Untouchables News.11.04.2024.by.Team Sivaji.
Hats off to Nehru...
Victim is Dalit, Human Rights Commission seeks report
The National Human Rights Commission has called for a report on the alleged gang rape of an 18-year-old Dalit student in a government college in Patiala, Nabha. At the same time, the police has added SC/ST Act in the FIR.
The victim’s father said, ‘My daughter had a dream of doing something big in life. Despite being a daily wage labourer, I ensured his good higher education. Due to kidney disease his weight is barely 32 kg. Now I will never send her to college.… I am a Dalit and despite all the opposition from my relatives, I always wanted my daughter to become an officer. But his and my dreams are over.
The victim, who is now living with a close relative, says that what happened to her and that too inside the college, has left her heartbroken. The victim told her parents that the three accused took turns to rape her and threatened her with murder, saying that they could gang rape her again. The victim’s father said, it is strange that hundreds of students study there but no one came to her rescue.
According to the allegation, all three accused of gang rape inside the college on March 27 are outsiders, but used to come to the college often. The victim student gathered courage and told her parents on April 7 and then complained to the police. Police have arrested two accused – Davinder Singh and Ravneet Singh – after registering an FIR on April 9, while police are conducting raids in search of Harry.
Dalit farmers from Gujarat ‘tricked’ into buying electoral bonds worth Rs 11K cr: Report
A Welspun official allegedly scammed Dalit victims into investing in electoral bonds.
Six members of a Dalit family from Gujarat were reportedly tricked into purchasing electoral bonds worth Rs 11,00,14,000 on October 11, 2023.
Of this, Rs 10 crore worth of bonds were encashed by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), while the Shiv Sena took Rs 1 crore 14 thousand.
An official of Welspun Enterprises Ltd allegedly scammed the Dalit victims, promising them that their money would increase 1.5 times in a few years if they invested in the electoral bonds. Welspun has not commented on the same.
The incident came after the company acquired around 43,000 square meter of their land and persuaded the Dalits to use the money that they got as compensation to buy bonds on the pretext of avoiding trouble with the Income Tax Department, as per a report in The Quint.
“Welspun had acquired approximately 43,000 square meter of our agricultural land in Anjar for a project.
This money was part of the compensation we were given as per law. But at the time of depositing this money, Mahendrasinh Sodha, a Senior General Manager at the company, told us that such a huge amount can result in trouble with the income tax department…” said Haresh Savakara, the son of one of the six duped in the deal.
“He then introduced us to the electoral bond scheme, which he said would ensure that we get 1.5 times the amount in a few years. We are illiterate people. We had no clue what this scheme was but at that time it sounded very convincing,” added Savakara.
Haresh Savakara has named “Welspun Directors Vishwanathan Kollengode, Sanjay Gupta, Chintan Thaker, and Praveen Bhansali as the accused in the case along with Mahendrasinh Sodha (Senior General Manager at Welspun), Vimal Kishore Joshi (Anjar Land Acquisition Officer), and Hemant alias Danny Rajinikanth Shah (BJP’s Anjar City President),” in the statement released on the behalf of all the duped victims.
However, no police report has been filed in the case yet. The investigating officer has said “if the case merits an FIR”, they will file it once the investigation is complete.
As per the report, Welspun employee Mahendrasinh Sodha who was involved in the acquisition process, held four meetings with Savakara and his son Haresh at Welspun’s Guest House in the company’s compound between 1 October 2023 and 8 October 2023. He eventually convinced them to invest money in the electoral bond scheme citing income tax trouble and handsome returns.
Moreover, he also alleged that BJP Anjar City President Hemant Rajinikanth Shah was part of these meetings. However, Shah has refuted these claims.
Delivering a historic judgment on a batch of petitions challenging the validity of the ‘Electoral Bonds Scheme’, the Supreme Court in February held it “unconstitutional” and violative of the Right to Information and Article 19(1)(a). Two separate but unanimous verdicts were delivered by a five-judge Constitution bench headed by Chief Justice D Y Chandrachud.
Since then, the Opposition has been taking potshots at the ruling BJP over the magnitude of donations it had received since the beginning of the scheme.
Notified by the government on January 2, 2018, the scheme was pitched as an alternative to cash donations made to political parties as part of efforts to bring transparency in political funding.
Courtesy : DH
Muzaffarnagar: Chaudhary Jayant said – will get the cases filed against Dalits withdrawn, took out a road show riding on Shakti Rath
Muzaffarnagar News: Chaudhary Jayant Singh said that the cases registered against Dalits on April 2, 2018 will be withdrawn. He took out a road show in Muzaffarnagar riding on Shakti Rath.
Published by: Kapil kapil
Rashtriya Lok Dal President Chaudhary Jayant Singh said that the cases filed against the people of Dalit community on April 2, 2018 will be withdrawn from the government. Will keep the problems of Dalit society in governance.
In the felicitation ceremony organized by Cabinet Minister Anil Kumar at the resort on Pachanda Road in Muzaffarnagar, Jayant Singh said that the cases registered against the Dalit community during the April 2 movement will be returned after meeting the Chief Minister. By issuing a letter to all the MLAs, he has clearly stated that he will spend 35 percent of his MLA funds on Dalits and 16 percent of the money will be spent on minorities. The problems of Dalits will be put on the platform of the government.
BJP candidate from Muzaffarnagar Lok Sabha seat Dr. Sanjeev Balyan, RLD candidate from Bijnor seat Chandan Chauhan, Cabinet Minister Anil Kumar, Minister of State Kapildev Aggarwal expressed their views. RLD District President Sandeep Malik, Vinay Mittal, Purushottam were present.
Road show carried out riding on Shakti Rath
RLD national president Jayant Singh conducted a road show riding on Shakti Rath in Salarpur and Manphoda villages of Bijnor Lok Sabha constituency. Jayant Singh said that RLD has always been in the hands of party workers. Even during the time of Chaudhary Charan Singh, party workers were highly respected. It is only because of the workers that his party is getting public support today.
During this, candidate from Bijnor Lok Sabha seat Chandan Chauhan, RLD District President Sandeep Malik, MLC Vandana Verma, Ajit Rathi, Dharmendra Tomar, Sanchit Pradhan, Rahul Chaudhary, Vikram Saini, Pawan Ahlawat and Pradeep Kumar were present.
Back in dalit capital after 5 yrs, Akash faces a daunting task
https://www.hindustantimes.com/cities/lucknow-news/back-in-dalit-capital-after-5-yrs-akash-faces-a-daunting-task-101712774974954.html
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เฎเฎจ்เฎค เฎตเฎฉ்เฎฉிเฎฏเฎฐுเฎฎ் เฎคเฎฒிเฎค்เฎคுเฎเฎณை เฎாเฎฏเฎช்เฎชเฎுเฎค்เฎค เฎฎாเฎ்เฎாเฎฐ்เฎเฎณ்: เฎตிเฎดுเฎช்เฎชுเฎฐเฎฎ் เฎชாเฎฎเฎ เฎตேเฎ்เฎชாเฎณเฎฐ் เฎฎுเฎฐเฎณிเฎเฎ்เฎเฎฐ் เฎคேเฎฐ்เฎคเฎฒ் เฎตாเฎ்เฎுเฎฑுเฎคிเฎเฎณை เฎชเฎ்เฎிเฎฏเฎฒிเฎ்เฎாเฎฐ்
เฎตிเฎดுเฎช்เฎชுเฎฐเฎฎ்: เฎตเฎฉ்เฎฉிเฎฏเฎฐ் เฎாเฎคிเฎฏைเฎ் เฎேเฎฐ்เฎจ்เฎคเฎตเฎฐ்เฎเฎณ் เฎฏாเฎฐுเฎฎ் เฎเฎณ்เฎณூเฎฐிเฎฒ் เฎเฎณ்เฎณ เฎคเฎฒிเฎค்เฎคுเฎเฎณுเฎ்เฎு เฎคீเฎ்เฎு เฎெเฎฏ்เฎฏ เฎฎாเฎ்เฎாเฎฐ்เฎเฎณ் เฎเฎฉ்เฎฑு เฎตிเฎดுเฎช்เฎชுเฎฐเฎฎ் เฎเฎ்เฎเฎช்เฎชேเฎฐเฎตைเฎค் เฎคொเฎுเฎคிเฎฏிเฎฉ் เฎชாเฎฎเฎ เฎตேเฎ்เฎชாเฎณเฎฐ் เฎฎுเฎฐเฎณிเฎเฎ்เฎเฎฐ் เฎฎเฎ்เฎเฎณுเฎ்เฎு เฎเฎฑுเฎคிเฎฏเฎณிเฎค்เฎคாเฎฐ்.
เฎฎுเฎฐเฎณி, TNIE เฎเฎเฎฉாเฎฉ เฎเฎฐைเฎฏாเฎเฎฒிเฎฒ், เฎเฎ்เฎிเฎ்เฎு เฎคเฎฉเฎคு เฎจเฎฉ்เฎฑிเฎฏைเฎค் เฎคெเฎฐிเฎตிเฎค்เฎคாเฎฐ், เฎฎเฎ்เฎเฎณுเฎ்เฎு เฎ เฎตเฎฐ் เฎ เฎณிเฎค்เฎค เฎตாเฎ்เฎுเฎฑுเฎคிเฎเฎณ், เฎเฎฒ்เฎฒா เฎจேเฎฐเฎ்เฎเฎณிเฎฒுเฎฎ் เฎคเฎฉเฎคு เฎுเฎฑைเฎชாเฎுเฎเฎณை เฎเฎฑ்เฎฑுเฎ்เฎொเฎณ்เฎตเฎคிเฎฒ் เฎคเฎฉเฎคு เฎจேเฎฐ்เฎฎைเฎฏை เฎตெเฎณிเฎช்เฎชเฎுเฎค்เฎคி, เฎคเฎตเฎฑுเฎเฎณை เฎเฎฐிเฎெเฎฏ்เฎตเฎคเฎฑ்เฎாเฎฉ เฎเฎค்เฎคเฎฐเฎตாเฎคเฎค்เฎคுเฎเฎฉ்.
เฎชเฎฒ เฎ เฎฐเฎிเฎฏเฎฒ் เฎเฎ்เฎிเฎเฎณிเฎฉ் เฎชொเฎฏ்เฎช் เฎชிเฎฐเฎ்เฎாเฎฐเฎ்เฎเฎณுเฎ்เฎு เฎเฎคிเฎฐாเฎ, เฎตเฎฉ்เฎฉிเฎฏเฎฐ் เฎเฎฎூเฎเฎค்เฎคைเฎ் เฎேเฎฐ்เฎจ்เฎคเฎตเฎฐ்เฎเฎณ் เฎเฎต்เฎตเฎณเฎตு เฎเฎฐுเฎฃை เฎฎเฎฑ்เฎฑுเฎฎ் เฎเฎฉเฎจாเฎฏเฎเฎฎ் เฎொเฎฃ்เฎเฎตเฎฐ்เฎเฎณ் เฎเฎฉ்เฎชเฎคை เฎจிเฎฐூเฎชிเฎช்เฎชเฎคเฎฑ்เฎாเฎ เฎจாเฎฉ் เฎชுเฎคเฎฉ்เฎிเฎดเฎฎை เฎคிเฎฐௌเฎชเฎคி เฎ เฎฎ்เฎฎเฎฉ் เฎோเฎฏிเฎฒுเฎ்เฎுเฎณ் เฎจுเฎดைเฎிเฎฑேเฎฉ். เฎจாเฎฉ் เฎเฎ்เฎி เฎเฎฑுเฎช்เฎชிเฎฉเฎฐாเฎ เฎเฎฐுเฎ்เฎுเฎฎ் เฎตเฎฐை, เฎเฎจ்เฎค เฎตเฎฉ்เฎฉிเฎฏเฎฐுเฎฎ் เฎคเฎฒிเฎค் เฎเฎฐுเฎตเฎฐுเฎ்เฎு เฎคீเฎ்เฎு เฎตிเฎณைเฎตிเฎ்เฎ เฎฎாเฎ்เฎாเฎฐ்เฎเฎณ் เฎเฎฉ்เฎฑு เฎเฎฑுเฎคிเฎฏเฎณிเฎ்เฎிเฎฑேเฎฉ். เฎ เฎตเฎฐ்เฎเฎณ் เฎฎเฎฑ்เฎฑொเฎฐு เฎฎுเฎฐเฎณிเฎฏாเฎเฎตே เฎชாเฎฐ்เฎ்เฎเฎช்เฎชเฎுเฎตாเฎฐ்เฎเฎณ்” เฎเฎฉ்เฎிเฎฑாเฎฐ் เฎชாเฎ்เฎாเฎณி เฎฎเฎ்เฎเฎณ் เฎเฎ்เฎி (เฎชிเฎเฎฎ்เฎே) เฎตேเฎ்เฎชாเฎณเฎฐ் เฎฎுเฎฐเฎณி เฎเฎ்เฎเฎฐ்.
เฎฎுเฎช்เฎชเฎค்เฎคி เฎจாเฎฉ்เฎு เฎตเฎฏเฎคாเฎฉ เฎเฎ்เฎเฎฐ், เฎตเฎฐเฎตிเฎฐுเฎ்เฎுเฎฎ் เฎคேเฎฐ்เฎคเฎฒிเฎฒ் เฎชோเฎ்เฎிเฎฏிเฎுเฎฎ் เฎเฎณเฎฎ் เฎตேเฎ்เฎชாเฎณเฎฐ்เฎเฎณிเฎฒ் เฎเฎฐுเฎตเฎฐ். เฎคเฎฐ்เฎฎเฎชுเฎฐி เฎฎாเฎตเฎ்เฎเฎค்เฎคைเฎ் เฎேเฎฐ்เฎจ்เฎค เฎเฎ்เฎเฎฐ், เฎเฎเฎจ்เฎค เฎเฎฑเฎฐை เฎเฎฃ்เฎுเฎเฎณாเฎ เฎชா.เฎฎ.เฎ.เฎตிเฎฉ் เฎฎாเฎจிเฎฒ เฎฎாเฎฃเฎตเฎฐเฎฃி เฎெเฎฏเฎฒாเฎณเฎฐாเฎ เฎเฎฐுเฎจ்เฎคு, เฎฎாเฎจிเฎฒเฎฎ் เฎฎுเฎดுเฎตเฎคுเฎฎ் เฎเฎณ்เฎณ เฎคொเฎฃ்เฎเฎฐ்เฎเฎณிเฎைเฎฏே เฎคเฎฉเฎคு เฎชเฎฐிเฎ்เฎเฎฏเฎค்เฎคை เฎตเฎฒுเฎช்เฎชเฎுเฎค்เฎคிเฎฉாเฎฐ்.
เฎ เฎตเฎฐ் เฎเฎฐு เฎாเฎฒ்เฎชเฎจ்เฎคு เฎตீเฎฐเฎฐ் เฎฎเฎฑ்เฎฑுเฎฎ் เฎชเฎฏிเฎฑ்เฎிเฎฏாเฎณเฎฐுเฎฎ் เฎเฎตாเฎฐ், เฎெเฎฉ்เฎฉைเฎฏிเฎฒ் เฎเฎฐு เฎคเฎฉிเฎฏாเฎฐ் เฎชுเฎฒ்เฎตெเฎณிเฎฏை เฎตைเฎค்เฎคிเฎฐுเฎ்เฎிเฎฑாเฎฐ். เฎฎுเฎฉ்เฎฉเฎคாเฎ, เฎ เฎตเฎฐ் 2021 เฎฎเฎฑ்เฎฑுเฎฎ் 2016 เฎเฎ்เฎเฎฎเฎฉ்เฎฑเฎค் เฎคேเฎฐ்เฎคเฎฒ்เฎเฎณிเฎฒ் เฎฎுเฎฑைเฎฏே เฎตเฎจ்เฎคเฎตாเฎி เฎฎเฎฑ்เฎฑுเฎฎ் เฎนเฎฐூเฎฐ் เฎคொเฎுเฎคிเฎเฎณிเฎฒ் เฎชோเฎ்เฎிเฎฏிเฎ்เฎாเฎฐ்.
เฎตிเฎดுเฎช்เฎชுเฎฐเฎค்เฎคிเฎฒ் เฎเฎฉเฎคு เฎเฎฒเฎ்เฎிเฎฏเฎ்เฎเฎณாเฎฉ เฎாเฎ்เฎเฎฐ் เฎเฎฏா (เฎชா.เฎฎ.เฎ. เฎคเฎฒைเฎตเฎฐ் เฎாเฎ்เฎเฎฐ். เฎเฎธ். เฎฐாเฎฎเฎคாเฎธ்), เฎாเฎ்เฎเฎฐ் เฎ เฎฃ்เฎฃเฎฉ் (เฎชா.เฎฎ.เฎ. เฎเฎณைเฎเฎฐเฎฃி เฎெเฎฏเฎฒாเฎณเฎฐ் เฎாเฎ்เฎเฎฐ். เฎเฎธ். เฎ เฎฉ்เฎชுเฎฎเฎฃி) เฎเฎிเฎฏோเฎฐிเฎฉ் เฎொเฎจ்เฎค เฎเฎฐ் เฎเฎฉ்เฎชเฎคாเฎฒ், เฎตிเฎดுเฎช்เฎชுเฎฐเฎค்เฎคிเฎฒ் เฎชோเฎ்เฎிเฎฏிเฎ เฎிเฎ்เฎெเฎ் เฎிเฎைเฎค்เฎคเฎคை เฎชெเฎฐுเฎฎைเฎฏாเฎ เฎเฎฐுเฎคுเฎிเฎฑேเฎฉ். เฎเฎจ்เฎค เฎคேเฎฐ்เฎคเฎฒிเฎฒ் เฎเฎฉเฎ்เฎு,'' เฎเฎฉ்เฎฑாเฎฐ்.
เฎเฎ்เฎเฎฐ் SC/ST เฎชிเฎฐிเฎตிเฎฉเฎฐுเฎ்เฎு เฎเฎคுเฎ்เฎเฎช்เฎชเฎ்เฎ เฎீเฎ்เฎிเฎฒ் เฎเฎฐுเฎจ்เฎคு เฎคேเฎฐ்เฎคเฎฒிเฎฒ் เฎชோเฎ்เฎிเฎฏிเฎுเฎிเฎฑாเฎฐ்.
เฎเฎฐுเฎช்เฎชிเฎฉுเฎฎ், เฎชாเฎฎเฎ เฎคเฎฒைเฎตเฎฐ் เฎเฎณ்เฎณூเฎฐ் เฎตเฎฉ்เฎฉிเฎฏเฎฐ் เฎเฎคเฎฐเฎตு เฎเฎ்เฎிเฎฏுเฎเฎฉ் เฎตเฎฒுเฎตாเฎฉ เฎชிเฎฃைเฎช்เฎชைเฎ் เฎொเฎฃ்เฎிเฎฐுเฎช்เฎชเฎคாเฎ เฎจเฎฎ்เฎชுเฎிเฎฑாเฎฐ்.
เฎเฎ்เฎเฎฐ் เฎคேเฎฐ்เฎจ்เฎคெเฎுเฎ்เฎเฎช்เฎชเฎ்เฎாเฎฒ், เฎตிเฎดுเฎช்เฎชுเฎฐเฎฎ் เฎฎเฎฑ்เฎฑுเฎฎ் เฎคிเฎฃ்เฎிเฎตเฎฉเฎฎ் เฎชเฎுเฎคிเฎเฎณிเฎฒ் เฎตேเฎฒை เฎตாเฎฏ்เฎช்เฎชுเฎเฎณை เฎฎேเฎฎ்เฎชเฎுเฎค்เฎค เฎชுเฎคிเฎฏ เฎคொเฎดிเฎฒ்เฎคுเฎฑை เฎคாเฎด்เฎตாเฎฐเฎ்เฎเฎณை เฎொเฎฃ்เฎு เฎตเฎฐ เฎตிเฎฐுเฎฎ்เฎชுเฎตเฎคாเฎ เฎூเฎฑிเฎฉாเฎฐ்.
"เฎคொเฎดிเฎฒ்เฎจுเฎ்เฎช เฎชூเฎ்เฎா เฎจเฎเฎฐเฎค்เฎคிเฎฒிเฎฐுเฎจ்เฎคு 60 เฎிเฎฒோเฎฎீเฎ்เฎเฎฐ் เฎคொเฎฒைเฎตிเฎฒ் เฎเฎณ்เฎณ เฎตாเฎฉூเฎฐிเฎฒ் เฎ เฎคเฎฉ் เฎฎுเฎคเฎฉ்เฎฎை เฎจோเฎ்เฎเฎค்เฎคை เฎฎுเฎฑிเฎฏเฎிเฎค்เฎคு เฎ เฎฎைเฎ்เฎเฎช்เฎชเฎ்เฎுเฎณ்เฎณเฎคு," เฎเฎฉ்เฎฑு เฎ เฎตเฎฐ் เฎூเฎฑிเฎฉாเฎฐ்.
เฎฎேเฎฒுเฎฎ், เฎชเฎฏเฎฃ เฎจேเฎฐเฎค்เฎคைเฎ் เฎுเฎฑைเฎ்เฎுเฎฎ் เฎตเฎைเฎฏிเฎฒ், เฎுเฎฑிเฎช்เฎชாเฎ เฎชுเฎคுเฎ்เฎேเฎฐி-เฎตிเฎดுเฎช்เฎชுเฎฐเฎฎ்-เฎெเฎฉ்เฎฉை เฎตเฎดிเฎค்เฎคเฎเฎค்เฎคிเฎฒ் เฎเฎฐுเฎ்เฎுเฎฎ் เฎฐเฎฏிเฎฒ்เฎเฎณிเฎฒ் เฎชெเฎ்เฎிเฎเฎณிเฎฉ் เฎเฎฃ்เฎฃிเฎ்เฎைเฎฏை เฎ เฎคிเฎเฎฐிเฎ்เฎเฎช்เฎชเฎுเฎฎ் เฎเฎฉ்เฎฑு เฎชாเฎฎเฎ เฎคเฎฒைเฎตเฎฐ் เฎเฎฑுเฎคிเฎฏเฎณிเฎค்เฎคாเฎฐ்.
เฎฎเฎ்เฎเฎณเฎตைเฎค் เฎคேเฎฐ்เฎคเฎฒிเฎฒ் เฎชாเฎเฎ เฎคเฎฒைเฎฎைเฎฏிเฎฒாเฎฉ เฎคேเฎிเฎฏ เฎเฎฉเฎจாเฎฏเฎเฎ் เฎூเฎ்เฎเฎฃிเฎฏுเฎเฎฉ் เฎเฎฃைเฎจ்เฎคு เฎชோเฎ்เฎிเฎฏிเฎுเฎฎ் เฎชாเฎฎเฎ, เฎเฎเฎเฎคுเฎ்เฎீเฎு เฎฎுเฎฑை เฎுเฎฑிเฎค்เฎคு เฎฎாเฎฑுเฎชเฎ்เฎ เฎเฎฐுเฎค்เฎคுเฎ்เฎเฎณைเฎ் เฎொเฎฃ்เฎுเฎณ்เฎณเฎคு.
เฎเฎฒ்เฎตி เฎฎเฎฑ்เฎฑுเฎฎ் เฎตேเฎฒைเฎตாเฎฏ்เฎช்เฎชிเฎฒ் เฎตเฎฉ்เฎฉிเฎฏ เฎเฎฎூเฎเฎค்เฎคிเฎฉเฎฐுเฎ்เฎு เฎเฎฎ்เฎชிเฎி เฎชிเฎฐிเฎตிเฎฉ் เฎீเฎด் 10.5% เฎเฎณ் เฎเฎเฎเฎคுเฎ்เฎீเฎ்เฎிเฎฑ்เฎு เฎชாเฎฎเฎ เฎเฎฑுเฎคிเฎฏเฎณிเฎค்เฎคுเฎณ்เฎณ เฎจிเฎฒைเฎฏிเฎฒ், เฎชாเฎเฎ เฎ เฎจ்เฎค เฎฏோเฎเฎฉைเฎฏை เฎเฎคிเฎฐ்เฎค்เฎคுเฎณ்เฎณเฎคு.
เฎเฎฐுเฎช்เฎชிเฎฉுเฎฎ், เฎฎாเฎจிเฎฒเฎค்เฎคிเฎฒ் เฎเฎฐு เฎเฎ்เฎிเฎเฎณுเฎฎ் เฎூเฎ்เฎเฎฃி เฎ เฎฎைเฎค்เฎคுเฎณ்เฎณ เฎจிเฎฒைเฎฏிเฎฒ், เฎชா.เฎฎ.เฎ., เฎคเฎฒைเฎตเฎฐ், "เฎจเฎฐேเฎจ்เฎคிเฎฐ เฎฎோเฎிเฎฏாเฎฒ் 500 เฎเฎฃ்เฎுเฎாเฎฒ เฎ เฎฏோเฎค்เฎคி เฎชிเฎฐเฎ்เฎฉைเฎ்เฎு เฎคீเฎฐ்เฎตு เฎாเฎฃ เฎฎுเฎிเฎจ்เฎคாเฎฒ், เฎเฎจ்เฎค เฎเฎเฎเฎคுเฎ்เฎீเฎு เฎชிเฎฐเฎ்เฎฉைเฎฏை เฎเฎ்เฎเฎณ் เฎเฎ்เฎிเฎค் เฎคเฎฒைเฎตเฎฐுเฎเฎฉ் เฎชேเฎி เฎคீเฎฐ்เฎค்เฎคுเฎ்เฎொเฎณ்เฎณ เฎฎுเฎிเฎฏுเฎฎ்" เฎเฎฉ்เฎฑாเฎฐ்.
เฎตாเฎ்เฎுเฎฑுเฎคிเฎเฎณ் เฎฎเฎฑ்เฎฑுเฎฎ் เฎฎுเฎฉ்เฎฉோเฎ்เฎுเฎเฎณ் เฎเฎฐுเฎชுเฎฑเฎฎ் เฎเฎฐுเฎ்เฎ, เฎเฎ்เฎเฎฐ், เฎชเฎ்เฎிเฎฏเฎฒ் เฎฎเฎฑ்เฎฑுเฎฎ் เฎிเฎฑுเฎชாเฎฉ்เฎฎை เฎเฎฎூเฎเฎ்เฎเฎณைเฎ் เฎேเฎฐ்เฎจ்เฎค เฎฎாเฎฃเฎตเฎฐ்เฎเฎณுเฎ்เฎு เฎฎுเฎฑைเฎฏே เฎชோเฎธ்เฎ் เฎฎเฎฑ்เฎฑுเฎฎ் เฎฎெเฎ்เฎฐிเฎ் เฎธ்เฎாเฎฒเฎฐ்เฎทிเฎช்เฎเฎณை เฎுเฎฑைเฎช்เฎชเฎคு เฎฎเฎฑ்เฎฑுเฎฎ் เฎฐเฎค்เฎคு เฎெเฎฏ்เฎตเฎคு เฎชเฎฑ்เฎฑி เฎ เฎฑிเฎจ்เฎคிเฎฐுเฎ்เฎเฎตிเฎฒ்เฎฒை.
"เฎเฎฉเฎ்เฎு เฎเฎจ்เฎค เฎชிเฎฐเฎ்เฎிเฎฉை เฎชเฎฑ்เฎฑி เฎคெเฎฐிเฎฏாเฎคு, เฎเฎฉாเฎฒ் เฎเฎฉเฎคு เฎคொเฎுเฎคிเฎฏிเฎฒுเฎฎ் เฎคேเฎเฎค்เฎคிเฎฒுเฎฎ் เฎเฎณ்เฎณ เฎคเฎฒிเฎค்เฎคுเฎเฎณ் เฎฎเฎฑ்เฎฑுเฎฎ் เฎிเฎฑுเฎชாเฎฉ்เฎฎைเฎฏிเฎฉเฎฐிเฎฉ் เฎாเฎฐเฎฃเฎ்เฎเฎณுเฎ்เฎாเฎ เฎจிเฎ்เฎเฎฏเฎฎாเฎ เฎுเฎฐเฎฒ் เฎொเฎுเฎช்เฎชேเฎฉ்."
เฎเฎฎாเฎฎ்.เฎตเฎฉ்เฎฉிเฎฏเฎฐ்เฎเฎณ் Sc เฎเฎฉ เฎฎเฎ்เฎเฎณை เฎคொเฎจ்เฎคเฎฐเฎตு เฎெเฎฏ்เฎคเฎคு เฎிเฎைเฎฏாเฎคு.
เฎเฎฎாเฎฎ்.
1) เฎคเฎฎிเฎด் เฎจாเฎு เฎฎுเฎดுเฎตเฎคுเฎฎ் เฎฎเฎฐเฎ்เฎเฎณை เฎตெเฎ்เฎ เฎตிเฎฒ்เฎฒை.
2)เฎคเฎฎிเฎดเฎเฎฎ் เฎฎுเฎดுเฎตเฎคுเฎฎ் เฎเฎคி เฎคிเฎฐாเฎตிเฎเฎฐ்เฎเฎณை เฎเฎ เฎตிเฎ்เฎเฎคு เฎிเฎைเฎฏாเฎคு.
3)เฎตிเฎดுเฎช்เฎชுเฎฐเฎค்เฎคிเฎฒ் เฎเฎฐிเฎเฎฐเฎฏிเฎฒ் เฎเฎคி เฎคிเฎฐாเฎตிเฎเฎฐ்เฎเฎณை เฎொเฎฃ்เฎฃเฎคு เฎிเฎைเฎฏாเฎคு.
4)เฎคเฎฐ்เฎฎเฎชுเฎฐி เฎฏிเฎฒ் 300 เฎுเฎுเฎฎ்เฎชเฎ்เฎเฎณை เฎเฎ เฎตிเฎเฎตிเฎฒ்เฎฒை.
เฎจிเฎฑைเฎฏ เฎเฎณ்เฎณเฎคு.
เฎตเฎฃ்เฎฃிเฎฏเฎฉுเฎ்เฎு เฎชொเฎฑเฎจ்เฎค SC เฎเฎ்เฎு เฎจிเฎ்เฎเฎฐாเฎฉ்.เฎเฎே.เฎோ เฎ head.cross pollination...
The path Ambedkar showed: Why lower castes embrace Buddhism
The Gujarat government has said conversion to Buddhism will require prior approval of the authorities. Buddhism's egalitarian appeal has long attracted the oppressed in Hinduism.
An artistic representation of Dr Ambedkar and his wife, Savita, embracing Buddhism in 1956. (Wikimedia Commons)The Gujarat government has said conversions from Hinduism to Buddhism require prior approval from the district magistrate under provisions of the Gujarat Freedom of Religion Act, 2003 (GFRA).
Every year, thousands of Dalits in Gujarat (and elsewhere) convert to Buddhism, often en masse. Ramesh Banker, secretary of the Gujarat Buddhist Academy, told The Indian Express that at least 2,000 people, mostly Dalits, converted to Buddhism in Gujarat in 2023.
The most famous Dalit convert to Buddhism in independent India is Dr B R Ambedkar, who embraced Buddhism along with lakhs of followers in 1956. But the history of lower castes turning to Buddhism goes much further back in history.
Buddhism’s promise of equality
Buddhism emerged in the fifth century BCE, out of the teachings of Siddhartha Gautama (c. 6th-5th century BCE). According to Buddhist tradition, Gautama, son of the chief of the Sakya kingdom, in present-day Nepal, became a wandering ascetic after becoming disillusioned with the world around him. He started preaching a novel doctrine and, after his death, his followers created a congregation to pass down their teacher’s words — and thus, a new religion was born.
Buddhism’s growth has been viewed by scholars as a response to the orthodoxy of the prevailing Vedic religion. L P Gomes wrote in The Encyclopedia of Religion (ed. Mircea Eliade, 1989): “The roots of Indian Buddhism are to be found in the shramanic movement of the sixth century BCE… [The shramanas] set religious goals that stood outside and in direct opposition to the religious and social order of the brahmanas”. Jainism is the other major religion to have emerged in a similar social setting, albeit slightly earlier than Buddhism.
Buddhism started off as a non-ritualistic religion that rejected the elaborate animal sacrifices of the Vedic religion, and was more accessible to the laity. The Buddhist sangha (monastic order), which formed soon after The Buddha’s death, was open to people from all sections of society, including the so-called “untouchables”.
Conversion for emancipation
Buddhism rejected the institution of caste that formed the backbone of Vedic society. Dr Ambedkar wrote: “Buddhism was a revolution. It was as great a Revolution as the French Revolution.” (Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Ancient India, an incomplete manuscript published in 2017).
Buddhism eventually declined in India (even as it flourished in East and South-East Asia), and caste society prevailed for another couple of millenia. In the 19th and 20th centuries, however, radical intellectuals from oppressed castes once again started to harken to Buddhism in their bid to challenge the Brahmanical hegemony.
Among them was Iyothee Thasar in the Tamil region, who imagined a Dravidian identity with roots in a Buddhist past. In Malayalam-speaking areas, reformers such as Mitavadi Krishnan and Sahodaran Ayyappan proposed leaving Hinduism as a political tool to negotiate the rights of the lower castes.
In the early decades of the 20th century, as India saw various social reform movements, the threat of conversion played an important role in negotiations for rights such as temple entry, right of way, anti-untouchability legislation, and the promotion of inter-dining and inter-caste marriages.
Dr Ambedkar told a gathering of Mahars in Mumbai in 1936: “I tell you all very specifically, religion is for man and not man for religion. To get human treatment, convert yourselves.”
After spending decades studying Buddhism, and coming up with his own radically anti-caste, rationalist version, Ambedkar converted to Buddhism on October 14, 1956, along with over 3.6 lakh followers.
Since then, the practice of lower castes converting to Buddhism has become prevalent across the country, not only seen as an avenue for emancipation, but also as the path taken by Dr Ambedkar.
Suraj YengdeOpinion11 April 2024ArtReview Asia
The works of Vikrant Bhise are connected by the hope for justice and equality that they express
There are traditions that are held close by people who draw on their lineage to give themselves meaning in the world. But traditions are not necessarily linear; at times they are built on fictions that represent a grandiose retelling of the past and of the lives of ancestors. Some traditions are built upon people’s fiction; some combine imagination and relative truth. Historian Eric Hobsbawm famously commented on the tenor of what constitutes tradition and how customs are created: he rejected the argument about tradition being a continuing affair with the past; saying instead that it is created frequently, invented, as a sort of memory.
Memory in a Proustian doctrine is a playable drama. One recounts and plays the past into a memory, making it relatable and enjoyable in the process. As a consequence, oftentimes, these memories are a recreation of one’s desires. These actions account for the past as we want it to be. As a kind of anecdote or proverb.
But the many people who are mindlessly pushed aside into the corners of the ‘developed’ world don’t have the means or the opportunity to turn their memories into literature. They are robbed both of their story and of the means to tell it. Yet while their minds may be colonised, and thus their memories unrecorded, that memory itself cannot be stolen.
When memory acquires politics, it is a call against the reactionary tabula rasa. Memory for many of us is an ancestral gift preserved through suttas, poems, epics and orality. For this model to work requires an undaunted faith in the ability of a flexible mind. We rehearse in our minds to add higher, unsimplified meanings to ephemeral realities.
The Dalit community in India has persevered against the madness of feudal, Brahminical edicts written down as laws. We narrated our endurance through whispers of art and the actions of the Dalit Panthers or Samata Sainik Dal (a defence organisation established by Dalit social reformer Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar and dedicated to preserving the rights of India’s oppressed peoples). Our social history has been recorded in our memories but has not yet been preserved. Almost every Dalit artist equipped with an anticaste, activist background has made it possible to view Dalit semantics. Among these last is artist Vikrant Bhise, whose figurative painting was on show at Anant Art Gallery in Noida, Uttar Pradesh. Vikrant works on large canvases. His choice of subject matter is urbane and limited to his life experiences. His subject is the untouched but you won’t find the segregated squalor of the countryside here. The diverse works in Sense and Sensibilities: A Reflective Realisation were connected by the hope for justice and equality that they express, optimistically and ironically married to the constitutionalist frame and state.
Vikrant has curated the social story of contemporary India. Chaityabhumi: Assembly of the Parinibban of Great Being (2023) refers to the site in Mumbai where Ambedkar was cremated and is visited by over a million visitors from across the world over the two days in December that mark the anniversary of his death. At the centre of the painting is the marketplace, a sea of humanity. On the horizon is a verdant forest, as Vikrant replaces concrete jungles with an ecological embrace of the congregation, paying homage to the Sangha of the Buddha, who is pictured, hovering above a stall, centre-right. Like many of his recent works it is suffused with the ambience of a cerulean blue. It’s a guarantee of his politics. Blue is a metaphor of the large, expanding, common sky, roofed over the homeless and destitute. As such it is also a call for the revolution of the oppressed.
Indeed Vikrant carries solidarity and struggle as the object of his investigation. His Archival Historicity/Dalit Panthers series (2023; 100 gouache paintings arranged in a pyramid) records the history of the movement, its rise and fall narrativised through adjacent frames.
But Vikrant does not only paint the Dalit struggle. His work also spans struggles in America, looking at Martin Luther King Jr and Palestine (Gaza Anarchy: Women & Children, 2023, for example). But ultimately these struggles are all against the casteist feudal state. The Palestinians are aiming at the coloniser. The Kashmiris are left directing that anger towards the militarised zones that occupy their private property. In Africa and elsewhere, civil protests are those of the common people, having to find natural resources. Central to Vikrant’s concern are human beings facing a perilous existence. Buried in the hubris of caste, class, religion, gender and everyday life, Vikrant wants to make them objects of beauty and decorum.
Suraj Yengde is a W.E.B. Du Bois Fellow at Harvard University and a doctoral candidate at the University of Oxford. He is the author of Caste Matters (2019).
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