31.03.2024.Untouchables News.by Sivaji.ceo.chennai.26.
Dalit Woman, 60, Brutally Beaten In UP After Her Goat Enters A Field
The video of the assault has gone viral on social media, sparking outrage and calls for justice.
In a shocking incident in Uttar Pradesh's Bulandshahr, a 60-year-old Dalit woman was beaten after her goat strayed into a field. The owner of the field beat the woman with a stick and hurled abuses at her.
The video of the assault has gone viral on social media, sparking outrage and calls for justice for the victim. In the footage, the assailant can be seen mercilessly thrashing the helpless woman, while hurling derogatory caste-based slurs at her.
Local authorities have initiated an investigation into the matter, with the police filing a case and promising swift action against the perpetrator.
The incident has once again brought to light the discrimination and violence Dalits continue to face in some parts of India.
In February, a Dalit groom was attacked in Gujarat's Gandhinagar for riding a horse as part of his wedding procession.
The groom was riding a horse in a procession with around 100 participants and was on the way to the bride's house in the village when a man on a motorcycle intercepted and dragged him down from the horse and slapped him. The accused person also hurled casteist slurs at the groom, objecting to him riding the horse by saying that only members of his community can ride a horse.
Raveena Tandon On Letting Go Of Films Because Of Inappropriate Dance Moves: "Had To Live My Life...".
Ashoka University to Initiate Disciplinary Actions Against Students for Chanting Brahmanvad Murdabad, Baniyavaad Murdabad
Making the atmosphere intimidating, threatening or hostile to individuals or groups is regarded as a serious offense, said the varsity, adding that those involved will face disciplinary actions.
Pratikshit Singh
Lucknow: A day after the videos of students raising slogans against “Brahmanvaad” (Brahmins superiority) and “Baniyavaad” (capitalism) at Ashoka University campus went viral on the Internet, the varsity has promised action against the “guilty” students.
“Ashoka University attaches great value to freedom of expression and vigorous debate, but it also attaches great importance to mutual respect. The university deplores expressions of hatred directed against any individual or group,” reads a statement released by the university.
Making the atmosphere intimidating, threatening or hostile to individuals or groups is regarded as a serious offence, said the varsity, adding that those involved will face disciplinary actions.
“The university will take all measures necessary to ensure that peace and harmony in the campus is not disturbed,” it said.
However, responding to the administration, Social Justice Forum, the student outfit that is spearheading the demand of caste census, clarified that the slogans of “Brahmanvad Murdabad” and “Baniavaad Murdabad ” have been misread.
It said the cry is to dismantle the systemic impulses that enable the discriminatory caste system prevalent in India.
The statement released by the forum cites Dr BR Ambedkar to assert that Brahminism is an ideology that harms not just “lower” castes but also a larger group of Hindus.
Speaking to The Mooknayak, a leader of the group, said, “Right wing social media handles are distorting and diverting the motivation of the protests by selective interpretation of some slogans, due to which we are being threatened on social media.”
He said the forum is against “Baniavaad” in the context of Ashoka University’s Brahmin-Bania nexus, where Baniyas (a caste generally consisting of money lenders and merchants) and the Brahmins are teachers. He alleged education has been commodified in the university.
He said that his organization will not be deterred by these intimidations and instead intensify its agitation, demanding caste census. He clarified the students are not at all against any community.
Poor Representation of Marginalized
Ashoka University is India’s premier interdisciplinary research and teaching institution. With over 3,000 students and 20 dedicated research centres, it offers opportunities in fields ranging from arts to natural sciences.
The university is said to have a steep fee structure, which the students from the weaker sections find to be quite unaffordable.
It is noteworthy that certain sections of the students are demanding caste census in the university to determine the diversity of the students and faculty in the private institution.
The students have cited certain surveys and reports to highlight the skewed representation of the marginalized sections like the Scheduled Caste (SC), the Scheduled Tribe (ST) and the Other Backward Classes (OBC) amongst the students.
According to the student’s data submitted by the university for the year 2023, the representation of SC, ST and OBC students is a measly 6.8% (124 students out of 1823) within the undergraduate cohort and 7.6% (31 students out of 404).
Further the National Institute Ranking Framework (BIRF) data shows that 11.4% of the varsity’s undergraduate population in 2022 belonged to SC, ST, or OBC communities.
The collation of the two sets of data leads to the inference that the diversity standards of the university have only worsened.
Allegedly, no response from the vice-chancellor prompted the students to stage a sit-in-protest on the campus for seven days. The protestors subsequently moved their agitation outside the campus gates when the vice-chancellor allegedly rejected their demands, offering alternatives, which the students found to be flimsy.
The students, which includes both girls and boys, are staging their sit-in-protest in the open sky for the last four days.
‘Standard of Public Institutions Deliberately Degraded’
Speaking to The Mooknayak, Professor Vikram from Allahabad University said, “There should be reservation in private sector and private educational institutions also as these universities get incentives from the government in the form of tax exemptions.”
Claiming that the educational standard of the public institutions have been deliberately degraded to promote the private universities, he said keeping the SC/ST/OBC students out of the private educational institutes will jeopardize their future.
He also said that Dr Ambedkar supported reservation in the private sector as well as he supported it in government contracts.
There are about 450 private universities in India, and they do not provide reservation to the marginalised sections of the society.
Ashoka University to Initiate Disciplinary Actions Against Students for Chanting Brahmanvad Murdabad, Baniyavaad Murdabad
Courtesy : The Mooknayak
Unrest at BBAU: Dalit Student Protests Rock Campus Over Alleged Discrimination and Manhandling
Accusations have been leveled against the university administration, with claims of discrimination and affiliations with political entities such as the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS).
Pratikshit Singh
Lucknow- Baba Saheb Bhim Rao Ambedkar University (BBAU) has once again found itself embroiled in controversy as students protest against the alleged mistreatment of their fellow classmates. The recent incident, which occurred at the Vice-Chancellor’s residence, saw members of the Ambedkar University Dalit Students Union (AUDSU) subjected to what they claim was unwarranted aggression by campus security personnel.
Accusations have been leveled against the university administration, with claims of discrimination and affiliations with political entities such as the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS).
Students protested against the manhandling of their fellow students at the Vice-Chancellor’s residence of the University on Monday. They were protesting against the manhandling of students belonging to AUDSU (Ambedkar University Dalit Students Union) by the security guards on the campus at the behest of the Proctor Sanjay Kumar.
They alleged that the security guards beat the students on the orders of security officer B.S. Saini. The Mooknayak spoke to the protesting students. Akhil Singh Azad from the History department said, “On the occasion of Ravidas Jayanti, we were taking out a shobha yatra but were stopped by the security guards. When the proctor Sanjay Kumar arrived at the scene, the guards began to beat the students, and even the female students were not spared.”
The Mooknayak spoke to Anjali, the female student who was allegedly manhandled. Anjali, a student of Life Sciences, said, “We were taking out a Shobha Yatra and were stopped at the gate. In the scuffle, my slippers came off, and one of the guards stomped on my legs with his shoes. I managed to extricate myself somehow. The Proctor further exacerbated the issue when he arrived and said ‘maaro s**lon ko’, this is the same proctor who called us Deshdrohi (traitors) when the students burnt the Manusmriti last year.
Drawing an analogy to the feudal practices in villages, Abhishek Kumar, a student of sociology, said that like in villages where the wedding procession is not allowed to pass the homes of the upper castes, similarly here, the Ravidas Jayanti procession was not allowed to go near the Vice-Chancellor’s residence.
The students alleged that although a Dalit himself, Proctor Sanjay Kumar is working at the behest of RSS. The students demonstrated outside the residence of Vice-Chancellor Sanjay Singh. The students told The Mooknayak that the Vice-Chancellor has proposed a committee to look into the incident, but the students have demanded that the accused proctor Sanjay Kumar be divested of his duty pending the enquiry as he could influence the findings of the committee.
Confrontation between Dalit Students group and ABVP
The latest incident is another case where the Dalit student groups have alleged discrimination against them and have accused the authorities in the administration of being stooges of RSS. In a similar incident which happened last year, the Dalit groups students alleged that the proctor Sanjay Kumar had called the students who burnt the Manusmriti as traitors. Also, reportedly when the students charged Kumar of being an RSS agent, he accepted the charge blatantly.
This year, a student enrolled in B.Tech course alleged that he was intimidated by members of ABVP (Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarthi Parishad) when he objected to renaming of a WhatsApp group to “Jai Shree Ram”. The issue escalated after the complaints of the students were not heard. Subsequently, the students raised the issue before the Vice-Chancellor on the foundation day by blocking the passage of his car. Acting on a complaint of the Dalit students, the erring students were suspended for 15 days.
Many students believe that these controversies are a fallout of the muscle-flexing exercise of ABVP and the Dalit groups. Some students view it differently, a student said, “The authorities here are inclined to RSS (Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh) and therefore ABVP, their students’ wing, manage to get a free pass for everything; they organize religious rituals on the campus, which is against the norms of a University. On Ram Navmi, they took out a procession with loud DJ, and the administration of the university distanced itself from it.”
Courtesy : The Mooknayak.
Bollywood Star Akshay Kumar Pledges ?1 Crore to Tribal Girls’ Hostel in Rajasthan Village
During a shoot for “Mera Gaon Mera Desh,” in 1970, Dharmendra laid the foundation of support in Chirwa village by building two rooms for a school and now, following his footsteps, Akshay Kumar pledges a generous sum towards a Tribal Girls’ Hostel.
Udaipur- In a heart warming gesture, Bollywood superstar Akshay Kumar has pledged a generous donation of 1 crore rupees to a hostel in Khokhadara village, managed by Rajasthan Vanvasi Kalyan Parishad in Kherwada block of Udaipur district, Rajasthan.
This noble act of philanthropy aims to support the welfare and education of tribal children in the region.
The Parishad already operates a hostel on its campus, aptly named ‘Hariom Hostel’ after Akshay’s father. This facility serves as a home to tribal children, providing them with a nurturing environment to pursue their education and dreams.
The decision to contribute to this cause was announced during his visit to Udaipur for a film shoot, where he took the time to visit the hostel on Wednesday and interact with the children.
The hostel, which is dedicated to Akshay Kumar’s father, holds significant importance in the local community.
It is worth noting that this philanthropic gesture follows in the footsteps of another Bollywood legend, Dharmendra, who previously built two rooms for a school in Chirwa village during the shooting of the film “Mera Gaon Mera Desh in 1970.
The surprise visit by Akshay Kumar brought immense joy to the children and staff at the hostel. Laluram, the state convenor of the Janjati Suraksha Manch of the Rajasthan Vanvasi Kalyan Parishad shared the details of the actor’s spontaneous visit. Akshay Kumar’s arrival was met with excitement and gratitude, as he spent time engaging with the children, participating in activities, and even joining in the morning prayers.
During his brief stay, Akshay Kumar expressed his commitment to supporting education in the region by promising a substantial donation of one crore rupees to the Hariom Ashram, earmarked for the construction of the girls’ hostel.
Former MLA Nanalal Ahari confirmed the actor’s pledge and highlighted his proactive approach in initiating the process of identifying suitable land for the hostel’s
This act of philanthropy is not an isolated incident for Akshay Kumar, as Laluram noted that the actor had previously contributed to the construction of the hostel and other initiatives by the Vanvasi Kalyan Parishad.
Dalit Teenager Fatally Shot Amidst Ambedkar’s Board Dispute in UP Village; FIR Filed Against 25 Including SDM and Tehsildar
The conflict arose when an Ambedkar’s board was erected on the land by the Jatav community, prompting a complaint from the opposing party. Responding to the complaint, a joint team from the Revenue Department and the police arrived at the scene.
Satya Prakash Bharti
Rampur- In the village of Silaibara, situated within the jurisdiction of the Milak police station in Rampur district, Uttar Pradesh, a heated uproar ensued over the installation of an Ambedkar’s board on disputed land. The contentious situation escalated into chaos, marked by stone pelting and gunfire.
Tragically, amidst the turmoil, a Dalit teenager succumbed to a fatal bullet injury, sparking allegations from villagers that the youth fell victim to police firing.
While the circumstances surrounding the teenager’s death remain under scrutiny, officials have emphasized the need for a thorough investigation, awaiting the conclusive findings of the post-mortem report to determine the cause of death.
In response to a complaint filed by the deceased’s relatives, a case has been registered against 25 individuals, including officials from the Milak police station, the SDM, and the Tehsildar, at the local police station.
The Escalation of Conflict
According to available information, a dispute over the possession of village community land in Silaibara village of the Milak Kotwali area escalated into violence. The conflict arose when an Ambedkar’s board was erected on the land by the Jatav community, prompting a complaint from the opposing party. Responding to the complaint, a joint team from the Revenue Department and the police arrived at the scene. However, instead of resolving the issue, a fierce altercation ensued between the two communities, allegedly occurring in the presence of law enforcement.
The situation quickly deteriorated into a violent confrontation, marked by stone pelting and gunfire, resulting in the tragic death of 17-year-old Dalit teenager Sumesh. Sumesh, who had returned home after taking his 10th-grade exam earlier that day, was fatally shot during the chaos. Additionally, two individuals named Amit and Raman sustained injuries from the stone pelting.
The escalation led to an enraged mob targeting the police, damaging vehicles belonging to Deputy SP and other officers. Subsequently, members of the Dalit community blocked the road with Sumesh’s body, demanding justice and compensation. Their demands include Rs 1 crore compensation for Sumesh’s family and Rs 10 lakh each for the injured, along with the installation of an Ambedkar statue.
Law enforcement reinforcements, including personnel from multiple police stations and high-ranking officials such as the Commissioner, DIG, and SP, were deployed to the area to restore order. After approximately six hours of demonstrations, authorities were able to facilitate the autopsy of Sumesh’s body.
Commissioner Anjaneya Kumar Singh confirmed the death of one youth and injuries to two others during the violence. He assured that a magistrate inquiry would be conducted into the incident, promising strict action against those responsible. Furthermore, he pledged to address the demands put forth by the victims’ families.
In the ongoing controversy, Bhim Army District President Rajesh Khanna provided insights to The Mooknayak, shedding light on the underlying dynamics. He explained that the disputed land in question originally served as a dumping ground, known as a “Ghoor,” until approximately 20 days ago when the village head initiated a cleanliness drive, transforming the area. To prevent its reversion to a dumping site, the village head subsequently installed a statue of Ambedkar and a board in his honor on the vacant government land about 15 days prior to the incident.
Khanna elaborated on the demographics of the village, highlighting that while the Gangwar community comprises the largest population, the contested land lies approximately 900 meters away from their residences. Despite the distance, they vehemently opposed the installation. Media reports indicate an ongoing dispute between the Dalit and Gangwar communities regarding this land, with the former advocating for the placement of Ambedkar’s statue and board, while the latter opposes it. This disagreement escalated to involve law enforcement approximately 15 days prior, leading to police intervention and the subsequent evacuation of the land.
Bhim Army Chief detained
Bhim Army founder Chandrashekhar accused the police of the murder of the Dalit teenager in Rampur. Speaking to the media, Chandrashekhar said, “Now there is no need for criminals because the police are busy in killing.” While talking to the journalists, Chandrashekhar said – “I do not want to fight with the police, but the police is forcefully stopping me. Let all the police officers hear that I will go to Rampur. No matter what happens for this. I am even ready to be shot. A Dalit teenager has been murdered and the police is involved. Dalits are being murdered in the state. The family has spoken to me. I am being stopped forcefully.”
Courtesy : The Mooknayak
Bhim Army Chief Chandrashekhar Azad Granted Y+ Security Cover Ahead of Lok Sabha Elections 2024
Security cover for Chandrashekhar Azad has been a long-standing demand of Bhim Army, but it increased after the leader was attacked by some armed assailants near Deoband of Saharanpur in Uttar Pradesh last year in June. Azad managed to escape any major injury as the bullets grazed his waist.
Pratikshit Singh
Lucknow- Chandrashekhar Azad, the emerging leader from the Dalit community who heads Bhim Army and its political wing ASP (Azad Samaj Party), has been granted Y+ Category security by the administration. The security cover was provided after the party cited a security threat to him. Azad is all set to contest Lok Sabha elections from Nagina constituency which falls under the Bijnore district of Uttar Pradesh.
Speaking to The Mooknayak, Neeraj Kumar Jadaun, Superintendent of Police, Bijnore, said that he has not received any official communication regarding the Y + level security granted to the leader.
Sunil Chitod, State President of Azad Samaj Party in Uttar Pradesh, confirmed to The Mooknayak that Azad has been provided with the high level security cover but was reticent to reveal further.
Security cover for Chandrashekhar Azad has been a long-standing demand of Bhim Army, but it increased after the leader was attacked by some armed assailants near Deoband of Saharanpur in Uttar Pradesh last year in June. Azad managed to escape any major injury as the bullets grazed his waist.
The alleged attackers were arrested from Ambala of Haryana district after a joint operation by Haryana and Uttar Pradesh police.
Days after the attack, Brijesh Pathak, the Deputy Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, had said in a statement given to the media that Azad would be granted security cover by the state government. However, Bhim Army Chief was not provided the cover months after the incident, and he was protected by a posse of people from his own party.
Incidentally, Azad had also demanded Y+ security cover for the family of Hathras rape victim in 2020.
A few days back, Akash Anand, National Coordinator of BSP, was provided with Y-category security, leading to speculation that this was the result of quid-pro-quo between the Bahujan Samaj Party and Bharatiya Janata Party, the ruling party, for supporting the Rajya Sabha candidate of the latter by BSP.
The speculations were strengthened after Y-level security cover was provided to SP MLAs Abhay Singh and Manoj Pandey after they cross-voted for BJP Rajya Sabha candidates.
However, the party members told The Mooknayak that Anand received security because he was the National Coordinator of a national party.
Y+ Security cover is the fourth security level, and the cover comprises an 11-member team and may also include 1-2 NSG commandos, besides the police personnel. SPG level security is the highest level security cover in India provided to the Prime Minister, former Prime Minister, etc.
The center provides security cover to people whose lives are threatened due to their work or popularity.
Besides politicians, several celebrities have also been provided with Y and Z security covers. Filmmaker Vivek Agnihotri, Actress Kangana Ranaut, News Personality Sudhir Chowdhary have also been granted the security cover.
Courtesy : The Mooknayak
India’s Employment Report: Understand Data and Challenges Through the Lens of Caste
According to ‘The India Employment Report 2024’, the SCs are predominantly employed in agriculture and construction — with their representation in manufacturing, trade, storage and services sectors comparatively lower.
Ayanabha Banerjee
New Delhi— A recent report by the International Labour Organisation (ILO) and the Institute of Human Development (IHD) revealed that over 80 percent of India’s unemployed population comprises young individuals.
According to ‘The India Employment Report 2024’, the proportion of unemployed youth with secondary or higher education has surged from 35.2 percent in 2000 to 65.7 percent in 2022.
The report, released by Chief Economic Adviser V. Anantha Nageswaran, noted a rise in youth unemployment and underemployment from 2000 to 2019, followed by a decline during the pandemic years.
While the youth unemployment rate more than doubled from 5.7 percent in 2000 to 17.5 percent in 2019, it decreased to 12.4 percent in 2022.
Between 2000 and 2022, employment in India primarily consisted of self-employment and casual work, with informal employment engaging nearly 90 percent of the workforce. The report highlighted a decline in the proportion of regular employment after 2018, despite a consistent rise post-2000.
Additionally, it emphasized widespread concerns regarding job security, particularly noting the limited coverage of social protection measures, especially in the non-agricultural organized s
But one aspect that is generally overlooked is the role played by caste discrimination, which often discourages many from the marginalised communities from taking up certain employment opportunities.
Jyoti, an Adivasi student from the Bastar division who will soon be gearing up for a job search, said this imminent step makes her nervous. “There are many stereotypes that our community faces and oftentimes, we end up being patronized by Savarna people.”
The student further stated the nature of workplaces has been designed around Savarna experiences, which can often discourage other identities. According to the generalised perception, which has been set up by the “upper” castes, Adivasi people are supposed to look and behave a certain way.
Any change in behaviour, she said, would make people not only question the individual but their entire community.
“When I go to look for jobs, I would want the equal respect and salary as my fellow colleagues,” said Jyoti.
In the context of India, caste influences every aspect of life, from food choices to dialects, influencing all decisions individuals make.
Rinku, a social worker who belongs to the Dalit community, spoke about how the casteism in workplaces of a metropolitan city such as Delhi is more subtle.
She said, “Discrimination often starts with a joke, which leads to soft bullying and which can affect one’s mental health. Maybe someone will not comment on my work but they would comment on my language and the clothes I wear.”
“At many times, we require more affirmative action or help learning certain skills but someone who may have had the privilege of having access to certain training, would go ahead,” Rinku continued.
In March 2023, a female doctor, working as an intern at the SGPC-run Sri Guru Ram Dass Institute of Medical Science and Research in Amritsar, Punjab, tragically died by suicide. According to her family, the intern was allegedly facing caste-based derogatory remarks from multiple doctors.
In May 2019, Payal Tadvi, the initial gynecologist and the inaugural female student to pursue Doctor of Medicine (MD) from Tadvi Bhil, a tribal Muslim community, tragically ended her life as a result of caste-based harassment from her senior colleagues who were from “upper” caste backgrounds.
This brings to light the need to discuss and implement the Thorat Committee Report.
Under the chairmanship of Sukhadeo Thorat, a committee was established in 2007 by former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to investigate allegations of differential treatment against reserved category students at AIIMS Delhi.
This was the first committee to examine caste-based discrimination in higher education.
The committee’s report revealed that approximately 72 percent of SC/ST students experienced some form of discrimination during teaching sessions. Around 69 percent of these students indicated inadequate support from teachers, with approximately half attributing this to inaccessibility and indifference.
About one-third cited their caste background as a reason for being avoided by teachers.
The situation appeared even more alarming during practicals and viva voce examinations. Approximately, 84 percent of SC/ST students reported unfair evaluation during these assessments, while 85 percent mentioned inadequate time allocated for practicals and vivas compared to students from higher castes.
Caste and Employment
In their book titled ‘Scheduled Castes in the Indian Labour Market: Employment, Discrimination and its Impact on Poverty’ published by the Oxford University Press in 2023, authors Sukhdeo Thorat, S Madheswaran and BP Vani explore the economic theories surrounding caste-based discrimination and its repercussions on employment, unemployment, wages and occupations.
Their analysis reveals significant disparities between Scheduled Castes (SC) and higher castes in terms of labour market outcomes. A notable proportion of SC workers are found in low-paying elementary and unskilled occupations, with a considerable presence in agriculture and the construction industry.
Despite some relaxation in occupational restrictions, traditional patterns of segregation persist, limiting SC individuals to predominantly low-wage work.
In terms of employment, SCs face lower probabilities of securing jobs compared to their counterparts from higher castes. This disparity in employment probabilities contributes to a higher unemployment rate among SC individuals, a trend observed consistently across urban and rural areas.
Unemployment remains a challenge across all education levels for SC individuals, particularly among youth aged 15–29 years, who experience more drop outs than their general category counterparts.
In terms of employment sectors, the SCs are predominantly employed in agriculture and construction, with their representation in manufacturing, trade, storage and services sectors comparatively lower. They are disproportionately represented in low-paying occupations, indicating ongoing occupational restrictions from the past.
Courtesy : The Mooknayak
ELECTION 2024 NATIONAL NEWS TRIBAL
Lok Sabha Elections 2024: How Delisting is Polarising Tribals; Will it Impact Upcoming Polls?
A deep rift has arisen among STs. They are being divided into two camps in the name of tradition, culture, religion and heritage.
Tarique Anwar
New Delhi: Delisting, which aims to strip converted tribals of their Scheduled Tribe status, is creating a rift between tribal communities. The religious identity of being Hindu or Christian is dominating their collective identity of tribals, which is seemingly causing religious polarisation among them.
“It’s a conspiracy to divide us. If Christians and Sarna tribals are separated, we will become a minority. They try to label us as Sarna Sanatan. We are neither Hindus, nor Christians, but tribals. We are nature worshippers,” said Lukhi Murmu, a resident of Jarkhand’s Pakur district.
However, Narayan from a village in Gumla strongly disagrees with Murmu’s statement. “Those who converted to other religions no longer belong to our community. They do not respect our culture, customs and traditions,” he said.
Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Odisha, etc. have a strong tribal population, but nowadays there is a division between them of “local” and “outsider”. They are pitted against each other, and the issue of delisting is further widening their differences.
In the everyday life of tribal areas, the issue of delisting is linked to their culture, social identity and their economic-political rights.
According to the provisions of the Constitution, there is a separate list for Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST) in India. Article 341 (deals with SCs) and Article 342 (deals with STs) lists various tribes and castes. There is a selection criteria for each group.
They have been classified and listed in different states on the basis of their cultural heritage, traditions, lifestyle, customs and practices.
The reservation quota for ST stands 7.5 percent. According to the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution, some tribal-dominated areas have been given special status (Scheduled Areas), and under the Sixth Schedule, the tribal dominated states of the north-east have been given special status and rights. In these states, electoral seats are reserved for people of ST community.
In recent years, there has been a demand among those tribal communities that those who converted to Christianity or Islam should be excluded from the ST list. Hindu supremacist Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)-backed Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram and Navagati Suraksha Manch have been strongly advocating delisting.
Maintaining independent existence of tribals and preserving their culture, religion, language and customs has been a long standing issue. These communities have been given special rights in the Constitution of India.
But cultural and religious diversity within the tribal communities living in different parts of the country has given rise to different interpretations. The community identifies itself as nature worshippers because of its dependence on forests. Therefore, they are called followers of the Adi Dharma. Some of them followed their religion for centuries.
Every tribal community from the north-east to the far south has its own customs and methods of worship. For example, in Jharkhand, tribals talk about Sarna religion. Many tribal communities considered themselves Hindu and assimilated Hindu traditions. Because of this, Hindu nationalist organizations consider them a Hindu.
Christian organizations have been active in Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand for decades. A large number of tribals here have been following Christianity for generations. Religious conversion has been a subject of controversy in India, and Hindu nationalist organizations in particular have been opposing it.
For the first time in 1967, the issue of delisting was raised by the then Congress leader Karthik Oraon. The issue was debated in Parliament too, but since then it has been on the back burner. An organisation called the Janjati Suraksha Manch, which was established in 2006 under the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, has renewed the demand.
Reservation at the Core of Delisting Debate?
People advocating delisting consider tribals as Hindus. But the opponents argue that the tribals have their own religion and customs, and they are free to follow any religion or method of worship of their choice. Therefore, if they exercise their freedom, it should not affect their right to reservation.
The second argument of the opponents of delisting is that reservation is given on the basis of a caste or community. It means it is by birth. How can it be denied on the basis of religion? The constitution does not have any provision of reservation based on religion.
It is true that the demand for delisting is inspired by religious conversion. It also has an economic aspect.
Tribal Christians are well-off far if compared to others. Those demanding delisting argue, “‘They’ get the benefit of reservation, not ‘us’.”
Though the Christian tribals acknowledge inequalities (social, economical and educational), they hold lack of education and awareness accountable for it. To get reservation, one must be educated and several generations of Christian tribals have received education from missionary institutions. Although these educational institutions are for everyone, their argument is, “Why are they troubled with our reservation rights?”
The tribals, who have lagged behind in education and employment, feel that the solution to their problems is reservation; and according to them, Christian tribals should be the first to be deprived of the benefits of reservation. And it can be done through delisting. This is how the issue is creating a divide within the tribal community.
‘If Conversion Ends SC Quota, Why Not ST’s?’
The advocates of the delisting argue that the tribals who embrace Christianity or Islam are getting double benefit.
Rameshwar Ram Bhagat, national general secretary of the RSS-affiliated Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, said, “Hindu tribals are not getting even 10 percent benefit. But the converts are taking double benefit. They are getting benefits from both ST and religious minorities.”
Leaders of Christian tribals deny these allegations. The church located in the Kunkuri area of ??Jashpur is considered to be one of the largest churches in Asia. Most of the population here is Christian. Here, Dr Phoolchand Kujur runs a big hospital, which was established in 1956.
He said there is no separate government scheme or reservation for minorities. “Everyone takes advantage of Christian missionaries-run educational institutions and health facilities. There is no separate scheme for Christians or Muslims. The argument of double benefit is aimed at creating confusions only. No one is getting double benefits,” he added.
Reservation is not given in India on the basis of religion, and according to him, those who advocate delisting are actually demanding an amendment in the Constitution.
Their argument is that when SCs do not get reservation after conversion, then why is it not the same for tribals?
“Dr Ambedkar had made a provision in Article 341 of the Constitution. If anyone accepts any foreign-born religion other than Hinduism, Jainism, Buddhism etc., then he or she will have to give up SC reservation. This has been in force since 1956. This is exactly our demand,” said Inder Bhagat, regional coordinator of the Tribal Suraksha Manch.
He further said as soon as a tribal embraces another religion, he loses his traditions, customs and identity, which give him the right to reservation. And someone willingly loses his identity, then why should he get reservation, which is purely based on identity?
“Our demand is that Article 342 for STs should be amended on the basis of Article 341,” he added.
But Dr Kujur said, “This list has been made on the basis of tribe rather than religion. The law of the land gives people the liberty to adopt and practice any religion of their choice. People associated with the Tribal Suraksha Manch cite SC reservation, but they knowingly hide the fact that it is because SCs are part of Hindu religion. It does not apply to STs because the Adivasis are not Hindus.”
In Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand, on one hand, the Janjati Suraksha Manch is spearheading a movement for delisting, while on the other, the Christian Tribal Federation has decided to take to the streets against it.
Opponents say that if this is implemented, the entire tribal community will come under its influence. The concessions given under the Fifth Schedule will be in danger; and if the total tribal population decreases, the community will become de-scheduled (de-notified).
Dr CD Bakhala, spokesperson of the Christian Tribal Federation, said, “We have rights on water, forest and land. If delisting happens, we will be thrown out of our own forests and our existence will end. That is why we are protesting. This will not only affect Christians, but all the entire tribal community.”
“Under Article 330, we get representation in the Lok Sabha and under Article 332 in the Legislative Assembly. But if our state becomes a D schedule, everything will be taken away. We will neither be able to become village head or sarpanch nor MLA or MP,” he further added.
The ‘Local’-’Outsider’ Debate
Chhattisgarh’s Jashpur and its surrounding regions have witnessed a good number of conversions in the past few decades. According to an estimate, 22 percent of the tribal population here have converted to Christianity. And this has fuelled the narrative ‘insiders’ and ‘outsiders’.
The division has increased tension in tribal villages. And the rift has widened so much that people who have lived together in the forests for centuries now talk about separation.
Most of the people in Jashpur’s Sogda village follow Hindu customs. “We are nature worshipers and also worship idols. Those who believe in Christianity do not pray like we do. So, how can we live together? They have been lured into foreign religions and they became Christians. They are now different from us,” said a villager, Manejar Ram.
The area has a mixed population. Tribals have been living in the forests for many generations, and there has been no rift between them based on their religious affiliations. But they begin feeling unease when the issue of delisting is raised.
Munna Tapo denies that the tribals who convert abandon their tribal culture and traditions. “We follow the customs and traditions of the tribal community from birth till death. We go to church only to seek blessings. I challenge those who accuse us of abandoning traditions. They tell us which traditions we don’t follow,” said the resident of Ambikapur.
Anant Prakash asks a few direct questions: “If we are removed from the ST category, in which list will we be accommodated? In which category? What will be our status?”
Polarisation and its Impact on Upcoming Elections
The delisting issue is purely political and has a direct impact on electoral politics. Movements and protests are going on in Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and even in the north-east states where a significant population is Christian. Similar protests are taking place in places like Nashik and Nandurbar in north Maharashtra.
The number of tribes adopting Christianity is high in north-eastern states like Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram, Meghalaya and Nagaland. That is why the issue of delisting is prominent in these states, and there is more polarisation among the tribal communities.
Its impact is visible on the elections. In the last two-three years, there have been many conflicts in areas like Bastar. Many reports of violence have come to light. This will have a definite impact on the elections. And this issue will also have an impact in Odisha, Madhya Pradesh and Jharkhand.
There has been division in votes. In the recent election results of Chhattisgarh, a significant impact of issues like delisting, conversion and homecoming was seen.
The BJP is trying its best to capitalise on the rift. Therefore, it has nominated Janjati Suraksha Manch Convenor Bhojraj Nag as its candidate for the Lok Sabha elections from Kanker in Bastar.
Congress’ official stand in this regard has not been declared yet, but its leaders say that the BJP is raising the issue to divide and polarise people for electoral gains.
If politics is set aside, a deep rift has arisen among the tribals. In the name of tradition, culture, religion and heritage, they are being divided into two camps.
Courtesy : The Mooknayak
Dalits Become Brothers and Sisters During Elections, But Turn Untouchables Once Polls are Over — a Ground Report
“Forget about entering temples, they (people belonging to the socially influential ‘upper’ caste) don’t even let us climb its stairs,” alleged the socially outcasted in Sehore and Vidisha districts. Notably, Vidisha parliamentary constituency has been represented by former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, former Union Minister Sushma Swaraj and ex-Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan, while Sehore is Chouhan’s birthplace.
Tarique Anwar
Bhopal/Vidisha (Madhya Pradesh): Dalits in India are equal citizens allegedly only till elections. Once the polls are over, they allegedly become untouchables and face unimaginable discrimination. They have endured violence, marginalization, stigma and prejudice for millennia. The community, also referred to as the “untouchables”, experiences lifelong marginalisation, exclusion and breaches of their human rights from birth. They are not allowed to go to temples. Even the priest does not come to their house.
We take you to a few villages in Bhopal, Vidisha and Sehore districts that are inhabited by Dalits only. Ichhawar, which is 70 kilometers from the district headquarters of Sehore, has not more than 100 households.
Residents alleged they have not got land lease and a house under the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana because of discrimination.
“The condition of my house has become such that even our relatives have stopped visiting us,” said Leela Bai, a villager, alleging that they face discrimination against at every step.
Resham Bai said she had observed fast and performed puja (worship) at her place. But she alleged the temple priest refused to come to her place.
“They don’t allow us to go to the only Ram temple in the village. Forget about entering the temple, they don’t even let us climb its stairs. As part of marriage rituals, coconuts are offered to the God in the temple. Since we are not allowed to enter the temple, we give the coconut to people belonging to the ‘upper’ caste who go inside and offer it to God,” she narrated.
When there is a puja (worship) in the temple, she said, they sprinkle turmeric and rice outside and come back.
The people of this Dalit village said they have raised the issue many times at the village panchayat and with ‘upper’ caste people, but to no avail.
They said casteism does not spare them even after death. They made separate arrangements for burning their dead as they are not allowed to share the village crematorium.
Baldev Singh Jangra was born in this colony and now his children are also growing up there. He said he has been facing the discrimination since his childhood.
“We never have any temples for offering prayers. The places of worship in our village are under their (‘upper’ caste communities) control, and we are not allowed there. We go to the temples sometimes and perform darshan from outside as our entrance is forbidden. Isn’t it caste discrimination?” he said.
Recalling an incident, he said a fellow villager had once gone to a temple to attend a religious gathering. “He went inside the temple to take prasad (offering made to God). The ‘upper’ caste people threw him out, asking him to stand outside,” he alleged.
Outside the hamlet, there is a hand pump from where the residents collect water. The villagers said the hand pump is their only source of water because the water connection that has come in the village is just for name sake.
Madanlal said he along with others had given money when the water pipeline was being installed, but it turned out to be of no use. They alleged this is also due to discrimination.
“Neither do we have access to the most basic need of water, nor do we get a land lease or have a temple to perform puja. If we organise prayers at home, we don’t find a priest to enable it. The pandits (priests) don’t come to our homes because we belong to ‘lower’ castes and are ‘untouchables’. We are humiliated by calling us ‘chamar’ (generally cobblers by profession), ‘dhobi’ (who are traditionally washermen), ‘balai’ (generally weavers by profession), ‘bhangi’ (traditionally sweepers), etc,” he alleged.
The alleged discrimination is not just restricted to Kheri village only, they said, it happens to Dalits across the state and country for that matter.
The residents of Chandbarh, which is adjacent to Sehore district headquarters, said that Dalit families in rural areas of Sehore district have to face discrimination and humiliation in their everyday life.
The area has a significant population of the Dalit community. The people here said they have now built a separate temple for their community so that no one stops them from offering prayers inside it.
They have endured violence, marginalization, stigma and prejudice for millennia.
The land for the construction of the temple has been donated by one Basant Kumar Malviya.
He said a temple exclusively for Dalits was needed because the community is not allowed to enter into other temples in the locality.
“Bhandaras (community kitchens) were organised everywhere, especially in temples, on the occasion of the consecration of the Ram temple in Ayodhya on January 22. When my fellow community men went there to have food, they were made to sit at a distant place and were fed,” he narrated, adding that the hatred against the Dalits can be gouged from the fact that local temples don’t even accept our monetary donation.
“At the time of voting”, he said, “they (the politicians and ‘upper’ caste people) call us as their brothers and sisters. A few politicians sometimes have food with us in our homes. But it always proved to be an optics as once the elections are over, the situation is back to square one. They begin abusing us as earlier and keep us away”.
Ratanlal Ahirwal looks after the Dalit temple in Chandbarh. He alleged the structure needs further construction work but the ‘upper’ caste people are causing “unnecessary drama”.
He said even after so many years, the government has not given land lease for a temple.
The Sehore district administration is accused of ignoring the issue of discrimination in the society. On March 19, women belonging to Muskura village at Sehore tehsil created ruckus at the collectorate after they were allegedly stopped from drawing water from a public tap.
They handed over a complaint in the form of a memorandum to the district magistrate. They have mentioned the alleged discrimination they face in everyday life.
Talking to journalists, the protesting women said, “There are 60 to 70 houses of our community in the village. People of other communities do not allow us to collect water from public taps. They ask us to collect water from elsewhere but not from the taps on which they claim their ownership. Harijan (Dalit) localities are faced with unimaginable untouchability.”
They have endured violence, marginalization, stigma and prejudice for millennia.
However, Sehore District Magistrate Praveen Singh rejected the allegation of discrimination. “The incident of Muskara village is being investigated, but there is no such untouchability,” he claimed.
Rather he said some women of the village had come to the collectorate and submitted a memorandum to the joint collector, mentioning the issue of water crisis in the village.
“I myself had gone there to probe the matter. Some issues with regard to water were brought to our notice. There are nine bores in the village, out of which seven have now been fixed and started functioning. We did not find anything related Dalit atrocities and untouchability,” he said.
When asked about alleged untouchability being practiced at Kheri and Chandbarh, he said he has got the information about it only through the media.
He claimed to be sending teams of officers to both the places for a probe. “I am sending a team and whatever is necessary will be done. Action will be taken on the basis of the outcomes of their findings,” he added.
The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the ideological mentor of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) that has a significant presence across the length and breadth of the state, apparently acknowledged the alleged caste-based discrimination, describing it a “serious issue”.
“Untouchability has been prevalent within the Hindu society since the first day of its establishment. We are working among people to weed it out,” said a senior RSS functionary.
They have endured violence, marginalization, stigma and prejudice for millennia.
“One group of the Hindu society does not allow the other to enter temples. There are difficulties in taking water from ponds or wells. A section of the society is not allowed to share even crematorium. It is unfortunate and is happening at smaller places, especially in villages. In urban areas, it is less visible or almost non-existent. But it’s a truth that the practice unfortunately is still there. So, we are trying to remove it,” he said.
Vidisha parliamentary constituency has jurisdiction over Kheri and Muskra villages. The seat has been represented in the Lok Sabha by former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, former Union Minister Sushma Swaraj and ex-Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan.
Sehore district is also Chouhan’s birthplace. Now the question arises that despite big names being associated with this constituency, why the alleged inequality prevalent in the society has not been abolished till now.
Courtesy : The Mooknayak.
ELECTION 2024 NATIONAL NEWS TRIBAL
Lok Sabha Elections 2024: How Delisting is Polarising Tribals; Will it Impact Upcoming Polls?
A deep rift has arisen among STs. They are being divided into two camps in the name of tradition, culture, religion and heritage.
Tarique Anwar
New Delhi: Delisting, which aims to strip converted tribals of their Scheduled Tribe status, is creating a rift between tribal communities. The religious identity of being Hindu or Christian is dominating their collective identity of tribals, which is seemingly causing religious polarisation among them.
“It’s a conspiracy to divide us. If Christians and Sarna tribals are separated, we will become a minority. They try to label us as Sarna Sanatan. We are neither Hindus, nor Christians, but tribals. We are nature worshippers,” said Lukhi Murmu, a resident of Jarkhand’s Pakur district.
However, Narayan from a village in Gumla strongly disagrees with Murmu’s statement. “Those who converted to other religions no longer belong to our community. They do not respect our culture, customs and traditions,” he said.
Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Odisha, etc. have a strong tribal population, but nowadays there is a division between them of “local” and “outsider”. They are pitted against each other, and the issue of delisting is further widening their differences.
In the everyday life of tribal areas, the issue of delisting is linked to their culture, social identity and their economic-political rights.
According to the provisions of the Constitution, there is a separate list for Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST) in India. Article 341 (deals with SCs) and Article 342 (deals with STs) lists various tribes and castes. There is a selection criteria for each group.
They have been classified and listed in different states on the basis of their cultural heritage, traditions, lifestyle, customs and practices.
The reservation quota for ST stands 7.5 percent. According to the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution, some tribal-dominated areas have been given special status (Scheduled Areas), and under the Sixth Schedule, the tribal dominated states of the north-east have been given special status and rights. In these states, electoral seats are reserved for people of ST community.
In recent years, there has been a demand among those tribal communities that those who converted to Christianity or Islam should be excluded from the ST list. Hindu supremacist Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)-backed Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram and Navagati Suraksha Manch have been strongly advocating delisting.
Maintaining independent existence of tribals and preserving their culture, religion, language and customs has been a long standing issue. These communities have been given special rights in the Constitution of India.
But cultural and religious diversity within the tribal communities living in different parts of the country has given rise to different interpretations. The community identifies itself as nature worshippers because of its dependence on forests. Therefore, they are called followers of the Adi Dharma. Some of them followed their religion for centuries.
Every tribal community from the north-east to the far south has its own customs and methods of worship. For example, in Jharkhand, tribals talk about Sarna religion. Many tribal communities considered themselves Hindu and assimilated Hindu traditions. Because of this, Hindu nationalist organizations consider them a Hindu.
Christian organizations have been active in Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand for decades. A large number of tribals here have been following Christianity for generations. Religious conversion has been a subject of controversy in India, and Hindu nationalist organizations in particular have been opposing it.
For the first time in 1967, the issue of delisting was raised by the then Congress leader Karthik Oraon. The issue was debated in Parliament too, but since then it has been on the back burner. An organisation called the Janjati Suraksha Manch, which was established in 2006 under the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, has renewed the demand.
Reservation at the Core of Delisting Debate?
People advocating delisting consider tribals as Hindus. But the opponents argue that the tribals have their own religion and customs, and they are free to follow any religion or method of worship of their choice. Therefore, if they exercise their freedom, it should not affect their right to reservation.
The second argument of the opponents of delisting is that reservation is given on the basis of a caste or community. It means it is by birth. How can it be denied on the basis of religion? The constitution does not have any provision of reservation based on religion.
It is true that the demand for delisting is inspired by religious conversion. It also has an economic aspect.
Tribal Christians are well-off far if compared to others. Those demanding delisting argue, “‘They’ get the benefit of reservation, not ‘us’.”
Though the Christian tribals acknowledge inequalities (social, economical and educational), they hold lack of education and awareness accountable for it. To get reservation, one must be educated and several generations of Christian tribals have received education from missionary institutions. Although these educational institutions are for everyone, their argument is, “Why are they troubled with our reservation rights?”
The tribals, who have lagged behind in education and employment, feel that the solution to their problems is reservation; and according to them, Christian tribals should be the first to be deprived of the benefits of reservation. And it can be done through delisting. This is how the issue is creating a divide within the tribal community.
‘If Conversion Ends SC Quota, Why Not ST’s?’
The advocates of the delisting argue that the tribals who embrace Christianity or Islam are getting double benefit.
Rameshwar Ram Bhagat, national general secretary of the RSS-affiliated Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, said, “Hindu tribals are not getting even 10 percent benefit. But the converts are taking double benefit. They are getting benefits from both ST and religious minorities.”
Leaders of Christian tribals deny these allegations. The church located in the Kunkuri area of ??Jashpur is considered to be one of the largest churches in Asia. Most of the population here is Christian. Here, Dr Phoolchand Kujur runs a big hospital, which was established in 1956.
He said there is no separate government scheme or reservation for minorities. “Everyone takes advantage of Christian missionaries-run educational institutions and health facilities. There is no separate scheme for Christians or Muslims. The argument of double benefit is aimed at creating confusions only. No one is getting double benefits,” he added.
Reservation is not given in India on the basis of religion, and according to him, those who advocate delisting are actually demanding an amendment in the Constitution.
Their argument is that when SCs do not get reservation after conversion, then why is it not the same for tribals?
“Dr Ambedkar had made a provision in Article 341 of the Constitution. If anyone accepts any foreign-born religion other than Hinduism, Jainism, Buddhism etc., then he or she will have to give up SC reservation. This has been in force since 1956. This is exactly our demand,” said Inder Bhagat, regional coordinator of the Tribal Suraksha Manch.
He further said as soon as a tribal embraces another religion, he loses his traditions, customs and identity, which give him the right to reservation. And someone willingly loses his identity, then why should he get reservation, which is purely based on identity?
“Our demand is that Article 342 for STs should be amended on the basis of Article 341,” he added.
But Dr Kujur said, “This list has been made on the basis of tribe rather than religion. The law of the land gives people the liberty to adopt and practice any religion of their choice. People associated with the Tribal Suraksha Manch cite SC reservation, but they knowingly hide the fact that it is because SCs are part of Hindu religion. It does not apply to STs because the Adivasis are not Hindus.”
In Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand, on one hand, the Janjati Suraksha Manch is spearheading a movement for delisting, while on the other, the Christian Tribal Federation has decided to take to the streets against it.
Opponents say that if this is implemented, the entire tribal community will come under its influence. The concessions given under the Fifth Schedule will be in danger; and if the total tribal population decreases, the community will become de-scheduled (de-notified).
Dr CD Bakhala, spokesperson of the Christian Tribal Federation, said, “We have rights on water, forest and land. If delisting happens, we will be thrown out of our own forests and our existence will end. That is why we are protesting. This will not only affect Christians, but all the entire tribal community.”
“Under Article 330, we get representation in the Lok Sabha and under Article 332 in the Legislative Assembly. But if our state becomes a D schedule, everything will be taken away. We will neither be able to become village head or sarpanch nor MLA or MP,” he further added.
The ‘Local’-’Outsider’ Debate
Chhattisgarh’s Jashpur and its surrounding regions have witnessed a good number of conversions in the past few decades. According to an estimate, 22 percent of the tribal population here have converted to Christianity. And this has fuelled the narrative ‘insiders’ and ‘outsiders’.
The division has increased tension in tribal villages. And the rift has widened so much that people who have lived together in the forests for centuries now talk about separation.
Most of the people in Jashpur’s Sogda village follow Hindu customs. “We are nature worshipers and also worship idols. Those who believe in Christianity do not pray like we do. So, how can we live together? They have been lured into foreign religions and they became Christians. They are now different from us,” said a villager, Manejar Ram.
The area has a mixed population. Tribals have been living in the forests for many generations, and there has been no rift between them based on their religious affiliations. But they begin feeling unease when the issue of delisting is raised.
Munna Tapo denies that the tribals who convert abandon their tribal culture and traditions. “We follow the customs and traditions of the tribal community from birth till death. We go to church only to seek blessings. I challenge those who accuse us of abandoning traditions. They tell us which traditions we don’t follow,” said the resident of Ambikapur.
Anant Prakash asks a few direct questions: “If we are removed from the ST category, in which list will we be accommodated? In which category? What will be our status?”
Polarisation and its Impact on Upcoming Elections
The delisting issue is purely political and has a direct impact on electoral politics. Movements and protests are going on in Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and even in the north-east states where a significant population is Christian. Similar protests are taking place in places like Nashik and Nandurbar in north Maharashtra.
The number of tribes adopting Christianity is high in north-eastern states like Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram, Meghalaya and Nagaland. That is why the issue of delisting is prominent in these states, and there is more polarisation among the tribal communities.
Its impact is visible on the elections. In the last two-three years, there have been many conflicts in areas like Bastar. Many reports of violence have come to light. This will have a definite impact on the elections. And this issue will also have an impact in Odisha, Madhya Pradesh and Jharkhand.
There has been division in votes. In the recent election results of Chhattisgarh, a significant impact of issues like delisting, conversion and homecoming was seen.
The BJP is trying its best to capitalise on the rift. Therefore, it has nominated Janjati Suraksha Manch Convenor Bhojraj Nag as its candidate for the Lok Sabha elections from Kanker in Bastar.
Congress’ official stand in this regard has not been declared yet, but its leaders say that the BJP is raising the issue to divide and polarise people for electoral gains.
If politics is set aside, a deep rift has arisen among the tribals. In the name of tradition, culture, religion and heritage, they are being divided into two camps.
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