01.04.2024.UNTOUCHABLES NEWS.By Sivaji.ceo.UT NEWS.CHENNAI.
“Pichda, Dalit and Musalman”: AIMIM ties up With Apna Dal (K) in UP for Lok Sabha polls
All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) and Apna Dal (Kamerawadi) announced an alliance in Uttar Pradesh for the Lok Sabha elections on Sunday.
Two parties floated the PDM Nyay Morcha, calling it a front to bring justice to Pichda (backwards), Dalits and Muslims. This is similar to PDA — an acronym for Pichda, Dalit and Alpasankhyak (minorities) — coined by the former Apna Dal (K) ally Samajwadi Party.
Apna Dal (K) leader Pallavi Patel along with her mother Krishna Patel, AIMIM chief Owaisi and leaders of other political parties held a joint press conference to announce the formation of the PDM Nyay Morcha.
Premchand Bind’s Pragatisheel Manav Samaj Party and Rashtriya Uday Party are also included in the alliance.
The Apna Dal (K) is a faction of the Apna Dal founded by OBC leader Dr Sonelal Patel, who died in 2009. Recently, the Samajwadi Party called off its ties with Apna Dal (Kameravadi) amid the differences between the alliance partners that had been playing out in public for a long time.
Pallavi Patel said that Owaisi can look after the interests of Muslims better than SP chief Yadav.
Pallavi Patel told PTI news agency that it was SP chief Akhilesh Yadav who said that the alliance with Apna Dal was for the 2022 Assembly elections, and not for the Lok Sabha polls.
“We were invited by the Congress to be a part of the INDIA alliance and they should have made it clear whether we are a part of the INDIA bloc or not? But the Congress did not take much interest,” Pallavi Patel said.
“Without this (PDM) ‘morcha’, no government will be formed in the country,” Pallavi Patel told reporters.
Currently, Pallavi Patel is an SP MLA from the Sirathu Assembly constituency in Kaushambi district.
Courtesy : Maktoob Media
UP: Dalit woman assaulted after goat strays into another’s field
Congress said that Uttar Pradesh had become a “haven for lawlessness and anti-Dalit hate crime.”
A 60-year-old Dalit woman was beaten and abused by a man when her goat accidentally strayed into the latter’s fields. The incident occurred in Uttar Pradesh’s Bulandshahar region.
A video of the incident has gone viral on social media sparking outrage. In the video, the man can be seen hitting the elderly woman with a large stick, and abusing her with casteist slurs while she tries to stand back up.
Police has registered a case into the incident under the SC/ST Act and ensured strict action against the abuser.
Meanwhile, on March 26, a clash took place between two groups in Silai Baragaon village in Milak area over the installation of a hoarding with a picture of Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar. In the mayhem, a 17-year-old Dalit boy named Sumesh Kumar received bullet injuries ultimately leading to his death. He was returning home after writing his Class 10 examination.
Congress national general secretary Jairam Ramesh said that Uttar Pradesh had become a “haven for lawlessness and anti-Dalit hate crime.”
Attacking the Yogi Adityanath BJP-state government, Ramesh coined it as ‘double anyay’ sarkar. “In this Anyay-kaal, the only real slogan that the BJP adheres to is Sabka soshan, Sabka utpeedan (everyone’s exploitation, atrocities on everyone),” he said.
Courtesy: TSD
Dalit History Month Special: ‘Souten’ – A Rare Commercial Gem Confronting Untouchability & Unveiling Societal Realities for ‘Harijan’ in the 1980s
Movies often serve as reflections of society, depicting prevalent issues. If this holds true, then ‘Souten’ aptly portrays the hatred and disdain with which Harijans were regarded in the 80s.
Geetha Sunil Pillai
April is celebrated worldwide as Dalit History Month, dedicated to honoring the legacy of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, whose birthday falls on April 14th. During this month, various initiatives, discussions, and events commemorate the struggles and contributions of Dalits, fostering awareness and advocacy for social justice.
In line with this spirit of reflection and recognition, The Mooknayak, renowned for its insightful analysis of Dalit perspectives and cultural representations, delves into the nuanced portrayal of caste dynamics in Bollywood cinema.
Revisiting ‘Souten’: Unraveling the Untold Dimensions
Movie lovers will certainly recall ‘Souten,’ the musical blockbuster released in 1983, starring the era’s superstar, Rajesh Khanna, alongside Tina Munim and Padmini Kolhapure. Among the top-grossing films of its time, ‘Souten’ is renowned for its love triangle and mesmerizing songs that dominated the charts and held top positions in Binaca Sangeet Mala.
‘Souten’ holds the distinction of being the first Hindi film ever to be shot in Mauritius. Interestingly, the casting process for the pivotal role of Rukmini saw Zeenat Aman and Parveen Babi being offered the part initially. However, both declined the offer, ultimately leading to Tina Munim being cast in the role.
At the 31st Filmfare Awards, “Souten” received several nominations including Best supporting actress, Best Lyricist, Best male singer etc.
However, what may have slipped from memory about the movie, is the ‘untouchability’ angle and discrimination that formed the crux of the film.
In ‘Souten,’ Gopal and Radha, portrayed by Dr. Sriram Lagoo and Padmini Kolhapure, respectively, are Dalits, and the entire plot revolves around society’s treatment of them.
The opening scene sets the tone when Gopal (Dr. Sriram Lagoo) waits outside Shyam Mohit’s (Rajesh Khanna) office with a paper advertising a job vacancy for an accountant in his office. Shyam asks him to return the next day for the interview, but Gopal replies, ” Agar mein kal aaya toh yeh naukri mujhe nahi kisi aur ko milegi kyunki mein ek Harijan hun..”( If I come tomorrow, I may not get the job because I am a Harijan”)
Movies often serve as reflections of society, depicting prevalent issues. If this holds true, then ‘Souten’ aptly portrays the hatred and disdain with which Harijans were regarded in the 1980s.
Recall a scene from the movie, on a Holi day when Shyam’s love interest, Rukmini (Tina Munim), visits his office and is introduced to Gopal. Upon learning that Gopal is a Harijan, her expression changes, and she leaves in disgust, recalling her childhood incident when her stepmother played by Shashikala, warned her against playing with a lower-caste child, saying, “Yeh Harijan bahut gandey log hote hain, unke saath kabhi mat khelna.”
Sriram Lagoo’s character aptly encapsulates the plight of Dalits, stating, “Hum Harijano ko hazaro saalon se ye apmaan odhne aur bichhane ki aadat ho gayi hai.”
In another poignant scene, when Shyam brings Gopal home for dinner, Rukmini arrives unexpectedly and admonishes the men for sitting and eating in their bedroom, exclaiming, “Yeh mere bistar par kaise baith gaya, isey yeh kyu nahi yaad raha ki yeh ek achhoot hai. Aaj se mein is bistar par bhi nahi soungi.”
Dr. Lagoo’s poignant metaphor, “Chheenke ka mooh khula reh bhi jaye, ghar ke kuttey ko kam se kam yaad rakhna chahiye ki usme mooh naa daley,” powerfully encapsulates the plight of Dalits, drawing a parallel between their social status and that of dogs. The metaphor underscores the deeply ingrained caste-based discrimination and societal hierarchy prevalent in India.
By equating Dalits with dogs and stressing the importance of remembering one’s place, the metaphor vividly portrays the systemic oppression faced by Dalit communities.
It highlights the dehumanization and marginalization experienced by Dalits, who are expected to remain subservient and obedient in the face of discrimination.
The film is replete with numerous references and incidents portraying the various ways in which Dalits were ignored, despised, abused, and treated as inferior.
Another emotionally charged scene unfolds when Radha (Padmini) urges her father, Gopal, to invite Shyam and Rukmini to their home for lunch, expressing her desire to use her first salary to treat them for their wedding.
However, Rukmini vehemently refuses, declaring, “Uss achhoot ke ghar khaana khana hoga, uski rotiyan khani hogi,” indicating her refusal to dine at the home of a lower caste individual. The repeated use of derogatory terms such as ‘achhoot’ and ‘harijan’ underscores the deep-seated discrimination depicted in the film.
Director Sawan Kumar Tak skillfully and poignantly portrays the humiliation endured by Dalit communities in India during the 1980s through such scenes. The ostracization faced by Dalits is vividly depicted – from being excluded from Holi celebrations to being shunned from homes and denied basic human interaction.
There is a scene where Gopal and Radha extend flowers to Tina at a party, she disdainfully avoids touching them and instructs the servant, “Bihari, Ye Phool le lo..”
Later, when Tina Munim confides in her father, portrayed by Pran, she lamentably states, “Shyam ne ek achhoot ladki ko mere pyaar ka Souten bana diya hai…” (Shyam has turned a lower-caste girl into the rival of my love” encapsulating the depth of her prejudice and the societal barriers faced by Dalits.
Remarkably, the roles of Lagoo and Kolhapure in the movie are not merely supporting but rather powerful, with their presence and significance felt throughout.
On one hand, Shyam showers them with respect and love, while on the other, Rukmini’s character reflects the intense hatred and disgust prevalent in society towards them.
Despite the movie’s primary theme revolving around marital discord and a love triangle, with Padmini’s character embodying one-sided, selfless love, the Harijan and Dalit narrative remains omnipresent. The ‘achhoot’ girl ultimately sacrifices her life to prove her innocence and immense regard for Shyam. Through this, the film masterfully highlights the struggles and sacrifices of Dalits in a society marred by caste discrimination.
Notably, Dr. Lagoo’s character is depicted with a darker complexion in the film, symbolizing societal perceptions of inferiority associated with darker skin tones. In Indian society, there exists a deeply ingrained bias where fairness is often equated with superiority, while darker skin is associated with lower status. By portraying Dr. Lagoo’s character in a darker shade, the film highlights the systemic discrimination and prejudice faced by individuals with darker skin, particularly within the context of caste-based hierarchies.
While discussions of caste discrimination often find their place in parallel or art cinema,’Souten’ breaks away from this trend by deftly weaving the intricacies of caste discrimination into its storyline.
Indeed, ‘Souten’ stands out as a rare example within Bollywood where the theme of caste discrimination is seamlessly integrated into the main narrative of the film, alongside elements of entertainment.
Rather than relegating caste issues to the sidelines, ‘Souten’ boldly places them alongside the central themes of the film, such as the love triangle. This approach allows the audience to engage with the complexities of caste discrimination within the context of a mainstream Bollywood movie.
By doing so, ‘Souten’ not only entertains but also sheds light on the pervasive nature of caste-based prejudices in society, making it a noteworthy contribution to the portrayal of social issues in Indian cinema.
In ‘Souten,’ Gopal and Radha, portrayed by Dr. Sriram Lagoo and Padmini Kolhapure, respectively, are Dalits, and the entire plot revolves around society’s treatment of them.
Historical Background: The Evolution of the Term ‘Harijan’
The controversy surrounding the term ‘Harijan’ as a reference to Dalits traces its roots back to the 1930s.
The term Harijan, or ‘children of God’, was coined by Narsinh Mehta, a Gujarati poet-saint of the Bhakti tradition, to refer to all devotees of Krishna irrespective of caste, class, or sex. Mahatma Gandhi, an admirer of Mehta’s work, first used the word in the context of identifying Dalits in 1933.
Despite Gandhi’s intention to uplift Dalits by associating them with divinity, the term faced resistance from figures like BR Ambedkar, who saw it as patronizing and evasive of the underlying issues.
While Gandhi aimed to replace stigmatized terms like ‘untouchables’ or ‘bhangis’, Ambedkar and others argued that ‘Harijan’ perpetuated social hierarchy rather than addressing caste discrimination.
Dr B.R. Ambedkar famously walked out of the Bombay Legislature in protest against its use in 1938.
Over time, the Indian government recognized the problematic connotations of ‘Harijan’ and discouraged its usage in official documents. Despite directives issued as early as 1982, its prevalence persisted. It wasn’t until more recent efforts, including parliamentary recommendations and departmental circulars, that its use in official communication has significantly declined.
However, awareness of the term’s offensive nature remains limited, as evidenced by ongoing debates and discussions in contemporary media.
Courtesy : The Mooknayak
Lok Sabha Elections 2024: Skilled in Bamboo Artwork, Why This Small SC Community in Mirzapur is Struggling for Survival
The Benvanshi Dhakar community is the most ignored and backward — ranking at the bottom of all social indices — even among SCs.
Tarique Anwar
Mirzapur (Uttar Pradesh): Lofty promises and tall claims made during election campaigns turn out to be mere lip service for the Benvanshi Dhakar community in eastern Uttar Pradesh’s Mirzapur district who have been forgotten since long. People belonging to the scheduled caste (SC) group are so despised that they are not even permitted to work in agricultural fields as their touch will make the farm produce “impure”.
However, the bamboo products they make are used in worship rituals.
They produce a wide range of bamboo artworks like jhaua, bhauka, and tokdi (the bamboo baskets of different sizes), soopa (used in kitchens to separate husk and stones from food grains), and hand fans.
Despite the fact that their products are popular in India and abroad, they are highly marginalized and forced to live in extreme poverty.
After days of intense labor to come up with cutting-edge art, they earn a maximum of Rs 200, and that too, not every day. With Chinese invasion into the Indian market, these products are gradually losing sheen.
The community has a small population of around 10,000 people in the entire district. They can be found in tiny numbers in Amoi, Malua, Raikal, Kanhaipur, Rampur, Sant Nagar, and Patehra villages.
No Roti and Makan
Both Seema, 40, and her husband Samru, 45, are engaged in their traditional bamboo baskets (tokdi) to sustain themselves and their three small children. After three days of arduous work, they produce a large basket, which their only son — who is 15, sells for Rs 200 in the neighborhood market.
“People do not want to pay even the modest cost of our products. The prices we fix are nothing in this age of inflation. Sometimes we have to sell it at the input cost, which settles somewhere near Rs 150 because we don’t want to come back empty-handed,” the inhabitant of Newadhiya village in Patehara block told The Mooknayak.
Seema said they have to do so with a “bleeding heart” as returning without a penny means starvation at home.
Though Seema’s fellow community members are small in number, supposedly making them politically insignificant, their sufferings are unimaginable.
“We (the wife-husband duo) can afford to sleep without food, and we have to do it very often. But as a mother, how can I see my children going to bed without food? No one can. They deserve noon-roti (bread and salt) — a bare minimum — at least twice a day, if not a rich and healthy diet,” said the visibly sad mother.
A few meters away from Seema, Mahdei was talking to other women of the village while seated on the earthen floor in front of her run-down, thatched house. While engaging in a casual chit-chat with this reporter, she got up, went inside her one-room hut, and pulled out a charpai (cot). With hesitation, she requested me to sit on it.
Despite persistent requests to sit on the same cot, she politely refused and ended up sitting on the floor. “We belong to a lower caste. How can I sit next to you on the cot even though you are nearly the same age as my son?” she smilingly said.
Asked how everything is, she shot back with wonder, “Do we even exist for the government and society at large? No one, not even journalists, ever comes to us. I am happy that someone acknowledged our presence and took the pain to reach this remote village to learn about our issues.”
The village, which has about 110 houses, does not appear to have benefited from any government programs or schemes. The residents here are landless. They don’t have a pucca house that should have been built on a priority basis under the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojna (PMAY), which provides impoverished rural residents with Rs 1.3 lakh for the construction of a house.
“We receive nothing from the government other than free ration. Whenever our products are not sold, we have to sell the wheat and rice we get (under the public distribution system or PDS) to raise money to meet other financial requirements,” said the weak and frail woman.
Along with her four boys, the 55-year-old too makes soopa and baskets. However, they barely make even Rs 100 a day.
“People often take our products through a barter system in exchange for food grains. Life is difficult,” she continued, with her face clearly showing dejection.
Opposite Mahdei’s house, Babu Nandan was busy making a bamboo tokdi on the other side of the road. He too joined the conversation, lodging a list of complaints of corruption and suppression.
“We applied for a house under the PMAY more than thrice, but to no avail. Our repeated requests to pradhan (village head) to push our applications landed on deaf ears. Every time we approached him, he asked us to submit documents but nothing happened so far. We are probably not statistically significant, which is why it is happening. Political leaders take us for granted. They believe that they will secure our votes in return for alcohol — which is distributed a night before the polling day,” alleged the 45-year-old man, narrating his ordeal.
With folded hands, he pleaded to take their cause to the government to ensure some aid for them. “What we need is a place where we can showcase our skills and sell the products. In the absence of government assistance, we are struggling for our survival and to keep this art form alive,” he added.
A Saga of Neglect
According to 28-year-old Vinod Kumar, members of his community had voted for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which is ruling the state as well as the Centre, in the 2019 elections with hope that it would do something for their upliftment.
When asked who they would pick in the current elections, he said no decision has been made in this regard so far.
“We generally go by the choice of the mainstream society here. We cannot go against the wishes of the influential ‘upper’ caste people here as we have to live and sustain our children,” he claimed, alleging no politician ever reached out to them for their support in elections.
“We are told that a particular party would win with or without our support and that it won’t matter whether or not we vote for it,” he said.
Changur, 70, a resident of neighboring Rampur village in Patehra block, and his three sons are engaged in the work to earn a livelihood. He said he struggles to earn Rs 1,000 a month.
“If our products are sold, we are able to eat,” he said when inquired about the work, adding, “Humke ee kaam karai se jutat haa taa khaat hain, naahi to naahi khaat hain (if our products are sold, then we manage to eat. Otherwise, we remain hungry)”.
He is the only person in his village who owns a one-room pucca house. “I got this house constructed with Rs 1.2 lakh I received from the government under the housing scheme,” he said.
The villagers claimed festive seasons help their business, and the flood of plastic products on the market has an adverse impact on their source of income.
“It has significantly reduced the demand for hand-made bamboo products,” they said.
“Threat of extinction looming large on our age-old profession because of the government’s neglect,” complained 30-year-old Suraj Prasad, claiming that they give bamboo life by employing their skills and making a variety of items out of it.
Making bamboo products involves many steps. First, it is cut into pieces along its length. Longitudinal pieces are again cut into thin slices. Now, it is left to dry for several days. Red and green hues are typically used to color the long and thin slices. Lastly, the slices are woven according to the items in a certain design.
“The procedure is labor-intensive and intricate, but the return is inadequate. As a result, a large number have abandoned the profession. Many of us now work as construction laborers, who, if hired, at least make more money than what we earn with these products,” he said.
The community women continue to use earthen stoves and are always at risk of respiratory illnesses. The much-marketed Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana (PMUY), which aimed at giving LPG connections to women of below poverty line (BPL) families, finds little meaning here.
The Swachh Bharat Abhiyan (Clean India Mission) does not seem to have improved hygiene and safety for the villagers who still defecate in the open in the absence of toilets. The mega sanitation drive was launched by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in 2014 to achieve an Open Defecation Free India by October 2, 2019.
A Way Forward
The community is the most neglected and backward, even among the SCs, ranking at the bottom of all indicators.
Journalist Yogesh Kumar Benbanshi, who belongs to the community, gave an explanation of the social and economic backwardness.
“Our numerical significance is negligible. We currently number about 1 lakh people in the entire state. Because of illiteracy, lack of awareness, and extreme poverty, we don’t raise our voice to ask for our rights. As a result, we are unable to get the attention of the media, political figures, and the government,” he told The Mooknayak.
Kumar, a native of Unchdih in Prayagraj, is a second-generation educated man of his community. He could study law and journalism because his father works as an accountant with a private firm in Mumbai and gets a decent sum as a salary. He is one of the three youths in his village to have attended a university for higher education.
The efforts that could integrate his community with mainstream society — according to him — would be establishing a separate commission just like the one for SCs and STs, providing special financial aid to artists to help them expand their businesses, and making special arrangements for the education of children.
The Mooknayak spoke to all officials concerned with regard to the sufferings, economic challenges, and denial of government schemes of the Benvanshi Dhakar community, but none of them agreed to come on record.
The district magistrate too declined to make any comment — citing the model code of conduct, which is in place.
A Look at Statistics
India is the world’s second-largest bamboo cultivator, after China. With 136 species and 23 taxa, the evergreen perennial flowering plant has 13.96 hectares of land under its cultivation in the country.
The Government of India’s Ministry of Agriculture and Farmer Welfare estimates that 3.23 million tons of bamboo are produced here every year.
Nevertheless, the nation’s contribution to the world’s bamboo trade and commerce is barely 4%, despite its considerable production.
As artists continue to struggle to make ends meet, it appears that the Centre’s One District One Product initiative — which aims to select, brand, and promote at least one product from each district of the country for enabling holistic socioeconomic growth across all regions — is having no effect on the ground.
The artists continue to suffer to the extent of starvation despite the fact that their bamboo products have been included in the ODOP list and are put on display in Hunar Haats.
It would have been encouraging for these people if political parties had believed that the concerns of this group were significant enough to find a mention in their manifestos.
The Politics of Mirzapur
The country goes to polls to elect the 18th Lok Sabha from April 19 to June 1 (in seven phases). Voting on Uttar Pradesh’s 13 seats, which also includes Mirzapur, will be held in the seventh phase on June 1.
The Samajwadi Party (SP) on March 21 declared Rajendra S Bind as its nominee against ally Apna Dal (Kamerawadi) or Apna Dal-K in Mirzapur. However, both the SP and the Apna Dal-K are partners of the Congress-led Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA) — which has been formed to take on the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led incumbent National Democratic Alliance (NDA).
The SP’s decision is likely to divide anti-BJP votes in the constituency. It came after the Pallavi Patel-led party “unilaterally” announced its candidates for Mirzapur, Phoolpur, and Kaushambi seats — all won by the BJP in the 2019 general elections.
Mirzapur Lok Sabha constituency, which is considered one of the important seats of eastern Uttar Pradesh, is presently held by BJP’s ally Apna Dal (Soneylal) or Apna Dal (S). The party chief, Anupriya Patel, has been the MP from this seat since the last two elections (2014 and 2019).
Currently, a minister in the Centre’s Modi government, she had won this seat with a huge margin of over 2 lakhs. The BJP has again left the seat for the Apna Dal (S).
All five assembly constituencies of the district are held by the NDA.
Courtesy : The Mooknayak
The agony of Dalit Christians in the Indian political field
The Supreme Court of India’s Judgment in K.P. Manu v. Chairman, Scrutiny Committee, (2015) 4 SCC 1, para 27 says:
“A Church of South India Commission in 1964 investigating the grievances of Dalit Christians, whether they split off or remain with the Church of South India, wrote:-
First and foremost is the feeling that they are despised, not taken seriously, overlooked, humiliated or simply forgotten. They feel that again and again affairs in the diocese are arranged as if they did not exist. Caste appellations are still occasionally used in Church when they have been abandoned even by Hindus. Backward class desires and claims seem again and again to be put on the waiting list, while projects which they feel aim chiefly at the benefit of the Syrian community seem to get preferential consideration. In appointments, in distribution of charity, in pastoral care and in the attitude shown to them, in disputes with the authorities, the treatment they receive, when compared with that received by their Syrian brothers, suggests a lack of sympathy, courtesy and respect.”
Resources for, “The week of prayer for Christian unity and throughout the year 2013.” What does God require of us? (cf. Micah 6:6-8).
Jointly prepared and published by the Pontifical Council for Promoting Christian Unity, Holy See (Vatican) & the Commission on Faith and Order of the World Council of Churches.
To those organizing the week of prayer for Christian.
“The Dalits in the Indian context are the communities which are considered ‘out-castes’. They are the people worst affected by the caste-system, which is a rigid form of social stratification based on notions of ritual purity and pollution. Under the caste-system, the castes are considered to be ‘higher’ or ‘lower’. The Dalit communities are considered to be the most polluted and polluting and thus placed outside the caste-system and were previously even called ‘untouchable’.
Because of Casteism, the Dalits are socially marginalized, politically under-represented, economically exploited and culturally subjugated. Almost 80% of Indian Christians have a Dalit background.”
As per the above said declaration of the mainline Churches, among the Christians of India, majority of the people are from the Christians of Scheduled Castes Origin/ Dalit Christian community background and these people are affected by the traditional practice of Castes discrimination/ untouchability which is prevailing in the society. Though these people’s Castes names like Parayar, Pallar, Arunthathiyar, Vannan, Mala, Madiga, Pulayar, Adi Dravidar, Bangi, Balmigi, Jatav, Chammar, Pano, Mahar, Mangs and so on are there in the Schedule Castes list, Dalit Christians are not entitled to avail the Scheduled Castes status because of the religious ban of the Constitution Scheduled Castes Order 1950, paragraph No. 3.
So, these people do not have the right to contest in the reserve constituencies, to be elected as members to Indian Parliament’s lower House as per Article 330, all the State legislative Assemblies as per Article 332, local Village Administrative bodies/ Panchayats under Article 243D and the Municipal Urban Administrative bodies under Article 243T.
Dalit Christians’ active participation as registered members in all the political parties are very high and their active involvement in casting their Votes/ franchise as Voters during elections are more when comparing to other non- Dalit Christian communities, but/ because of their low Caste identity and their penury related poorest economic plight, these people are not given chances to contest in the general Constituencies by most of the national and the regional political parties. As per the following Constitutional mandate, the representation of the people act, 1951, in abnormal percentage, the Dalit Christians are playing pivotal role in all the functions/ activities of most of the political parties.
Section 29A says as follows, “Registration with the Election Commission of associations and bodies as political parties. (1) Any association or body of individual citizens of India calling itself a political party and intending to avail itself of the provisions of this Part shall make an application to the Election Commission for its registration as a political party for the purposes of this Act.”
Majority of the political parties usually get these Voters’ support by telling the fear of religious persecution and religious aggression against the religious minorities. In the case of endorsing/ accepting the recommendation of Justice Ranganath Misra Commission Report/ National Commission for Religious and Linguistic Minority Report, from the Year 2005 up to 2024, for the extension of Scheduled Castes status to Dalit Christians, majority of the political parties including the ruling and the opposition parties did not take supportive measures.
In the selection process of members for National Minority Commission, State Minority Commissions, various Welfare Commissions of the federal Government and the States, mostly the non- Dalit Christians are identified/ recommended by the political parties directly and by some of the main line Churches indirectly. In the same manner, only non- Dalit Christian leaders are identified, motivated and supported as political leaders by some of the mainline Churches because of the Caste mind- set and prejudice linked Castes hegemony.
Most of the political parties and its leaders are also identifying and picking mainly the non- Dalit Christians as candidates to contest in the general constituencies for becoming members of the village administrative set up both, rural and municipal areas, Legislative Assemblies of States, lower house of the Indian Parliament. These Dalit Christian Villagers are only facing the religious persecution linked with the Castes discrimination in the rural area like Khandamal of Odisha where hundreds of people shed their blood and died as martyrs for their faith and for the religious freedom under Article 25.
In the name of faith, even in the prosperity gospel preaching evangelical field also, majority of the independent evangelists and preachers who swindle the economy of the impoverished poorest Christians are mostly from some of the non- Dalit Christian communities, there are very negligible numbers of the prosperity gospel preaching evangelists and preachers serve from the Dalit Christian background.
Most of the independent Churches, some of the mainline Churches and most of the visible Christian leaders and the whole Indian Christian community do not take any practical oriented initiation/ steps to eradicate the caste discrimination related untouchability practice among the Christians as per the Indian Constitution Article 17, their religious Canon law and the Christians ethics and values like, “love thy neighbor as thyself.”
In Tamil Nadu, in the name of Christian Welfare movement for protecting Christianity, many non- Dalit Christian political leaders had started movements with the support of some of the main line Churches, simultaneously by using the influence of the Churches and by having majority of the Dalit Christians, mere as ordinary members of their Organizations without allowing them to become leaders and also simultaneously having membership in major political parties as functionaries, many non- Dalit Christians have become Members of Legislative Assembly and members of various State Government’s Commissions like State Minority Commission and so on. The basic thing is that these/ some of the non- Dalit Christian leaders reveal to the political leaders, the hypothetical and imaginary picture that the entire Churches are in solidarity with them. Through the Churches, in the name of saving the Christians from the religious persecutions, some of the non- Dalit Christians would be easily picked up as political rulers.
Let the political leaders, Church leaders, non- Dalit Christian leaders, Indian Christians and the civil society think about the reality and do justice to the needy impoverished Christians of Scheduled Castes Origin/ Dalit Christians of India to be elevated in the political fields as per the above edified reality. The Dalit Christians are following the Christian religion, because of that, they lose the Scheduled Caste status, welfare measures and affirmative actions, in this critical condition, by considering the sacrifice of the Dalit Christian community, the entire Christian society should serve for their upliftment, emancipation and amelioration in the Christian society and in the civil society.
The International Christian community and the Churches had motivated and brought many African- American community leaders/ Stalwarts including the political leaders like Martin Luther King Jr, Nelson Mandela, Desmond Tutu, Kofi Annan, Barack Obama and so on, but in India, the Church and the Indian Christian community had never motivated and brought a Dalit Christian political and community leader, it is unfortunate on the part of the entire International and the Indian Christian community.
Franklin Caesar Thomas, Advocate and one of the founders of the National Council of Dalit Christians (NCDC). This Article is written in the individual capacity of the author, this article does not have any view/ link with his profession and with his participation as member of any Organization.
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