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Female MLA Sangeeta Kumari, who left RJD, said, ‘I was abused because I am a Dalit’
‘In RJD I was abused because I was a Dalit’
This is none other than Mohania MLA Sangeeta Kumari. Making serious allegations, he said that in RJD I was abused because I was a Dalit and there was no respect. I am educated, it is not possible that someone will suppress my voice by abusing. Now the Dalits have woken up. Dalit will now fight for his rights.
I was not allowed to take decisions even at the Panchayat level.
RJD MLA from Bhabhua area also changed sides
Today on Friday, RJD MLA from Bhabhua area Bharat Bind also joined the BJP side. After the change of government in Bihar, five RJD MLAs have come in favor of BJP. During the budget session on Friday, RJD MLA Bharat Bind came and sat towards the ruling party in the assembly. After the formation of NDA government in Bihar, three RJD MLAs Prahlad Yadav, Chetan Anand and Neelam Devi had voted in favor of NDA during the floor test.
Democracy is being murdered- RJD
After this, RJD MLA Sangeeta Devi has come in favor of BJP. Siddharth Saurav and Murari Gautam of Congress have also come in favor of BJP. On the other hand, RJD spokesperson Shakti Yadav has called it murder of democracy. He said that this is not as per rules. BJP has become weak, that is why it is buying MLAs with the power of money.
Bihar to promote Buddha(JD &BJP)
Bihar to promote Buddha
Adorned with UNESCO World Heritage sites like the Mahabodhi Temple in Bodh Gaya and the ruins of the ancient Nalanda University, Bihar is mooting a proposal to hold its first ever international roadshow in Cambodia and Vietnam, two nations steeped in Buddhist traditions to attract the pilgrims seeking to connect their spiritual roots in the State. "Plans are being finalized and nitty-gritty being worked out," sources in the Ministry said, adding that the move aims to tap a stream of visitors seeking to connect with their spiritual roots and explore sacred sites.ce.
Abhay Kumar Singh, Chairman and Secretary of the Department of Tourism, Bihar Government said that this will accelerate efforts to put the State on the global map. We are trying to tap in the huge tourism potential that these Buddhists dominate. Foreign tourists visit Gaya, Bodh Gaya, Rajgir, Nalanda and Vaishali, all major Buddhist tourism destinations.
The international roadshow will provide a platform for Bihar to showcase its cultural and historical treasures, inviting visitors to embark on a pilgrimage to sacred sites and immerse themselves in the region's spiritual legacy. Being known as the cradle of Buddhism and Buddhist related sites, Bihar holds significant appeal for international travelers, added Rajnish Kaistha (Sr. Vice President), Indian Association of Tour Operators (IATO), an apex body of incoming tour operators in India.
He said by holding roadshows abroad, whenever it happens; Bihar will be joining the growing number of states to showcase its immense potential in the tourism and hospitality sector.
Through presentations, exhibitions, and networking events, Bihar will highlight the spiritual significance of its UNESCO World Heritage sites and promote its hospitality infrastructure, accommodations, and tourist amenities. The roadshow will aim to create awareness and generate interest among Cambodian and Vietnamese travelers, encouraging them to include Bihar in their travel itineraries, added Sushil Kumar Singh, Jatak Travels and IATO Chairman Chapter (Bihar and Jharkhand).
He said that in the past few years, the State Government has undertaken significant policy measures aimed at revitalizing the tourism sector. Central to these efforts is a strategic focus on community engagement, recognizing the invaluable role that local communities play in shaping and sustaining Bihar's tourism landscape which help boost their livelihood too.
Bihar has recognised the Buddhist Circuit comprising Bodhgaya, Rajgir, Nalanda, Patna, Vaishali, Lauriya, Nandangarh, and Kesariya).
By involving communities in decision-making processes, cultural preservation efforts, and tourism-related activities, the State Government is aiming to harness their knowledge, skills, and resources to create authentic and sustainable tourism experiences. With jobs available in their native homes, this will also help curb the migration to the big cities, said Singh.
He also talked about Bihar's Tourism Policy 2023 announced last year envisaging investment of over Rs 10,000 crore over the next five years, and generation of one lakh new jobs in the tourism sector.
Moreover, the international roadshow presents an opportunity for Bihar to strengthen ties with Cambodia and Vietnam, fostering cultural exchange and collaboration in the tourism sector.
By celebrating shared Buddhist heritage and promoting cross-cultural understanding, Bihar aims to deepen its connections with these countries and pave the way for future partnerships and collaborations.
The policy incentivizes tourism units-hotels, tour operators and other tourism stakeholders. The incentives in addition to subsidies on capital investment are several and include reimbursement of all land conversion/transfer charges,
Stamp duty and registration fees of land lease, incentive of repayment of GST paid, refund of power taxes. The policy also encourages tourism units to apply for green certification by reimbursing costs of certifications to an extent, said. The costs of organising events and meetings will be subsidised too, said MP Bezbaruah, Secretary General, Hotel Association of India.
Extreme atrocities, bullies beat up Dalit laborers, video goes viral
The incidents of atrocities on Dalits are increasing in Rajasthan state. The latest case has come to light from Goluwala sub-tehsil of Hanumangarh district, where the powerful people not only brutally beat up the Dalit labor youth but also made them bind their hands and feet.
The bullies did not stop here, they continued to beat these workers so brutally that even the victim’s excrement came out in the paint. After the incident, the families of the victim laborers are in panic and the government is pleading for justice.
According to the case registered on the report given by the victim to the police, Raju, son of Khetaram and his brothers Angrez and Mangiram work as daily wage laborers in the fields.
Last February 28, at 9 pm, Annapurna was returning to the fields via the JRK canal tracks after taking food from the kitchen.
During this time, Dharamveer Sihag and Balram Sihag, son of Ramswarup Goluwala came to Sihagan. As soon as they came, they started fighting. They hit the victim and his brother on their stomach, chest and private parts.
The accused also abused the victim and his brother in caste based abuses and said that how did you ask for Rs 20,000/-. We do the calculations as per our wish. The report said that due to excessive beating, excrement came out inside the victim’s pants. Hearing the commotion, ascetics Kaushik and Prem came and rescued the victim and his brother from these people. When the accused told anyone about this incident, Threatened to kill. Police have registered a case under various sections including SC/ST Act and started investigation.
Courtesy: Hindi News
Rampur Clashes: Do They Echo the Memory of the 1997 Ramabai Nagar Tragedy Where 10 Dalit Lives Were Lost?
The police firing, which lasted for about 10-15 minutes, killed 11 people, including a bystander not involved in the protests.
Pratikshit Singh
Lucknow- The death of a teenager belonging to the scheduled caste in Rampur district, has charged the political atmosphere in Uttar Pradesh. The teenager was killed after police firing, which ensued a conflict due to the installation of an Ambedkar Board at a land near the village. The victim, Sumesh, had returned after appearing for his High-School exam.
Bhim Army Chief Chandra Shekhar Azad visited Rampur to meet the family of the victim. In a tweet shared ahead of the visit, he said, “Today again I am being reminded about Hathras…”
Chandrashekhar was referring to the rape and murder case of a Valmiki girl in Hathras in 2020, although a more proximate incident occurred on 11th of July 1997 in Mumbai when 11 people belonging to the Dalit community were killed in a police firing. The victims, along with others, were protesting the garlanding of the Ambedkar Statue with footwear by unknown persons.
The incident was condemned all over the country. BSP Supremo Mayawati, who was then the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, condemned the incident and demanded a CBI Inquiry into the incident.
Vilas Ghogre, a Dalit activist and artist committed suicide on 15th July 1997 in protest of the killings
Dalit Teenager Fatally Shot Amidst Ambedkar’s Board Dispute in UP Village; FIR Filed Against 25 Including SDM and Tehsildar
The Gunshots that Tore through Law and Humanity
On 11th June 1997, the residents of Ramabai Ambedkar Nagar in Mumbai woke up to find that the bust of Dr. Ambedkar in their area was garlanded with sandals. “The statue was situated just 20 feet away from a police outpost,” remembers a resident of Ramabai Ambedkar Nagar, who was a 10-year-old child at the time of the incident.
The furious residents approached the nearest police outpost, but the police officials did not pay heed. The protestors blocked the highway near the colony. Subsequently, the State Reserve Police Force came to disperse the crowd but opened fire on the crowd with live cartridges. The firing was ordered by sub-inspector Manohar Kadam. The officers had on previous occasions also faced charges of being “anti-Dalit.”
The firing, which lasted for about 10-15 minutes, killed 11 people, including a bystander not involved in the protests. The deceased included Sukhdev Kapadne, Sanjay Nikam, Bablu Verma, Anil Garud, Kishore Kataranwar, Sanjay Kamble, Vilas Dhodke, Mangesh Shivsarne, Aman Dhanawade, and Kauslya Pathare.
The firings further provoked the crowd, resulting in the torching of a luxury bus. A few days following the incident, activist Vilas Ghogre, a Dalit activist, committed suicide protesting against the killings.
26 Years: Justice Still Eludes the Families of the Victims
There was a massive uproar against the killings; Dalit rights groups claimed that the killings were caste-motivated. The government suspended Kadam, the sub-inspector, but he was back to duty merely after three months. The inaction against Kadam reeked of insensitivity on the part of the government, which was led by Manohar Joshi, who passed away recently. He was leading the BJP-Shivsena coalition government at that time.
In a statement of a claim submitted before the Gunderwar Commission, an eyewitness claimed that they “did not lathi-charge, burst tear gas shells, fire a few rounds in the air or… make any serious positive efforts to disperse people,” but instead, “in a designed manner, deliberately intentionally opened fire on innocent masses.”
The government initiated an inquiry and established a commission in November 1997, chaired by Justice S.D. Gundewar. The Commission of Inquiry submitted its report in 1998, indicting Sub-Inspector Manohar Kadam under section 304-I (culpable homicide not amounting to murder) of the Indian Penal Code, 1860. However, a case against Kadam could only be registered in 2001 following the directions of the High Court. The Chargesheet in the case was filed in December 2021.
A case was also filed against the protestors for attacking policemen, but they were exonerated. Kadam was sentenced to life imprisonment in 2009 by a trial court. The fast-track court rejected his plea of ‘right of private defence’ and his claim that the crowd would have set fire to the LPG tank located nearby.
However, just a few days after his conviction, he was granted bail by the Bombay High Court on a bail amount of Rs 50,000. The state government filed a special leave petition in the Supreme Court following the order, but the petition was rejected.
Documentary filmmaker Anand Patwardhan created a documentary titled “Jai Bhim Comrade,” focusing on this case. The full-length documentary sheds light on the agony and the injustice faced by the Dalit Community.
As Dalits in Rampur demand justice, it’s essential to also remember the martyrs of Ramabai Nagar in Mumbai, for whom justice still remains elusive.
Courtesy : The Mooknayak
UP has become haven for lawlessness, anti-Dalit hate crime: Cong
According to sources, Rampur District Magistrate Joginder Singh has removed Milak Tehsil Deputy District Magistrate Aman Deval in connection with the fight.Congress general secretary in-charge communications Jairam Ramesh said on Friday, Under the Yogi Sarkars jungle raj, Uttar Pradesh has become a haven for lawlessness and anti-Dalit hate crime. On the 28th of February, a 17-year-old Dalit boy was killed in Rampur after attempting to install a statue of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar.
Uttar Pradesh has become a ”haven for lawlessness and anti-Dalit hate crime”, The Congress alleged on Friday attacking the BJP government in the state over the death of a Dalit boy due to gunshot injuries he sustained in a clash over the installation of a hoarding with a picture of Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar.
Sumesh Kumar, 17, who was returning home after writing his Class 10 examination, was shot during the clashes in which two more people got injured. According to sources, Rampur District Magistrate Joginder Singh has removed Milak Tehsil Deputy District Magistrate Aman Deval in connection with the fight.
Congress general secretary in-charge communications Jairam Ramesh said on Friday, ”Under the Yogi Sarkar’s jungle raj, Uttar Pradesh has become a haven for lawlessness and anti-Dalit hate crime.” ”On the 28th of February, a 17-year-old Dalit boy was killed in Rampur after attempting to install a statue of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar. Each passing day in Uttar Pradesh uncovers a new, shocking case of lawlessness. The Yogi administration’s inaction and unresponsiveness is a true reflection of the anti-Dalit mindset of this ‘double anyay’ sarkar,” Ramesh alleged.
”In this Anyay-kaal, the only real slogan that the BJP adheres to is — Sabka soshan, Sabka utpeedan (everyone’s exploitation, atrocities on everyone),” he claimed.
A deputy district magistrate and three policemen were removed on Thursday in connection with the death of the Dalit boy due to a gunshot wound in a fight over installation of a hoarding with picture of Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar in the Milak area of Rampur.
The clash had taken place between two groups in Silai Baragaon village in Milak area on Tuesday.
In a statement, Rajesh Lilothia, Chairman, SC Department, said the Congress strongly condemns the ”heinous act” of the Uttar Pradesh government, which has allowed its state police force to open fire on Dalits in Silaibara Village in Rampur, Uttar Pradesh, amidst the installation of Babasaheb Ambedkar’s Board in a park.
”While the circumstances surrounding Sumesh’s death remained under scrutiny, the family and local community were demanding a thorough investigation. Still, the UP Police hurriedly cremated Sumesh’s body on March 1, 2024, as they did with the Dalit rape victim in Hathras in 2020 to hide the evidence,” Lilothia alleged.
Once again, such an incident has shown that the Uttar Pradesh government has failed to ensure the safety of Dalits, he said.
”We demand from National Commission for Scheduled Castes (NCSC) to ensure fast-track justice in this case, as specified by the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act,” Lilothia said.
(This story has not been edited by Devdiscourse staff and is auto-generated from a syndicated feed.)
Courtesy : Devdiscourse
Rahul’s Dalit, OBC outreach bolsters his youth connect
Congress leader Rahul Gandhi has emphasized prominently the OBC, SCs and STs question on top of the national discourse by maintaining a sharp focus on it in his speech and demanding nationwide caste census to better evaluate the situation of India’s Dalits, OBCs, poor. Rahul tweeted on Sunday:
“Were the loans taken by Modi’s friends waived off? Yes. Was the corporate tax lowered to help Modi’s friends? Yes. Did Modi’s friends get cheap land? Yes. Did farmers’ income double? No. Did farmers get loan waiver? No. Modi has betrayed India by framing a crony policy that enabled 1% elite people to capture India’s resources.
The Congress is committed to make fair policies for farmers, workers, and the poor standing at the end of the queue.” However, Rahul has established a strong rapport with the youth by forcefully raising issues like unemployment, paper leak, recruitment scams and flawed schemes like Agniveer.
He firmly put his faith and is aligned with the farmers by announcing a legal guarantee for MSP (minimum support price). By promising a basic income for everybody, the Congress is set to woo the workers and other categories of the poor in society. IPA
Courtesy : The Northline
Hanging body of tribal student found in hostel, superintendent suspended
Ambikapur. There has been a stir in the administration after the hanging body of a class 8 tribal student was found in the pre-matric Scheduled Tribe Boys Hostel located at Darima in Surguja district. Prima facie the case is of suicide. The deceased Mukesh Tirkey (13) was originally a resident of Bishunpur in Sitapur.
Collector Vilas Bhoskar has suspended the hostel superintendent considering it as gross negligence in not making arrangements for treatment even after the deceased was suffering from appendicitis and did not go to school for two days. The Collector has ordered a magisterial inquiry. SDM Ambikapur Fagesh Sinha has been appointed investigating officer. On Wednesday, the body of the student was found in the hostel located in Darima.
Collector Vilas Bhoskar and Superintendent of Police Vijay Aggarwal immediately took cognizance of the case of student’s death and themselves reached Ambikapur Hospital. Here the post-mortem of the dead body has been done by a team of three doctors. The Collector said that this is a very sad incident. Taking sensitivity by the administration, post mortem is being conducted by a team of three doctors for prompt action. The team has been instructed to conduct a detailed investigation of all points and provide the post-mortem report soon. The Collector said that in view of the gross negligence of the hostel superintendent, the superintendent has been suspended with immediate effect. Along with this, to ensure that no point is missed in the investigation of the case, SDM Ambikapur has been authorized for magisterial investigation. SDM Ambikapur will have to conduct a proper investigation and submit the investigation report within three days.
The Collector said that children are very sensitive. Keeping this in mind, there is an appeal to the parents to understand the mental state of the children. Apart from this, strict instructions have also been given to the school and hostel management to immediately inform the higher authorities if the children face any kind of problem.
SP Aggarwal said that the administration will talk to teachers and school and hostel management to stop such cases. Efforts will be made to reduce the mental stress of children. Children should be treated with sensitivity. Help of mental health care specialists will be taken in schools to understand the mental condition of children.
Suspended sentence for gross negligence of superintendent
Hostel Superintendent Bhupesh Singh Kashyap, Hostel Superintendent Category C of Pre-Matric Scheduled Tribe Boys Hostel Darima has been suspended with immediate effect by Collector Surguja for gross negligence towards his duties. The said Superintendent has been suspended under the Chhattisgarh Civil Service Classification Control and Appeal Rules 1966 due to being contrary to Rule 1 and 2 of the Chhattisgarh Civil Service Conduct Rules 1965. During the suspension period, his headquarters has been fixed as the office of Assistant Commissioner, Tribal Development Department, Ambikapur. It is coming to light that the student is ill. Even after this, no arrangements were made for his treatment. The student was not even going to school for two days.
SDM will complete the investigation and give report in three days.
Collector and District Magistrate Surguja has authorized SDM Ambikapur Fagesh Sinha to conduct a detailed investigation for the magisterial inquiry into the incident. SDM Ambikapur will ensure to duly investigate the visible causes of death and submit the investigation report within three days.
Team formed for departmental investigation
Assistant Commissioner Tribal Development Department said that a two-member committee has been formed to investigate the said incident, which includes Assistant Director Ankita Markam and Assistant Director Mahendra Pal Khandekar, who will ensure a thorough investigation of the incident and provide the investigation report within three days.
This is the case
The hanging body of a Class VIII student was found on Wednesday evening in the Pre-Matric Scheduled Tribe Boys Hostel located in village Darima of Surguja district. The deceased Mukesh Tirkey’s father Ramji Tirkey (13) was a resident of village Vishunpur of Sitapur. It is being claimed that the child was suffering from kidney disease. His relatives were treating him with herbs but the hostel management did not make arrangements for his treatment. The student was also troubled by stomach ache. After undergoing treatment with herbs in the village for ten days, he returned to the hostel on 20th February. Due to pain from kidney stone he was not going to school for two days. On Wednesday also he had informed that he was ill. His friends had gone to school but he remained in the hostel. When the classmates returned to the hostel from school and saw that the room was locked, they raised an alarm. When they did not get any response, they peeped through Roshan Daan and found the student hanging from the noose. Seeing this, there was a commotion in the hostel; immediately the window was broken, the door was opened and the student was brought down.
Courtesy : Hindi News.
Political power is essential for a subaltern party: Thirumavalavan
Dalit leader from Tamil Nadu says extraordinary perseverance is needed to place Dalit ideology and identity within the reality of Dravidian politics.
Published : Mar 02, 2024 16:08 IST - 11 MINS READ
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VCK president Thol. Thirumavalavan talks about his alliance with OBC-dominated DMK. | Photo Credit: VEDHAN M
How does one position a Dalit political party within the Dravidian ecosystem dominated by OBCs (Other Backward Classes)? That is the key question Dalit party leaders grapple with in Tamil Nadu. They bear the double disadvantage of shouldering the responsibility of Dalit politics without enjoying access to resources, which forces them to become junior partners in an alliance with one of the two Dravidian players: the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) or the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK).
The Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK) has striven to break this gridlock and succeeded to a satisfying degree. After 25 years of tenacious presence, the VCK is today a leading aggregator of Dalit votes and a force to reckon with in the Dravidian heartland. Its relevance, politically and ideologically, has made it indispensable to any alliance, especially the DMK, whose social justice ideology is perfectly aligned with the VCK’s core purpose.
The VCK is the sociopolitical face of the Parayars, a dominant Dalit caste group, and has two MPs and four MLAs, no mean achievement for a party that has struggled hard and managed to stay afloat in the State’s difficult politics. It has travelled a long way under the leadership of Thol. Thirumavalavan, who strongly believes in Dalit politicisation. Aware of the criticism from certain quarters for having aligned with the DMK, Thirumavalavan believes that only all-round politicisation and not exclusivism can empower Dalits politically and socially.
In a freewheeling interview to Frontline, the VCK leader emphasised the need to contemporise the party and its organisational set-up without compromising on its core identity and ideology. Strategies are not compromises, he insists. Excerpts:
The VCK’s recent Tiruchi conference on “triumphant democracy” was reportedly a huge success. A few prominent INDIA bloc leaders, including Tamil Nadu Chief Minister and DMK leader M.K. Stalin, attended. But it was also said that the VCK was flexing its muscles only to improve its bargaining capacity in the DMK-led alliance.
It was attended by 10 lakh people, all Bahujan. It was spontaneous. They [cadres] spent their hard-earned money to attend it. Unlike the national and leading State parties, we have no material and manpower resources to indulge in any political extravaganza. But the response was electrifying. We take it as an endorsement of our inclusive political and social agenda across social strata.
The conference had no hidden agenda, neither election-related nor bargaining-related. It was originally scheduled for last August but had to be postponed owing to various factors. It was purely concept-based, anti-BJP, anti-Sanatana Dharma, and anti-Sangh Parivar. It was to uphold and safeguard our Constitution and democracy. Even the stage was designed like the new Parliament building, with three entrances named Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity. The message was conveyed loud and clear to those inimical to the country’s secular democracy and averse to us and who try to confine us to the identity of a “Dalit party”. Whatever their caste or religious identity, the working class and the disadvantaged have trust in us. We have emerged as a party for all oppressed groups in society, not just Dalits.
For almost a decade since its inception, the VCK remained a social organisation and away from electoral politics. It was Tamil Maanila Congress leader G.K. Moopanar who pulled you in, and in alliance with the TMC, the party contested the 1999 Lok Sabha election. In the VCK’s 25th year, do you regret that decision? Has electoral politics helped you in achieving your objective?
Yes, it has been a tortuous journey since 1999, when we first participated in elections. The experience has been both rewarding and frustrating. For a decade or so before that, we had kept away, remaining a social movement fighting atrocities against Dalits and the downtrodden. In fact, we were then sceptical about the efficacy of parliamentary democracy. We were young and angry at the system, which is heavily loaded against Dalits.
But with time, we too evolved. We realised the compulsive necessity of inclusive politics in an electoral democracy. If not, we would have been erased from the public space by now. We have suffered, and sacrificed heavily. Today, electoral politics has given us visibility not only in Tamil Nadu but across India. It has placed us in a position from where we can take a place among power sharers so that we can effectively take up the issues of discrimination and violence our people are facing.
It is not a mean achievement for a party that has emerged from social exclusion to become a force that can no longer be dismissed. Political power is essential for a subaltern party. Sundry outfits that sprang up overnight with high aspirations have been blown away, but the tenacious persistence of the VCK against political heavyweights cannot be ignored.
There is disenchantment among sections of Dalits about your alliance with the DMK, which is an OBC-dominated party. They call it a compromise and a travesty of social justice. They also claim that the alliance in which the VCK is a partner has never named a Dalit as a chief ministerial candidate. What is your stand on this?
Yes, I too am frustrated. A party tagged with a “Dalit identity” that has been in electoral politics for 25 years still does not have Election Commission [EC] recognition nor an exclusive party symbol. To get that, we need to contest a specific number of seats and get a certain percentage of votes. In our electoral system, a symbol for a political party is a unique marker of identity in a crowd. But we have to contest different elections on “free” symbols. How do we make our voters aware of these symbols?
These technical disadvantages wear us down. EC recognition and the allotment of a dedicated symbol will make a vital difference. You must remember that we fought on symbols allotted to us in 2011, 2014 [Lok Sabha election], 2016, and 2021. We contested from two general constituencies in the 2021 Assembly election.
Yes, we too are frustrated that we are short of resources in the electoral field. We do see how a solid mobilisation, excluding Dalits to some extent, takes place behind the two Dravidian parties. We do long to gain political power independently and would love to have a Dalit Chief Minister. We wish for an alliance that would name a Dalit as its chief ministerial candidate. But before that, one must understand the practical difficulty of electoral politics.
So, are you saying the electoral system and the brutal hold of Dravidian parties over Tamil Nadu’s politics do not ensure a level playing field for Dalits and other small players?
Both the DMK and the AIADMK prevail with the support of the OBCs, who along with the minorities comprise around 70 per cent of the population. The Dalit population is between 19 and 21 per cent. While different BC and MBC [Most Backward Castes] groups could be brought under the OBC banner, Dalits remain fragmented. This matrix, unlike in other States, decides the electoral prospects here.
Extraordinary perseverance is needed to position the Dalit ideology and identity within this reality of Dravidian politics. It has been a struggle for us to even stay afloat in the face of political manoeuvres and stiff challenges, both from outside and from within.
We tried different formulae. We led homogeneous alliances in 2001 and 2004 with some parties. Former Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi tried an alliance by roping in major Dalit parties for the 2001 Assembly election. These exercises failed. The Makkal Nala Kootani [People’s Welfare Federation] as a third front in 2016, in which the VCK played a lead role, also bombed. Powerful lobbies with vested interests felt uneasy when we promised a corruption-free, liquor-free, and caste-free coalition government. These trials taught us what politics is all about.
But it must be said that the alliance with the major Dravidian parties has mainstreamed us in politics today. We have been a trusted partner in any alliance, as our votes get transferred en masse to our allies and vice-versa. This buoys up the overall vote share percentage of an alliance. That is why we remain the most sought-after party. But we are seeing a certain amount of flexibility, which leads to healthy mutual understanding in an alliance.
So, you do see visible signs of change in Dravidian parties towards Dalit parties?
There is a distinct change in perception in political parties, including the two major ones. As I said, we see a professional flexibility of approach in an alliance, thus erasing the “small player” tag that has plagued us for long. The partners have realised the advantage of having a dedicated cadre-centric party like the VCK in the alliance.
The VCK is no longer feeling the suffocation it once felt in an alliance. As a leading aggregator of Dalit votes, it has emerged as an indispensable partner. Dalits have emerged as a strong and reasonably organised political entity.
The VCK also commands a significant share of minority votes. It is unfortunate that Dalit political consolidation is not taking place. Dalit leaders are divided over ideologies and perspectives, many are individualistic, a few have even endorsed the Hindutva ideology that rendered them “avarnas”. Politically conscious Dalits need to identify the right party to support.
Despite Tamil Nadu’s robust Dalit population and the VCK’s significant support, the party is still a minor alliance partner. When do you see this changing?
It has taken almost a quarter century to create an election-centric consciousness among Dalits. They have remained divided and hence exploitable. They have a caste-conscious and emotionally sensitive mindset. They need to be organised. Practising unadulterated Dalit politics can lead to exclusivism, which is not a viable option. Any resistance to mainstreaming will only harm or further delay the chance for Dalits to get politically empowered.
At the VCK’s “Triumphant Democracy” conference in Tiruchi on January 26. | Photo Credit: By Special Arrangement
The Dravidian parties have been criticised for being anti-Dalit since they refuse to share power. What is your opinion?
We do have our criticism on many issues. But we must understand the reality. In Tamil Nadu, they are strong. Mere ideological strength will not move us ahead in the political arena.
The DMK and the AIADMK are strong, organisationally and numerically. Their core strength lies in their committed mobilisation across the State. Not in selective pockets or among selective castes and communities but across all, including substantially among Dalits.
They have been in power for six decades. They have reached out to every household with welfare schemes designed on the principles of social justice. They have Dalit leaders and cadres on their rolls who are Ministers, MPs, and MLAs. We cannot just generalise and dismiss it as tokenism. Without establishing a robust political structure that can rival the Dravidian parties, competing against them will be political suicide.
Being in an alliance and settling for a few seats is not a setback to Dalits or the VCK. Today, we are indispensable in the alliance. As of today, the VCK is taking this battle on from a national perspective. At a time when the country’s democracy is in peril, the VCK’s role assumes greater significance.
The VCK’s attempt to place Periyar and Ambedkar on the same page has disappointed some activists. They argue that Periyar’s social justice was OBC-centric.
One cannot separate Ambedkar and Periyar from each other. The Dravidian parties will never commit that mistake. They are aware that they need both icons. It is sad to pitch Periyar against Dalits and Ambedkar against OBCs. Throughout his life Periyar tried to convince the OBCs that the Hindu caste structure to which they were wedded had shunned them as “shudras”. He stridently opposed Brahminism and Sanatana Dharma, which protect the caste-based hierarchical order. Ambedkar told Dalits to exit the Hindu religion. He fought for the OBCs too. We need both these warriors of social justice to win political power and achieve our objective of establishing an egalitarian society.
It is alleged that since the VCK is in the DMK-led alliance, it does not take up cases of atrocities against Dalits in Tamil Nadu and has compromised on its ideology.
I am aware of that accusation. Being in an alliance does not mean we have to support everything that the government does. We are in the forefront against the state machinery in all the issues concerned.
We organised a massive agitation in Pudukkottai immediately after the Vengaivayal incident, in which human faecal material was found in a water tank in the Dalit quarters. I presided over it. The VCK organised protests in 30-odd district headquarters on the issue. I personally met the Chief Minister, and it was our pressure that got the case transferred to the CB-CID from the local police. The High Court also intervened.
I led a protest in Tirunelveli against the violence unleashed on Dalits, mostly Pallars. We have been organising agitations and protests against any rights violation in the State. We must blame the bureaucracy too for some of the issues.
We remain the voice of the voiceless, whether in an alliance with the ruling party or not. People trust us.
BSP, AIMIM looking to make dent in INDIA bloc’s Muslim votes in Uttar Pradesh
Mayawati had recently said at a party meeting that the BSP will work on the Dalit-Muslim- OBC formula in the 2024 Lok Sabha election.
“In Muslim dominated seats in West UP, the party will work on the tested Muslim-Dalit formula. In 2019, the BSP bagged 10 Lok Sabha seats, a majority of them in the Muslim-dominated Rohilkhand region in West UP, including Saharanpur, Amroha, Nagina and Bijnor. The BSP also won the Ghazipur, Ambedkar Nagar, Jaunpur and Ghosi seats in East UP,” a party leader said.
The BSP has started screening influential Muslim candidates. The process has been initiated even as sitting BSP MP Afzal Ansari (Ghazipur), Amroha MP Danish Ali, Shah Alam alias Guddu Jamali and former MLA Imran Masood are seeking greener pastures. Shah Alam had stood third in the Azamgarh Lok Sabha bypoll in June 2022.
“The BSP is likely to give tickets to SP and Congress defectors,” the party leader said.
Muslims account for 19% of Uttar Pradesh’s population. Their voting behaviour is likely to define the outcome in around 24 Lok Sabha seats with a 20-50% Muslim population.
The BSP will release the names of candidates after the Election Commission announces the poll schedule.
To send a message to Muslims, the BSP will field Muslim candidates on maximum Lok Sabha seats in West and East U.P..
“We will accommodate strong Muslim and OBC candidates from the other parties who wish to contest on the elephant (BSP) symbol. Despite its defeat in the 2019 Lok Sabha and 2022 assembly election, the BSP continues its hold on Dalits, especially Jatavs, their traditional supporters. The swing of Muslim and OBC voters will add to our strength against NDA and INDIA bloc,” he said.
After the 2022 Uttar Pradesh assembly election, Mayawati had said the shift of Muslim votes to the rival Samajwadi Party was the main reason for the BSP’s dismal performance.
AIMIM, led by Hyderabad MP Asaduddin Owaisi, is likely to field 20 Lok Sabha candidates in Uttar Pradesh. Its Uttar Pradesh president Shaukat Ali said, “The state unit has sent a proposal to national chief Asaduddin Owaisi. After the decision of central leadership, the party will name the candidates.”
The AIMIM failed to open its account in the 2022 in U.P. when it polled only 0.49% votes. Owaisi had launched Bhagidari Parivartan Morcha with Jan Adhikari Party led by Babu Singh Kushwaha and the Bharat Mukti Morcha led by Vaman Meshram to win the support of Muslim-OBC and Dalit voters.
With the AIMIM working to spread its base among Muslims in UP, it might cut into INDIA votes.
- ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Rajesh Kumar Singh is Assistant Editor, Hindustan Times at the political bureau in Lucknow. Along with covering politics, he covers government departments. He also travels to write human interest and investigative stories.
Whether delinking religion and making the Scheduled Castes net as religion neutral is Constitutional?
The Constitution (SC) Order 1950 paragraph 3 issued under Article 341 of the Constitution is religion based, which says, “Notwithstanding anything contained in paragraph 2, no person who professes a religion different from the Hindu, the Sikh or the Buddhist religion shall be deemed to be a member of a Schedule Caste.” Article 341 (1) says as follows, “the President may with respect to any State or Union territory, and where it is a State after consultation with the Governor thereof, by public notification, specify the castes, races or tribes or parts of or groups within castes, races or tribes which shall for the purposes of this Constitution be deemed to be Scheduled Castes in relation to that State or Union territory, as the case may be.”
Since there is no provision for the existence of the word “religion” in Article 341 (1), the religious ban of the paragraph 3 of the Constitution Scheduled Castes order 1950 should be deleted. Religion is not the joint criteria for giving Scheduled Castes special privilege to any community, in the same way religion should not be a criterion for denying Scheduled Castes status to any community. In the case of Scheduled Tribe and Backward Class status, religion is not a criterion.
The main reason for the denial of Scheduled Castes privilege to Christians and Muslims of Scheduled Castes Origin is as follows, “both Christianity and Islam are historically foreign religions and thereby do not recognise caste system/ untouchability practice as done in Hinduism.”
Some of the white Christians of the western World show racism/ apartheid against African American/ Black Christians, in the same way Christians and Muslims of SC Origin people are treated as untouchables by some dominant castes Christians, Muslims and some dominant castes other religious people/ generally by the society.
Hindu religion and all other religions never motivate/ promote untouchability based on its ethics, it is practiced by some people who promote untouchability practice because of castes mind set/ menial descent-based job/ low profession/ birth. The social exclusion is different from religious perception/ dogmas of all religions.
As per law, all the Hindus of Scheduled Castes Origin people are allowed into all the Hindu Temples without any caste-based restriction, the Article 17 and SC/ ST Prevention of Atrocities Act, 1989 (amended) do not allow/ practice the untouchability practice. All the religions would not allow the untouchability practice which is immoral one as per the religious ethics, it is not correct to say that only Hindu religion recognises untouchability and Caste discriminatory practice. All the religions and Gods talk about religious morality, equality and the non- discrimination based on castes/ untouchability, but some dominant Castes people’s Castes mind-set, the traditional practice of untouchability prevails in the society.
As per E. V. Chinnaiah vs. State of Andhra Pradesh, (2005) 1 SCC 394, para 93 (d)/ (Five Judges Bench), Supreme Court of India’s judgment “A person even does not cease to be Scheduled Caste automatically even on his conversion to another religion.”
Many Government of India’s and other voluminous, cogent, authoritative detailed testimonials are there to prove the socio, educational backwardness details arising out of the traditional practice of untouchability faced by Christians and Muslims of Scheduled Castes Origin people, such as.
Report of the Committee on Untouchability, Economic and Educational Development of the Scheduled Castes and connected documents, Year 1969, Government of India, Page No: 32, “The Committee found during tours that all Scheduled Castes who got themselves converted to religions other than Hinduism should be given all concessions which are available to Scheduled Castes. This is because the committee found during tours that they suffer from same disabilities, which the Scheduled Castes suffer.” And also, please see page No. 170, para No. (X) 16.
Ministry of Welfare, Government of India’s Note for the Cabinet, the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Orders (Amendment) Bill, 1996, Paragraph No. 26:
“The High-Power Panel on Minorities, Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and other Weaker Sections, in their 1983 Report referred to at para 13, had found that earlier disabilities continued even after leaving the Hindu fold. The National Commission on Minorities have also recently recommended the extension of statutory benefits to SC Christian converts (As also to Muslim converts from these communities) as Scheduled Castes. Taking these factors into consideration, the Ministry of Welfare proposes that recognition of Scheduled Castes converts to Christianity as Scheduled Castes be accepted.”
Policy of Dalit Empowerment in the Catholic Church in India, An Ethical Imperative to Build Inclusive Communities, Catholic Bishops’ Conference of India, December, 2016 in chapter, II, Status of Dalit Christians, page 10, paragraph No, 25 says as follows: “…There is wider acceptance that the practice of untouchability and discrimination against Dalits exists in the Church and there is need to address these issues urgently…”
The Supreme Court of India’s Judgment in K.P. Manu v. Chairman, Scrutiny Committee, (2015) 4 SCC 1, para 29 says:
Archbishop George Zur, Apostolic Pro-Nuncio to India in his inaugural address to the Catholic Bishops Conference of India, (CBCI) in the meeting held in Pune during December 1991, made the following observations: “Though Catholics of the lower castes and tribes form 60 per cent of Church membership they have no place in decision-making. Scheduled caste converts are treated as low caste not only by high caste Hindus but by high caste Christians too. In rural areas they cannot own or rent houses, however, well-placed they may be. Separate places are marked out for them in the parish churches and burial grounds. Inter caste marriages are frowned upon and caste tags are still appended to the Christian names of high caste people. Casteism is rampant among the clergy and the religious…”
The National Commission for Minorities had taken the following stand:
“That the Commission again its meeting dated 06.05.1997 made a statutory recommendation under section 9 (1) (g) of the NCM Act recommending in continuation of its earlier recommendation for outright removal of the proviso in (Constitution Scheduled Caste) Order, 1950 which confines the SC status strictly to three specified religions (Hindu, Sikh and Buddhist) to the exclusion of all other religions. It is necessary in the opinion of the Commission to do so in order to fully implement Constitutions stress on the guarantee of equality before law and equal protection of law and Constitutional prohibition of all religion-based discrimination.”
The National Commission for Scheduled Castes had taken the following stand: “In view of the Full Report being laid before the Parliament, the NCSC may reiterate its earlier position & fully endorse the recommendations of the NCRLM- National Commission for Religious and Linguistic Minorities, (This Commission had recommended to delink religion for the consideration of SC status and also it had recommended to make Scheduled Castes net as religion neutral), Date: 22.04.2010.”
Christians and Muslims of Scheduled Castes Origin are dwelling among the wider society where unfortunately caste-based discrimination and even untouchability is being practiced to this day and these people are affected by the traditional practice of untouchability. The Caste discrimination and the untouchability practice is there in common places like farms, fields, Institutions, working places, Water resource places, in rural area Hotels, festivals, burial places and so on. The Caste discriminatory mind-set is the thinking of some dominant Castes people of all religions. The Constitution SC Order 1950, paragraph 3’s religious ban is unconstitutional, all the Castes people whose Castes names are there in the Schedule ought to be extended the SC privileges without any religious restriction. So, delinking religion for the consideration of Scheduled Castes status and making Scheduled Castes net as religion neutral is the timely need forthwith.
Franklin Caesar Thomas is a practicing Advocate of the Supreme Court of India. He works for the cause of getting Scheduled castes status to Christians of SC origin from the year 1979 onwards. He is one of the co-founders of the National Council of Dalit Christians (NCDC)/ society/ a Nationwide movement.
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