22.02.2024.The Indian Untouchables Atrocity news,collected by Sivaji CEO.stationed at Vellore.TN.
Life imprisonment to three friends for gangrape of Dalit teenager
Special Judge POCSO Act Ramdayal’s special court sentenced three friends to rigorous life imprisonment for luring a Dalit minor and gang-raping her in Delhi. The court has also imposed a fine of Rs 2 lakh on all three. Orders have also been given to pay half of the fine to the victim’s family.
Special Public Prosecutors CP Gupta and Subhav Mishra said that the father of the Dalit teenager had lodged a report at Fatehganj West police station. The allegation was that on May 13, 2014, Deepak, Hariom and Rajkumar of the village lured his minor daughter and took her to Delhi. After the FIR was registered, the police recovered the victim. The victim said in a written statement that Deepak, Hariom and Rajkumar raped her in Delhi. After that Rajkumar and Deepak came back. Then Hariom raped her several times in Delhi. Took him to Alwar Rajasthan and Aligarh. There too, Hariom raped her in a rented room. The police had presented the charge sheet against the three friends in the special court under gang rape, POCSO and SC ST Act.
Courtesy: Hindi News
In Kannauj, a woman was beaten by throwing her on the ground, VIDEO: A young man had brought a Dalit girl, there was pressure for religious conversion.
A video of a woman being brutally beaten in Kannauj is going viral, in which a young man is seen beating the woman with kicks and punches. Along with the young man, another woman also beat him by holding his hair and then tried to kill him by strangulating him.It is being told that a young man from a particular community had brought a girl from another religion with him and then beats her up to force her to convert. The video of the woman being beaten has been reported to be from Sarai village of Naurangpur outpost area of Gursahaiganj Kotwali.
A young man and a woman are seen beating another woman badly. Someone made a video of the fight in the village street, which is going viral. It was told that the young man who beat the woman was a Muslim and he had brought the Dalit girl away. After keeping them together for a few days, pressure was put on the girl to convert to religion.
Police detained the young man
When he refused to convert, the young man started beating him. The girl is harassed and beaten every day. After the video of the assault went viral, Naurangpur outpost police took the youth into custody. However, the police is not ready to say anything regarding this matter.
Courtesy: Hindi News
Minor dalit girl went missing from home
Agra. Recently, a minor Dalit girl suddenly disappeared from the village under Shamsabad police station area. Despite extensive search by the family members, no trace of the girl was found.
It is said that when the family members came to know from known sources that Ramu, a youth from the village, had seduced the girl and taken her away. By going to the police station, a case has been registered against Ramu, a resident of village Banguri. On the other hand, when the family members of Dabang Ramu came to know about the case, they used their influence and started putting pressure on the victim’s family.
Taking cognizance of the case, higher officials have given instructions to Shamsabad police station to take effective action on the spot, to recover the girl with immediate effect and to take strict action against the named youth. According to sources, the family of the powerful youth Ramu has influence in the area. Whereas the family of the Dalit girl works hard to support the family.
Courtesy: Hindi News
Exploring Black History Month 2024: Celebrating African American Contributions and Connections with the Dalit Movement
The popularity of Black History Month has been a source of inspiration for Dalit activists, who sought to create a similar platform to celebrate and promote Dalit history and contributions to Indian society. Dalit History Month celebrated in April has gained traction in recent years, with more people participating in its events and spreading awareness about the rich legacy of Dalit history.
Pratikshit Singh
In February, a profound commemoration unfolds across the United States and Canada as people unite to celebrate Black History Month, a time dedicated to honouring the resilience and contributions of Black Americans in the face of discrimination and inequality.
This month serves as a poignant reminder of the ongoing struggle for racial justice and equality. Interestingly, in India, a similar spirit of remembrance and empowerment is observed in April with Dalit History Month, a period dedicated to honoring the struggles and sacrifices of Dalit and marginalized communities.
Through these parallel observances, spanning continents and cultures, a shared narrative emerges—one of resilience, solidarity, and the relentless pursuit of justice.
Black History Month, also known as African American History Month, is an annual celebration of the achievements of Black Americans and their central role in U.S. history. It is celebrated in February in the United States and Canada, and in October in the United Kingdom and Ireland.
The theme for Black History Month 2024 is “African Americans and the Arts.” This theme explores the many ways that Black Americans have contributed to the arts, from visual and performing arts to literature, fashion, folklore, language, film, music, architecture, culinary arts, and other forms of cultural expression.
The Black movement in the United States and the congruencies with the Dalit Movement
Although the Dalit Movement has a long history and predates even the Black movement for equality, nevertheless the two movements share ample congruencies to be highlighted.
In 1915, the second week of February was chosen as Black History Month primarily because it had the birthdays of both historian Carter G. Woodson, who co-founded the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History in 1926, and also Abraham Lincoln, who was born on February 12 and ended slavery in 1865. The group declared the second week of February as “Negro History Week” to recognize the contributions of African Americans to U.S. history. People studied Black history, and it wasn’t included in textbooks prior to the creation of Negro Few History Week.
The week-long event officially became Black History Month in 1976 when U.S. President Gerald Ford extended the recognition to “honour the too-often neglected accomplishments of Black Americans in every area of endeavour throughout our history.” Extending the event to the whole of February also remembered W.E.B. Du Bois, another American civil rights activist. Black History Month has been celebrated in the United States every February since then.
Black Movement and Dalit Movement – The Congruencies and the Differences
While in the Western world, the Black community has had to suffer massive discrimination and slavery, in South Asia, the Dalit community, or the untouchables, were subjected to the worst kind of discrimination in the world. The circumstances of both the Dalits and the Blacks were a bit different.
While the discrimination against Blacks has received international recognition, the discrimination against marginalized sections of society, particularly the Dalits, is largely unknown to the outside world.
Speaking to The Mooknayak activist Prabodhan Pol, says, “There are many commonalities between the Black and the Dalit community like the stigma they face in their respective societies, but the Blacks have nevertheless managed to make a mark in various fields like in art and culture. But in India, latent Brahminism has prevented that from happening. Both Malcolm X and Dr. Ambedkar rejected their respective religions in favor of alternative religions.
In a letter addressed to W.E. Du Bois, a pan African Civil Rights Activist, Dr. Ambedkar says, “There is so much similarity between the position of the Untouchables in India and the position of the Negroes in America that the study of the latter is not only natural but necessary.”
The popularity of Black History Month has been a source of inspiration for Dalit activists, who sought to create a similar platform to celebrate and promote Dalit history and contributions to Indian society. Dalit History Month celebrated in April has gained traction in recent years, with more people participating in its events and spreading awareness about the rich legacy of Dalit history.
While the Dalit diaspora has played a significant role in popularizing the concept of Dalit History Month, Professor Sumeet Mhaskekar of the Jindal Institute of Government and Public Policy suggests that the framework for this initiative has been adopted from Black History Month. This month-long celebration aims to reach out to the non-Indian audience, particularly oppressed groups such as Black Americans, through icons of social justice such as Ambedkar, Phule, and Periyar.
However, Professor Mhaskar warns against attributing the inspiration of the Dalit Movement to the Black Movement. He says that the Dalit Movement has its own history, but there are several movements like the Dalit Panther which have taken inspiration from the Black Panther movement, but to attribute the Dalit movement to the Black Movement or Black Panther movement is wrong.
Dalit Panther: A Movement Inspired by the Black Panther
As mentioned by co-founder Raja Dhale in one of his interviews, the Dalit Panthers were inspired by the Black Panther Party in the US, specifically the group initially called the Black Panther Party for Self Defense, formed in the city of Oakland, California, in 1966. The outfit believed in a radical approach, much like the Dalit Panther.
Around 1970, the Elaya Perumal report was made public, exposing the state of oppression and atrocities against Dalits.
J.V. Pawar states in his book, “Dalit Panthers: An Authoritative History,” that RPI members did not react strongly to the revelations in the Elaya Perumal report. “Veteran Dalit leaders scattered among various factions of RPI were unmoved, but young writers and poets wanted the government to take action,” he states. So Namdeo Dhasal, Arjun Dangle, Raja Dhale, JV Pawar, and Baburao Bagul founded the Dalit Panther in Mumbai in 1972.
Over the last few years, the African American community in the US has lent support to the Dalit movement in the US. In recent years, there has been a renewed engagement between the Dalit movement and the Black movement, instantiated by Ava DuVernay, who made a film titled “Origin” in which the problems of the Dalit community have been highlighted, and the character of Dr. Ambedkar is also featured.
Black and Brown: A Study in Contrast
However, if we compare the progress of both communities, we will find that the US has a more enabling atmosphere for the upper mobility of individuals of any race, caste, or class, whereas in India, the stigma of caste restrains the progress of Dalit folk in the absence of affirmative action.
In contrast, the Black community has made its mark in several fields such as arts, films, music, dance, and even politics, as Barack Obama became the first Black President of the US in 2009. But the Dalit community is yet to make itself perceptible in fields where there is no affirmative action policy of reservations. The wide acceptability that Black politicians have managed to secure in the US is in stark contrast to India, where the leaders of the Dalit community.
Courtesy : The Mooknayak
Study Reveals Why Dalits, Tribals, and Christian Workers from Odisha Prefer Kerala Over Gujarat
Shifting from the Ganjam-Surat Migration Corridor to the Ganjam-Kerala Migration Corridor- The allure of Kerala as a destination for migrants from Surada in Ganjam district grew steadily during the late 1990s. SCs, STs, and Christian communities comprised a significant portion of the initial migrants to Kerala, drawn by factors such as higher wages and a more inclusive work environment.
Geetha Sunil Pillai
Ganjam, Odisha- Imagine being a Dalit migrant worker, far away from home, facing unfair treatment every day. It’s painful when nobody wants to share a meal with you or even use the same water pot.
Then, when you need to send money to your family, the people who could help, like the higher-caste workers, refuse or ask for extra money. Going back home often is expensive, and even getting someone to deliver your money is a challenge.
These distressing experiences are precisely why Dalits, marginalized sections, and Christian workers are steering clear of the Ganjam-Surat corridor, once a major labour migration route in the country.
The emergence of a new migration corridor between Surada block of Ganjam district in Odisha and Kerala signifies a notable departure from the long-standing migration route between Ganjam and Surat in Gujarat.
The study was published in Odisha Economic Journal which sheds light on how the evolving migration pattern and caste dynamics not only influence the type of work undertaken but also the choice of destination.
Migrant workers from the SC/ST communities in Ganjam initially migrated to Surat as ‘Dadan’ labor. However, as the population of migrants from dominant castes in Surat increased, they subjected SC workers from Ganjam to the same discrimination experienced in their home villages in Surada.
This hostile treatment by fellow OBC Odia migrants marginalized the SC migrants, leading to their gradual withdrawal from Surat. Consequently, the Ganjam-Surat migration corridor became dominated by OBCs and other castes, with minimal presence from the SCs in Ganjam.
In a conversation with The Mooknayak, Madhusudan Nag, the lead author of the study, elucidated the intricate findings and insights uncovered during their research endeavour. “Our study delved into the oldest and well established migration corridor between Ganjam and Surat,” Madhusudan began. ” Dalits from Ganjam constituted the primary migrant cohort to Surat. However, as time progressed, individuals from higher castes also joined the migration stream,” he explained. “By the late 1990s, a concerning trend emerged as Dalits started facing marginalization in Surat due to discrimination and a lack of cooperation from higher caste Odias,” Madhusudan continued.
He then shifted the discussion towards the subsequent migration patterns, noting, “In response to the challenges faced in Surat, marginalized groups, including Dalits, Tribals, and Christians, began seeking opportunities elsewhere. This led to the emergence of a new migration trend from Ganjam to Kerala.” Madhusudan emphasized the comparative safety and reduced discrimination experienced by migrants in the Ganjam-Kerala corridor compared to the Ganjam-Surat corridor.
When asked about the current migration landscape, Madhusudan shared, “While the Ganjam-Surat corridor remains larger in terms of migration flow, we found that Dalits and other marginalized groups increasingly prefer migrating to Kerala and other southern states for livelihood opportunities.” He elaborated on the preferences of younger migrants, stating, “Our study revealed that younger migrants from marginalized groups are drawn to Kerala due to its healthier work environment and safety standards. They are primarily employed in the construction sector and unskilled domestic work.”
As the conversation delved deeper into the living and working conditions of migrants, Madhusudan highlighted the disparities between Surat and Kerala. “In Kerala, migrants enjoy better working and living conditions compared to other states,” he noted. “Accommodations are typically provided by labour contractors or shared among migrants from the same village or caste,” he added.
Madhusudan underscored the significant influence of caste dynamics on migration decisions and destination preferences. “Our findings reveal how caste not only influences occupational choices but also affects migration destinations,” he remarked.
Marginalized Communities Find New Opportunities in Kerala: A Tale of Few Migrant Workers
Raghunath Nayak, (changed name) a 62-year-old construction worker from the Pano Scheduled Caste (SC) community, is presently a construction worker in Thrissur district of Kerala and has a long history of migration spanning various states in India.
His journey began in the late 1970s when he migrated to Surat, Gujarat, seeking employment opportunities in the construction and loom sectors. However, his experience in Surat was marred by discrimination and violence perpetrated by upper-caste migrants from Ganjam, prompting him to flee the city along with his relatives.
“ We worked in Surat for nearly two years. At that time, so many Odias were there in Surat. One day, when we had returned from work, we saw that the room was unlocked and all our belongings were thrown around. Later an Odia from Nayagarh district informed us that people from Ganjam had done the damage. We got angry and complained to the house owner. However, he did not respond” Nayak says.
Adding further, the elderly man states ” On another occasion, when we went to an Odia mess for lunch, a confrontation occurred, and we were insulted and beaten up. They (the upper caste Ganjami) informed our co-workers from Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra about our caste background after which they stopped cooperating at work. In another incident, I had sent money home through a Teli person (OBC) and later came to know that he did not deliver the full amount to my family. I got angry and picked up a big fight in which they (the OBC) were injured. Fearing repercussions, I had to run away from Surat that night. My cousin, uncle and friends also came with me as they feared that they may also be targeted because they were from my caste and village. We came to Mumbai by train without food and money.”
Subsequently, Nayak worked in Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, and Andhra Pradesh before finding employment in Kerala’s pineapple fields in 1997/98.
In Thrissur, Kerala, Nayak found a more inclusive and peaceful work environment compared to his previous experiences. Despite the presence of migrants from various caste backgrounds, interactions were harmonious, and caste-based discrimination was minimal.
Similarly, 50-year old Tilak Naik (pseudonym), a former migrant worker from the Pano SC community, faced discrimination and harassment from upper-caste migrants in Surat, Gujarat, during his early migration experiences.
He eventually migrated to Kerala, attracted by better working conditions and a more inclusive environment. Naik found Kerala to be a safer and more peaceful place to work, where caste considerations were minimal, and upper-caste migrants from Ganjam were less likely to mistreat SC workers.
According to Tilak Nath, “Working in Kerala is more peaceful. People do not bother about our caste even after they come to know. Now even upper caste people from Ganjam work in Kerala. But they are less in number and not in the position to misbehave with the SCs. Besides, the younger kids are not like their fathers or grandfathers who mistreated our people in Ganjam.”
His two sons currently work in Kerala. One of them joined him in 2004 and the other joined him in 2011. His elder son works as a mason and the younger one as his helper. During the COVID-19 pandemic, Tilak Naik’s elder son returned home, but the younger son continued his work in Kerala. He came home after the regular train services resumed. He experienced no difficulties in staying and getting food in Kerala during the lockdown. On the contrary, in the same village, some people who worked in Tamil Nadu and Surat had suffered. They rushed back by paying a hefty sum for transportation
Banshi Hadi, a 27-year-old from the Hadi caste, represents the first generation of migrants from his family.
With a basic education up to Class 6, he ventured into migrant labor, becoming the trailblazer for his family’s migration journey. In 2010, Banshi embarked on his migration journey to Kerala, accompanying members of the Pano caste who were among the pioneering migrants to the state. Initially employed in cow-buffalo care, Banshi later transitioned to the construction sector, where he found stability and respect from his employers. The conducive work environment and the sense of dignity afforded by his employers contributed to Banshi’s decision to settle in Kerala.
In Kerala, Banshi is part of a growing community of migrants from his village who have found employment in the same area. The presence of fellow villagers has fostered a sense of community and support, further solidifying Banshi’s attachment to Kerala as a preferred destination for work.
When questioned about his decision not to migrate to Surat, Banshi says, “From my family or even from the Sahi (colony), no one works in Surat. Most of them go to Kerala, and others work in Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Bhubaneswar. Therefore, I had no scope to even think about going to Surat.”
The study claims that the Christians from Surada also preferred to move to Kerala as they found it difficult to obtain accommodation in Surat and faced harassment from the upper caste Odias.
The Christians not only went to Kerala but also to Tamil Nadu and Karnataka. The Surada Christians arrived in Kerala through their relatives living in the neighbouring Kandhamal district. Here, a significant number of Christian families have migrated to southern Indian states.
This was particularly after the Kandhamal riots in 2008, a conflict between the Hindus and the Christians that displaced the latter. With a considerable Christian population in Kerala, the Odia Christians who migrated to the state had better jobs, higher wages and they also felt less threatened.
As the Surada block shares a border with Kandhamal, the riots also impacted the Christian communities of Surada. According to a key informant, “Christian people of our region do not go to Surat. Some people have gone there, but their experience was not good because in Surat a person will get a good job only if he knows the people or if any of the relatives work there”.
Navigating Uncertainty: Migration Trends and Future Prospects
Expressing uncertainty about the future, Madhusudan conveys, “While Kerala currently stands as a preferred destination, we cannot overlook the potential for change in migration trends.” Reflecting on the historical role of Dalits as pioneers in migration from Ganjam, he remarked, “Dalits were the trailblazers in migration, but as OBCs and other upper castes followed suit, they brought along injustice and intolerance, making life difficult for Dalits.”
Acknowledging the imperfections in Kerala, Madhusudan cautioned, “It’s important to recognize that casteism exists in Kerala also, and the situation may not be perfect.” However, he emphasized that, “For the present, Gujarat’s Surat presents a poorer environment compared to Kerala.” Yet, Madhusudan remained circumspect about Kerala’s enduring appeal, stating, “No one knows what the future holds.”
Co-researcher Benoy Peter from the Centre for Migration and Inclusive Development states, ” The findings from this study affirm findings from earlier studies that attest to caste continuing to be a crucial factor in migration decision making. Migrants tend to cluster around in areas where there is a large presence of people from their communities.
Co-author of the study and Director- Knowledge and Policy, Aajeevika Bureau, Divya Varma states , ” Despite advancements in infrastructure and economic opportunities, caste-based discrimination continues to influence migration decisions, limiting the social emancipation of marginalized communities. Moving forward, efforts to address caste-based discrimination and promote egalitarianism are essential to fostering inclusive migration practices and facilitating the social mobility of marginalized populations in Ganjam and beyond.
Evolution and Growth of the Ganjam-Surat Corridor
As per details in the study, the Ganjam-Surat corridor emerged as a significant internal migration route, ranking among the top districts for male out-migration across state borders in India. This migration corridor constitutes a substantial portion, comprising 78% of the total out-migration from Ganjam.
Interestingly, the Ganjam District Gazetteer (2017) claims the following: “Migration from Ganjam District is not attributed to distress. It is rather attributed to the quality of expertise people possess. Ganjam traditionally sends more than half a million people to Gujarat to work in textile Industries, diamond cutting and polishing Industries and ship breaking yards. Such huge migration to Gujarat is not due to distress conditions but due to the demand of such labourers in these Industries. Such migration is mostly suo-moto through peer-connection’.
Surat, an industrial hub in Gujarat, has been a primary destination for migrants from Ganjam, with migration patterns dating back to the late 1970s and early 1980s.
The growth of export processing zones and various industries in Gujarat provided ample employment opportunities, attracting workers from Ganjam as agriculture in their home region faced challenges due to frequent natural calamities.
Initially engaged in gardening and construction work, migrants from Ganjam gradually transitioned into the textile and diamond industries in Surat, gradually replacing labour from other states like Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, and Rajasthan.
Consequently, the Ganjam-Surat corridor became one of the primary routes for labour migration in the country, with an estimated 6-8 lakh migrants from Ganjam residing in Surat as of 2018. The cultural presence of migrants from Ganjam is evident in Surat, with establishments like ‘Odia Mess’ eateries serving native cuisine and the observance of cultural festivals such as the ‘Rath Yatra’ (Car Festival).
Courtesy : The Mooknayak
மாட்டிறைச்சி கொண்டு சென்ற தலித் பெண்ணை பேருந்தில் இருந்து வெளியேற்றிய தமிழக நடத்துனர் மற்றும் ஓட்டுனர்
ஆதாரங்களின்படி, பஸ் ஊழியர்கள் தாங்களாகவே செயல்பட்டனர், மேலும் பயணி அல்லது அவரது சாமான்களை யாரும் எதிர்க்கவில்லை.
தர்மபுரி: மாட்டிறைச்சி எடுத்துச் சென்றதாகக் கூறி, 59 வயது தலித் பெண்ணை, பாதுகாப்பற்ற இடத்தில், பேருந்தில் இருந்து நடுவழியில் இறங்குமாறு கட்டாயப்படுத்தியதற்காக, பேருந்து ஓட்டுநர் மற்றும் நடத்துனரை தமிழ்நாடு அரசுப் போக்குவரத்துக் கழகம் சஸ்பெண்ட் செய்துள்ளது.
ஆதாரங்களின்படி, பஸ் ஊழியர்கள் தாங்களாகவே செயல்பட்டனர், மேலும் பயணி அல்லது அவரது சாமான்களை யாரும் எதிர்க்கவில்லை. அவள் என்ன எடுத்துச் செல்கிறாள் என்பதை பேருந்துக் குழுவினருக்குத் தெரியும், மேலும் அவர்கள் அவளைப் பேருந்தில் இருந்து இறங்கச் சொல்வதற்கு முன்பு அவளுடைய உடைமைகளைச் சரிபார்க்கவில்லை என்று வட்டாரங்கள் தெரிவித்தன.
“செவ்வாய்கிழமையன்று கிருஷ்ணகிரி செல்லும் பேருந்தில் பாஞ்சாலை நாவலை நோக்கிச் சென்று கொண்டிருந்தது. பயணத்தின் போது, மதியம் 12.20 மணியளவில் பேருந்தை திடீரென நிறுத்திய நடத்துனர், அந்த பெண்ணை கீழே இறங்குமாறு வற்புறுத்தினார். பட்டியலினப் பெண் ஹரூரில் இருந்து மாட்டிறைச்சியை வாங்கி, அதை ஒரு பாத்திரத்தில் தனது சொந்த ஊரான நாவலாய் கிராமத்திற்குக் கொண்டு சென்று, அங்கு வாழ்வாதாரத்திற்காக விற்பனை செய்வார் என்பது ஓட்டுநருக்குத் தெரிந்திருக்கலாம்.
மாலை மொரப்பூர் பஸ் நிலையத்தில் பஸ் நின்றதால் அவர்களிடம் விசாரித்தனர். SC சமூகத்தைச் சேர்ந்த பெண் என்பதால் ஓட்டுநரும் நடத்துனரும் பாரபட்சமாக நடந்து கொண்டதாக மொரப்பூர்வாசிகள் குற்றம் சாட்டியதை அடுத்து, ஹரூரில் இருந்து TNSTC அதிகாரிகள் சம்பவ இடத்திற்கு வந்து உள்ளூர் மக்களிடம் பேச்சுவார்த்தை நடத்தினர்.
இதுகுறித்து தருமபுரி மண்டல டிஎன்எஸ்டிசி (சேலம்) நிர்வாக இயக்குநர் எஸ் பொன்முடி டிஎன்ஐஇயிடம் பேசுகையில், “டிரைவர் என் சசிக்குமார், கண்டக்டர் கே ரகு ஆகியோர் விசாரணை நிலுவையில் இருந்து சஸ்பெண்ட் செய்யப்பட்டுள்ளனர். சாமான்களின் உள்ளடக்கங்களை உற்றுப் பார்ப்பதற்குக் குழுவினருக்கு எந்தத் தொழிலும் இல்லை, மேலும் எந்தவொரு புகாரும் எழுப்பப்படவில்லை அல்லது சந்தேகத்திற்குரிய நடத்தை எதுவும் சரிபார்க்கப்படவில்லை. ஒரு வயதான பயணியின் பாதுகாப்பைக் கருத்தில் கொள்ளாமல் ஓட்டுநரும் நடத்துனரும் நியமிக்கப்படாத இடத்தில் ஏற்றிச் சென்றது மிக முக்கியமான காரணியாகும். விரிவான விசாரணை நடத்தப்படும்” என்றார்.
உபயம் : TNIE
Schedule Tribe Member Migrating To Another State/UT Can't Claim ST Status If Tribe Isn't Notified As ST In That State/UT : Supreme Court
In an important judgment, the Supreme Court held that a person with the status of a Scheduled Tribe (ST) in one State cannot claim the same benefit in another State or Union Territory where he/ she has eventually migrated, where the tribe is not notified as ST. Further, Justices BV Nagarathna and Augustine George Masih also held that a public notification by the President, as given under...
Students Protest Against Fellowship Cap in Mumbai, Second Such Agitation in a Row
Mumbai: Students belonging to Scheduled Caste (SC), Scheduled Tribe (ST) and Other Backward Class (OBC) communities are protesting at city’s Azad Maidan against the cap of 200 on fellowships. The candidates say that limiting the number of fellowships has restrained them from conducting research.
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The research fellowship offered by BARTI named as Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar National Research Fellowship (BANRF) includes a monthly stipend of Rs 31,000 for first two years and Rs 35,000 for the following three years of PhD programme.
The BANRF was started in 2013 and is the first fellowship in the name of Dr Ambedkar. It is meant for SC, ST and OBC students from Maharashtra.
In October 2023, the Department of Social Justice and Special Assistance capped the fellowship to 200 as against the default fellowship to every candidate earlier. To shortlist the candidates, the department announced an entrance examination.
The test examination was held in December 2023 at four centres across the state, in which 3,600 candidates appeared. But it was cancelled as the question paper was the same as the 2019 State Eligibility Test (SET).
The re-examination, which was held in January, was boycotted by the students as some students complained that the question papers were not sealed.
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The Mooknayak tried to reach out to the officials at the Department of Social Justice and Special Assistance, Government of Maharashtra, but could not get a response.
For some Indian women, caste is still a matter of life and death
This essay is adapted from journalist Yashica Dutt’s memoir, Coming Out as Dalit, which examines the continuing brutal and pervasive nature of caste discrimination in India, particularly against Dalits — a “low-caste” group previously known as “untouchables.” Originally published in India, her book has been released worldwide with new chapters this month.
The bodies of women, which Indian societies consider the storehouse of their bloodline’s honor, don’t belong to them as much as they do to their families. But for Dalit women, their bodies are also where the upper-caste societies deliver abuse and caste violence.
When upper-caste men need to remind a Dalit family of their place, they attack and abuse Dalit women. But even when punishment is not the point, upper-caste men feel they are entitled to sexual and physical ownership over Dalit women. Among the 500 (mostly rural) women that the authors of Dalit Women Speak Out, a study of the systemic violence that Dalit women face, interviewed, many spoke about the shocking practice of an upper-caste man raping a young Dalit bride on her wedding night. This rape and abuse continue throughout her life, where any upper-caste man can rape her any time he wants. When the husband of the woman sees the footwear of an upper-caste man outside his house, it is a sign, and he must spend the night elsewhere.
The sexual abuse of Dalit women, where upper-caste men feel entitled to a Dalit woman’s body, follows them into the workplace. Dalit women from Coimbatore, Tamil Nadu, told the authors that on the day an upper-caste landowner wants to rape a Dalit woman working in his field, other workers are made to leave early to let him assault her. Like caste discrimination, this rape of Dalit women is still shockingly normal in many parts of India. Dalit women often have no choice but to accept it as a part of their lives.
Dalit women who must deal with the horror and trauma of rape are also often imprisoned on false charges for trying to get justice. It’s a catch-22 situation for the woman — no matter how she reacts to her rape, she is to blame.
-caste men also use public humiliation, mutilation and brutal violence against Dalit women to keep their families and entire Dalit communities in check. They use this violence on Dalit women to kill any pushback or dissent. It is also used to remind Dalits of their place if they are seen improving their lives by wearing good clothes, getting educated or making money.
When it comes to rape in rural areas, it is very hard for Dalit women even to file a report. A 2001 study by Amnesty International recorded that police officers dismissed 30% of rape cases as false. Often, even the lawyers representing the women join forces with their rapists and try to stop them from filing their case. The Amnesty study found that lawyers often accepted bribes from the accused to advise their clients to drop the case altogether. If this doesn’t stop the woman from filing a First Information Report (FIR), then the upper-caste establishment, which includes India’s panchayat political system, punishes her family, and the entire Dalit community — blocking their access to water, land or neighborhood shops — until she is forced to withdraw her complaint. Or they try to buy her silence with an insignificant amount of money. If nothing works, then in some cases the police accept bribes to frame the Dalit survivor and her family with fake cases. So in a cruel irony, instead of the rapists, the Dalit woman and her family end up in jail instead.
The authors of Dalit Women Speak Out discovered several cases where the Dalit woman is not only raped but often imprisoned on false charges for trying to get justice. Among the many excuses the police use to not file the report of a Dalit woman’s sexual assault is to declare her “criminal” or, worse, “sexually available.”
It’s a catch-22 situation for the woman — no matter how she reacts to her rape, she is to blame. If she resists the rape, then she is “violating” the caste order and must be punished. Two upper-caste men were convicted for gang-raping a 20-year-old woman in Bhawani, Haryana. When they were released from jail three years later, they raped her again to punish her for complaining. Men use the “she deserved it” excuse across all castes, but Dalit women are disproportionately at the receiving end of this because of the belief that due to her caste, she is “sexually available.”
This perception that Dalit women are “sexually available” also affects the judgment in court cases. In 1972, two policemen raped Mathura, a 14-year-old Adivasi girl in the Desaiganj police station in Maharashtra. When Mathura’s rape case came to trial, the Supreme Court declared that because she was “used to sex, she might have incited the cops to have intercourse with her.”
After years of protests and petitions by women’s rights organizations, in 1982, the judiciary was forced to amend the law to consider the survivor’s testimony as proof that she did not consent to have sex and was, in fact, raped. But decades after the amendment, Indian courts continue to set upper-caste rapists free by justifying a Dalit woman’s “sexual availability” as the cause for her rape. Because of light sentences and extremely low rates of conviction, there is a perception that raping a Dalit woman has no consequences.
Even seemingly credible agencies like the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) appear to side with upper-caste rapists as they did in their shocking report of the death of Dalit cousins in Badaun, Uttar Pradesh. The women were gang-raped and murdered, and their bodies were hung from trees in Katra in 2014. When their families approached the police to file a report, they were turned away. After days of protests by the villagers, the postmortem report declared they were gang-raped before their death, leading to arrests of men from the upper-caste Yadav community.
The state and central governments and the United Nations got involved in the investigation. Despite this, after five months of investigations under the glare of global attention, the CBI concluded that the young women had killed themselves because of their family’s displeasure over one of them dating a boy. The accused were not even taken to trial.
Or take Delta Meghwal, the 17-year-old polytechnic student from Barmer whose upper-caste instructor not only made her clean rooms but also forced her to sign a letter saying that the sex was consensual. He perhaps knew that it would be easy to convince the school authorities that a “sexually available” Dalit girl had consensual sex with him. When her body was found floating in a water tank the day after the alleged rape, the school authorities whisked it away in the back of a truck without informing the police or her father.
The abuse by her instructor and the school’s attempted cover-up of her death show how easy most of the upper-caste establishment feels it is to get rid of a Dalit woman. In general, upper-caste women face less sexual assault and violence compared to Dalit women. Data from the National Family Health Survey indicated that in 2001, 11% of SC/ST women between the ages of 14 and 49 had experienced sexual violence compared to 7.6% of non-SC/ST women.
Which is why, every time a Dalit woman is assaulted, abused, raped or murdered, her caste matters. Even if she is not raped simply because she is Dalit, the conditions that lead to her assault are almost always affected by her status as a lower-caste woman in an upper-caste male-dominated society.
Excerpted from Coming Out as Dalit: A Memoir of Surviving India’s Caste System by Yashica Dutt (Beacon Press, 2024). Reprinted with permission from Beacon Press.
Yashica Dutt is an award-winning writer and author of Coming Out as Dalit: A Memoir of Surviving India’s Caste System
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