic of caste hierarchy as it is generative of alternative imaginations of relatedness. Though Dalit by birth, Navaria’s hero exhibits none of the signs of meekness and deprivation associated with the victims of the structural violence of untouchability. On the contrary, when he disembarks from a bus at a sleepy roadside station somewhere in north India, his fashionable coat and self-sure demeanour lead a tea vendor to assume that his new customer must belong to the darbars, a caste of socially and economically dominant landlords.
When the tea vendor addresses him as “darbar,” the protagonist initially ignores him, declining with silence the invitation to confirm the assumption or specify another caste identity in its place. But when the vendor, busy preparing chai, several times repeats this enactment of caste deference, Navaria’s hero slowly allows himself to play along. He permits himself to inhabit, for the moment, a social role that the caste system categorically denies to his kind.
Readers of American literature might well imagine Clare Kendry, the light-skinned African American lead character of Nella Larsen’s acclaimed 1929 novel Passing, egging on Navaria’s hero in this risky transgression of hierarchy. Orphaned young in Southside Chicago and ill-used by her white guardians elsewhere in the city, Clare conceals her African American origins and upbringing, marries a wealthy white businessman, and leads a life as opulent and free of discrimination as her childhood was marked by scarcity and racist mistreatment. When Clare has a chance encounter with her childhood friend Irene – who is also African American and fair-skinned – she invites Irene to test with her the waters on the other side of the colour line. In words that could be directed at Navaria’s protagonist as much as to Irene, Clare says to her friend, “You know, ‘Rene, I’ve often wondered why more… like you… never “passed” over. It’s such a frightfully easy thing to do. If one’s the type, all that’s needed is a littlhat in the United States is known as “passing” – clandestinely crossing categorical borders, allowing oneself to be perceived by others as belonging to a social (often racial, ethnic) group other than one’s “own” – has provoked public debate and propelled literary production for generations. Reflecting the degree to which American culture remains riven by race, instances of racial passing in public life in the present continue to attract furious attention, eliciting condemnation and defence from a range of political positions, much as they have over the last century and a half. In the literary sphere, the lives of those who slip across the colour line have inspired no small number of novels, short stories, essays and scholarly discussions from the 19th century onward. Several landmarks in the American and African-American literary canon are, at heart, passing stories.
Passing has a counterpart in South Asia. This is the tabooed domain Navaria’s protagonist enters when he affirms the tea vendor’s assumption – when, offered the role of “darbar,” interpellated as the proper subject of caste privilege, he accepts. Though it has not, until now, been contemplated as an object of study and considered alongside its American analogue, this region of transgressive sociality is a significant focus of Dalit literature. Navaria’s protagonist is not alone in presenting a parallel to Larsen’s Clare Kendry; in fact, Dalit authors have explored this terrain in dozens of short stories, novels, poems and plays, as well as in autobiographical writings.
Baburao Bagul, in the title of his pathbreaking 1963 Marathi short story collection Jevha Mi Jaat Chorli Hoti (When I Concealed My Caste), supplies a possible organising concept for this domain: caste concealment. Many Dalit authors since Bagul – including several in this volume – have deployed one or another variation of this term, corresponding as it does with descriptions of the phenomenon in everyday vernacular speech. In Hindi, for example, one speaks of individuals who jāt chupāke rahnā, that is, who “live with [their] caste concealed.” But does the organic presence of concealment in the linguistic and cultural milieu justify its development as a concept?
To adopt a term already embedded in a social context, of course, is to risk reproducing that context’s prejudices. A whiff of accusation hovers around talk of caste concealment, ventilated by the moral logic that what is hidden must be bad and that concealing is deceiving. Such moral logic animates vernacular usage; that Hindi indicates stealthy action with the common pairing chorī-chupke (literally “stealing-concealing”), and that the Marathi chorli in Bagul’s title combines theft and hiding in a single word, seems to imply a necessary relation between concealment and thievery. Accepting concealment as an organising concept risks letting these presuppositions circulate unquestionedly. There is danger, as well, of tacitly endorsing brahminical ideology; to single out caste concealment for attention may inadvertently buttress casteist common sense that caste ought to be transparent, written on the body, and known to all. And, as with “passing,” “concealment” foregrounds the action of the one who passes or conceals, arguably drawing critical attention away from the structure of dehumanization that creates the very conditions of possibility of such action.
But there is more to Bagul’s inaugural formulation than the reproduction of vernacular common sense. The “I” of the title (the Mi of Jevha Mi Jaat Chorli Hoti) becomes important: here is a character who can choose to conceal the stigmata of caste background – or to reveal it – without it being always already laid bare before the privileged-caste gaze. The “I” announces a Dalit subjectivity capable of and interested in exercising authority over its representation. The hint of “theft” invoked by Bagul’s chorli (and Hindi writers’ chupana) is also more richly polyvalent than straightforward robbery – who, after all, is the victim of an act of “stealing” caste? If it is the privileged castes who are being robbed, their “loss” (of certitude that caste can be infallibly perceived? of another opportunity to exploit and humiliate?) pointedly raises the question of what constitutes crime in such a context. Bagul and subsequent Dalit writers are thus acutely aware of the pitfalls of brahminical common sense and the multivocality of vernacular concepts.
When they give voice to the accusation of caste concealment in their stories, they do often channel indignation at those who conceal their caste, yet they also expose the insidiousness of the charge itself. As a character in Omprakash Valmiki’s Joothan says, anticipating the outrage likely to follow when people who have assumed that he is brahmin learn that he is Dalit, “Should we go around beating drums and announcing it?” Dalit writers deploy the concealment concept in ways that trade on its ambiguity, simultaneously activating and deconstructing conventional moral prejudices.
Dalit writing on caste concealment, then, deals with a range of phenomena. Practices readily identifiable as concealment are certainly among them, but others might better be described as equivocation, experimentation, unmarking, disidentification, and play. In the stories in this volume, some characters seek primarily to lead lives untethered to the dead weight of inherited status, to forge relationships beyond caste. Others find themselves perceived as savarna and toy with the prospect of inhabiting the role.
A number of narratives depict lives painfully and painstakingly bifurcated between a Dalit identity at home and a privileged caste persona at school, or in the workplace, or in the neighborhood. In others – only a few – we encounter Dalit individuals for whom concealment is an all-consuming way of life: those who, like Larsen’s Clare Kendry, almost completely sever ties to their birth community, or marry into a privileged caste without their spouse knowing their origins.
This volume brings together for the first time Dalit writings on caste concealment. Its two halves represent the genres in which Dalit authors have most frequently treated the theme: short stories and autobiographical writings, with the latter including both autobiographical essays and excerpts from autobiographies or memoirs. Originally written in Marathi, Bengali, Tamil, Hindi, Malayalam, and Telugu as well as English, and spanning a period from the 1930s to 2020, the selections provide a window into eight decades of Dalit writing on this theme in multiple regions and literary traditions.
Excerpted with permission from Concealing Caste: Narratives of Passing and Personhood in Dalit Literature, Joel Lee and K Satyanarayanan, Oxford University Press.
Courtesy : Scroll
Tamil Nadu: Groups with vested interests politicising Dalits’ temple entry: Caste outfit
The rally took out by the Gounder outfit at Perumanallur Nal Road Junction on Wednesday morning saw the participation of over 300 people.
TIRUPPUR: The Kongu Vellalar Goundar Peravai (KVGP) has alleged that some groups with vested interests are trying to take political mileage over the recent incident where three Dalit families offered worship in the Mariamman temple, which is under HR&CE department, at Pongupalayam near Tiruppur city.
KVGP state secretary S Suriya Moorthi said, “We do not practise caste discrimination and people from all communities can enter the temple. But some anti-social elements, in the name of temple entry, carried out a wrong propaganda and politicised the issue to get mileage out of it. While members of Goundar community are focused on business and allocate less time to the affairs of the temple, lazy people alone are concerned about the temple entry. I advise the people who are behind the temple entry to focus on education, development and other issues. Besides, these people are indisciplined and often consume beef. They do not care about the rituals of the temple.”
Criticising the HR & CE department, he said, “The department needlessly interfered in the issue. The department does not bother about the functioning and administration of temples, but is concerned only about the money generated from them. If police don’t intervene in such issues, we warn them that we will take the issue into our hands.”
A top official from HR & CE department said, “Since, the temple comes under HR & CE department, it is a public place of worship, and no one has the right to stop the entry of hindu individuals. The caste group staged a protest and claimed that they are seeking takeover the hindu temple from HR & CE department. But it cannot be done easily. “
On January 11, three Dalit families entered the temple. On February 1, the KVGP sought permission from police to take out a rally condemning the HR&CE department, but police refused permission. The KVGP approached the Madras High Court, which directed it to approach the Tiruppur district administration. Based on the direction, the outfit submitted a petition with Tiruppur sub collector and the permission was granted.
Courtesy : TNIE
Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi: தமிழ்நாட்டின் சமரசமற்ற தலித் கட்சி பிரீமியம்
அந்தஸ்தில் வளர்ச்சி அடைந்தாலும், கூட்டணியில் சிறு பங்குக்கு அக்கட்சி திருப்தி அடைய வேண்டியுள்ளது
பிப்ரவரி 08, 2024 01:11 am | 01:11 am IST புதுப்பிக்கப்பட்டது
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தமிழக முதல்வர் மு.க.ஸ்டாலினுடன் விடுதலை சிறுத்தைகள் கட்சி நிறுவனரும், சிதம்பரம் எம்பியுமான தொல். திருச்சியில் நடைபெற்ற வி.சி.க மாநில மாநாட்டின் போது திருமாவளவன். | புகைப்பட உதவி: தி இந்து
தலித்துகளின் உரிமைகளை வலுக்கட்டாயமாக வலியுறுத்திய தமிழகத்தில் தலித் சிறுத்தைகள் இயக்கத்தில் இருந்து உருவான அரசியல் கட்சியான விடுதலை சிறுத்தைகள் கட்சி (விசிகே) தற்போது தேர்தல் அரசியலில் 25வது ஆண்டில் அடியெடுத்து வைத்து 2024 மக்களவைத் தேர்தலில் போட்டியிட தயாராகி வருகிறது. இந்திய தேசிய வளர்ச்சி, உள்ளடக்கிய கூட்டணி (இந்தியா) தொகுதியின் ஒரு பகுதியாக சில வாரங்கள்.
அக்கட்சி சமீபத்தில் ஒரு மாபெரும் பொதுப் பேரணியை ஏற்பாடு செய்தது , இது தமிழ்நாட்டில் இந்தியப் பேரணியின் முதல் முக்கிய நிகழ்வாகும். இதில் திமுக தலைவரும், முதலமைச்சருமான மு.க.ஸ்டாலின், மார்க்சிஸ்ட் கம்யூனிஸ்ட் கட்சியின் பொதுச் செயலாளர் சீதாராம் யெச்சூரி, சிபிஐ பொதுச் செயலாளர் டி.ராஜா மற்றும் மாநிலத்தில் உள்ள கூட்டணிக் கட்சித் தலைவர்கள் முன்னெப்போதும் இல்லாத வகையில் ஏராளமானோர் கலந்துகொண்டனர். வி.சி.கே தனது எடைக்கு மேல் தொடர்ந்து குத்தும் கட்சியாக தன்னை நிலைநிறுத்திக் கொண்டுள்ளது. 1999 லோக்சபா தேர்தலில் போட்டியிடும் வரை ஒரு தசாப்த காலம் தேர்தல் அரசியலை நிராகரித்த ஒரு கட்சிக்கு, VCK நீண்ட தூரம் வந்துள்ளது: அது இரண்டு பாராளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர்களையும் நான்கு சட்டமன்ற உறுப்பினர்களையும் கொண்டுள்ளது.
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