UNTOUCHABLES NEWS.17.04.2024.by Team Sivaji.Chennai.26.

• Dalits and ritual pollution.

Dalit freedom is impossible until they question the beliefs and practices of untouchability in rituals.

Updated at : April 16, 2024 07:21

Recently, one of my relatives died in Kathmandu, and no Bahun pundit or purohit was available for the funeral services. They wouldn’t like to ‘pollute’ themselves by serving Dalit clients. As is common practice within the Dalit community, a pseudo-pundit from the same caste was hired to perform the ritual.

Unlike me, others weren’t bothered by this Brahmanic exclusion in this important ritual in this day and age. It further struck me that even Dalit lifecycle rituals are replete with the traditional practice of untouchability. Isn’t it oxymoronic for the same people to demand freedom from caste discrimination?

Fake Hindus

Wrapped in white clothing, the wife and the sons of the departed performing death rituals were required to avoid physical contact with other people and their objects. They prepared saltless food once a day and ate and drank separately. They had to be escorted to the toilets lest other people, cats and dogs touch them and spoil the sacred occasion.

The principle of segregation was strictly observed at the funeral, as everybody believed any transgression would likely anger the spirit of the deceased, potentially causing harm to the family members and close kin. As an atheist, I found this belief absurd, but this was a serious matter for the believer.

More importantly, these Dalits were not conscious of the fact that they were upholding the same principles of caste-based ritual purity and pollution that have long been used to exclude, humiliate and suppress them. It was challenging to make them understand that they were essentially reaffirming their own ‘impure’ or ‘untouchable’ status by following these ancient rules.

An overwhelming majority of Dalits consider themselves Hindus, but this is a ridiculous lie. In reality, they are what I call ‘pseudo-Hindus’. How can those completely excluded from religious and ritual arenas, disallowed to read the sacred texts (the Vedas in the main), and barred from entering the temples of the deities and gods they revere be called Hindus? If Dalits belonged to the same religious community, how come ‘upper-caste’ mourners refuse to even speak with them, fearing that exchanging words with the ritually impure would prevent the spirit of their dead from taking the highway to heaven, as it were?

Dalits may be fake Hindus, but many of their religious practices, customs and traditions, including their lifecycle rituals, have been designed in such a way that the concept of ritual pollution—untouchability—has been accentuated and perpetuated. By following the Hindu rituals and customs, even without the supervision of a Bahun pundit or priest, Dalits have unwittingly done a great service to the community of the apex castes that are bent on preserving caste hierarchy and persisting in the oppression of Dalits.

Herein lies the critical blockage on the path of Dalit freedom. Modern state laws are largely secular and have declared caste discrimination a punishable crime. It’s been a big achievement for Dalits in the past decades. Yet many Dalits continue to suffer from caste hatred and humiliation to date because religious practices and ritual traditions have made untouchability mandatory.

This is the critical fact that most Nepali Dalit activists have yet to wake up to. Their discourses still haven’t brought religious or spiritual issues to the spotlight.

Popular self-humiliation

My relatives may be forgiven for practising untouchability during the funeral, partly because they are not politically active and perhaps nobody has made them aware of these things thus far. But it is deeply frustrating that most Dalit politicians and intellectuals, including those who consider themselves genuine communists or Marxists, and who have been politically struggling for the elimination of caste discrimination for decades, themselves uncritically follow the rituals of caste separation at home.

We have seen and heard about many occasions where Dalit leaders, including ministers and members of parliament, and fierce Dalit rights advocates, follow the principle of ritual pollution at home, mainly seen in the religious and spiritual realms.

Many Dalits organise, for example, separate kitchens and dining spaces for the ‘higher’ and ‘lower’ castes during lifecycle rituals such as weddings, funerals, worship and other sacred occasions.

There was a time, following the democratic changes of the early 1990s, when Dalit activists organised forced entry into temples as an important part of their fight against casteism. This was when the doors of some of the bigger temples in towns like Kathmandu and Gorkha were thrown open to all devotees, including Dalits, although some did devise roundabout ways to prevent Dalit entry. However, today, Dalits are completely silent about religious and cultural issues related to caste and casteism.

There has never been a proper political discussion among Dalits about the central role of religion and culture in persisting caste discrimination. They did break some temples and kill cows, as instructed by their upper-caste leaders, in some hills and mountains during the People’s War. But somehow, even the Maoists didn’t seem to properly educate their cadres about the role of religion in dehumanising and dominating them through the centuries.

As the noted American scholar of Nepali Dalits, Steven Folmar, has observed, there is a great degree of internalisation of caste discrimination amongst Dalits. I would add that there is much emulation of the high-caste cultural practice of untouchability. Much of this happens through ritual practices and religious beliefs (there is little effect of the scriptures directly, as most Dalits have never read them). It seems to me that perhaps Karl Marx was right when he noted that religion is opium; its effect seems to have numbed Dalit sensitivities to caste oppression.

How can we expect to liberate ourselves from caste exclusion and humiliation when we obediently adhere to the rituals and other cultural practices of caste exclusion and separation in our own homes, communities and societies? The problem has been complicated because Dalit communities are—like the rest of Nepali society—highly religious and spiritual. Dalit freedom is impossible until many Dalits, particularly the activists, question the unquestionable—beliefs and practices of untouchability in rituals.

Forgotten Ambedkar

April 14 was Ambedkar’s birth anniversary. Some Dalit activists and politicians in Kathmandu and a few other towns in the southern plains celebrated the day in honour of the great Indian Dalit leader, scholar and social reformer. Many Nepali Dalits have been awarded the prestigious Ambedkar Award in India. However, his ideology is little understood in this country.

Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar wrote many great books—such as the famous The Annihilation of Caste—in the first half of the 20th century, showing feasible paths for the freedom of Dalits. He has opened our eyes by stressing that the Hindu religion is the taproot of caste discrimination and that conversion is the only way out. He converted half a million Dalits to Buddhism in Nagpur on October 14, 1956. Ambedkar continues to be the source of great inspiration for millions of Dalits in India and beyond.

It is important for Nepali Dalits to properly understand Ambedkarite ideology and politics. But we should use it as it seems fit for our times and country. I believe that the Dalit movement should now bring the issue of caste to the centre stage and push the state of Nepal to reform Hindu religion and culture, enforce secular laws and suppress traditional Manubadi laws.

Nepal can reform the religion if it takes the agenda seriously and sufficiently forces rulers to move in that direction. This is the key to Dalit freedom. It is important to understand that the eradication of the custom of sati didn’t destroy the Hindu religion; the eradication of the custom of untouchability will not either. We should also enlighten our own people about this reality. 

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Could become Supreme Court judge due to Ambedkar, says Justice Gavai

Could become Supreme Court judge due to Ambedkar, says Justice Gavai

Justice BR Gavai, who will be the second Dalit to become Chief Justice of India in 2025, said that he could become a Supreme Court judge due to Dr BR Ambedkar.

Justice Gavai will become the Chief Justice of India in May 2025 and would be the second person from Dalit community to hold the post. (File picture/PTI)

Kanu Sarda

New Delhi,UPDATED: Apr 16, 2024 05:36 IST

Edited By: Ashutosh Acharya

In Short

• Justice Gavai says he could become Supreme Court judge due to Ambedkar
• Justice Gavai will be second Dalit to become Chief Justice of India in 2025
• Justice AS Oka says there should be debate on enforcement of Article 32

Justice BR Gavai of the Supreme Court said on Monday that he could become a judge of the top court only due to Dr BR Ambedkar.

Speaking at the Ambedkar Memorial Lecture along with Justice AS Oka, Justice Govai said, "The credit of the origin of the Indian Constitution goes to Dr BR Ambedkar. It is only because of Dr BR Ambedkar that a person like me, who studied in a semi-slum area at a municipal school could reach this position," Justice Gavai said, adding that Article 32 has been used as a tool for transformative justice.

Notably, Justice Gavai will become the Chief Justice of India in May 2025 and would be the second person from Dalit community to hold the post.

Expressing concerns over the mounting arrears of cases in the Supreme Court, Justice Oka observed that there should be a debate on whether a test should be laid down on invoking Article 32.

"Some may argue that the Supreme Court should entertain all Article 32 pleas without sending them to the High Courts. But we are not living in an ideal world and if there was no pendency of cases, then the scene would have been different. There are 80,000 cases pending in the Supreme Court," he said.

"We are not only a constitutional court, but also an appellate court. When we have mounting arrears, we need to fix our priorities," Justice Oka added.

"There are prisoners who have been denied permanent remission, there are appeals by accused who have been incarcerated for long. But there are businessmen also, who come with a big team of lawyers consuming time of court and arguing that article 19 (1) (g) is violated. Then how do we bring equality between the common convict and the businessman?" he questioned.

Calling for a debate on enforcement of Article 32, he said, "Should there be some test laid down, which says that only if these tests are adhered to, then Article 32 can be invoked. Thus, this is a debatable topic as to whether such a test can be laid down and restrict its own power."

According to Article 32 of the Constitution, citizens can move to the Supreme Court if denied their fundamental rights guaranteed in the Constitution.

Published By:

Ashutosh Acharya.

Education

Casteist Attacks: Is Delhi University Creating a Hostile Environment for Dalit-Bahujan Students?

During a rally commemorating Jyotiba Phule Jayanti, students honored the icon by hoisting the blue flag of Ambedkar at the Law Faculty in north campus. However, the following day, the flag was found replaced with a saffron one.

Representational Image

Ayanabha Banerjee

Published on: 

16 Apr 2024, 10:13 am

New Delhi - Delhi University once again faces intense public scrutiny, this time due to a series of disturbing casteist attacks on campus and one of its constituent colleges.

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During a rally commemorating Jyotiba Phule Jayanti, students hoisted the blue flag of Ambedkar at the Law Faculty in North Campus. However, the next day, they discovered the flag lying in a corner, replaced by a saffron flag.

Upon investigation, CCTV footage revealed that the perpetrators were affiliated with the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP). Priyam Sharma, a union member holding the position of secretary at Law Faculty Centre no. 2, has been identified as the main accused.

The Mooknayak spoke with Hitesh, a member of the Student Federation of India and a student at the Law Faculty. He recounted that a protest was organized on 15th April at North Campus in response to this blatant abuse of power and evident caste discrimination.

Flag thrown at a corner allegedly by ABVP membersHitesh

“Many organizations united to oppose the goons,” disclosed Hitesh.

“We presented a memorandum to the dean of the Law faculty and the proctor of Delhi University, demanding Sharma's resignation from his student union post and disciplinary measures.”

The student noted that while the administration hasn't issued a statement, the dean has assured them of an independent investigation.

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Another incident affecting Dalit and Bahujan students occurred at Sri Venkateswara College, part of Delhi University’s South Campus.

Students Protesting Against the Desecration of Flag on 15th AprilHitesh

On April 12th, a debate on reservation erupted in an informal group for 1st Year students of the Hindi department. During the discussion, an alleged ABVP member directed casteist slurs at Bahujan students in the group and disrespected Babasaheb Ambedkar.

Shantanu Singh, president of Delhi University’s All India Students Association, said that the victim reported the incident to the Internal Complaints Committee and the college administration.

“So far, there has been no response from either party. However, we have learned that many professors and elected student representatives of the ICC are dissuading the student from pursuing the matter,” the student leader alleged.

He further accused an unnamed professor from the department of "threatening" the victim in the classroom to deter them from lodging a complaint.

“Given that many professors are affiliated with RSS, this revelation does not come as a surprise,” Shantanu added.

The Mooknayak also spoke with some students to gauge the overall atmosphere at the college and university.

Suraj, a student from the Hindi Department at Sri Venkateswara College, expressed that he generally feels the campus is safe for marginalized students, and the recent attack was the first instance of casteism he encountered there.

He added, "However, there are liberal professors who feel constrained and unable to address issues directly, even in their classes."

Contrarily, Avanti, a student at Delhi University and a member of Bhagat Singh Chhatra Ekta Manch, offered a different perspective. They stated that such incidents have been increasing on campuses in recent years.

Avanti continued, "There seems to be a nexus between the Right-Wingers and college administration, limiting our options for action."

The Mooknayak reached out to the Principal and Administration of Sri Venkateswara College via email. An update will be provided upon receiving a response.

When Ambedkar went to Koregaon at the age of nine, he faced caste discrimination.

POSTED ON APRIL 18, 2024

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In his book ‘Waiting for a Visa’, Bhimrao Ambedkar has discussed in detail the bitter experience of untouchability during his visit to Koregaon in 1901. Our family is originally a resident of Dapoli taluka located in Ratnagiri district of Bombay Presidency. With the beginning of the rule of the East India Company, my ancestors left their hereditary profession and joined the company’s army. My father also joined the army as per the family tradition. He reached the rank of officer and retired as Subedar. After retirement, my father went to Dapoli with his family to settle there again. But due to some reasons he changed his mind. The family moved from Dapoli to Satara, where we lived till 1904.

According to my memory, the first incident happened in 1901, when we lived in Satara. My mother had died. My father was working as a cashier in Koregaon of Khatav taluk in Satara district, where the Bombay government was digging ponds to provide employment to famine-stricken farmers. Thousands of people had died due to famine.

When my father went to Koregaon, he left me, my elder brother and my elder sister’s two sons (the sister had died) in the care of my aunt and some kind-hearted neighbours. My aunt was very good but could not help us much. She was a little short and had problems in her legs, due to which she could not walk without support. Often they had to be lifted and carried. My sisters were also there. She was married and lived at some distance with her family.

Cooking was a problem for us. Especially because our aunt was unable to work due to physical disability. We four children used to go to school and also cook food. But we could not make roti, so we had to make do with pulao. It was the easiest to make because nothing more than mixing rice and meat was required.

My father was a cashier so it was not possible for him to come from Satara to see us. That’s why he wrote a letter asking us to come to Koregaon during summer holidays. We children got very excited just thinking about this, because till then none of us had seen a train.

Heavy preparations took place. New English style kurtas, colorful carved caps, new shoes and new silk bordered dhoti were purchased for the journey. My father had written down the complete details of the journey and asked me to send it in writing as to when we would leave so that he could send his peon to the railway station who would take us to Koregaon.

With this arrangement, I, my brother and my sister’s son left for Satara. Kaki was left with the help of neighbors who had promised to take care of her.

The railway station was ten miles away from our house, so a tanga was arranged to reach the station. We wore new clothes and left the house dancing with joy, but aunty could not control her sadness at our departure and started crying loudly.

When we reached the station, my brother brought the ticket and gave me and my sister’s son two annas each to spend on the way. We immediately splurged and first bought a bottle of lemon water. After some time the train whistled and we boarded it quickly so that we would not be left behind. We were told to get down at Masur, which is the nearest station to Koregaon.

The train reached Masur at five in the evening and we got down with our luggage. Within a few minutes, everyone who got off the train went towards their destination. We four children survived on the platform. We were waiting for our father or his peon. Even after a long time no one came.

As the hour passed, the station master came to us. He looked at our tickets and asked why you guys were staying. We told them that we had to go to Koregaon and we were waiting for our father or his peon. We don’t know how to reach Koregaon.

We were wearing good clothes and even from our conversation no one could guess that we were children of untouchables. That’s why the station master was convinced that we were children of Brahmins. He was very saddened by our problem.

But as usually happens among Hindus, the station master asked who we were. Without thinking anything, I immediately said that we are Mahars (Mahars are considered untouchable in Bombay Presidency). He was stunned. Suddenly his facial expressions started changing.

We could clearly see the feeling of disgust on his face. He immediately went towards his room and we stood there. Twenty-twenty-five minutes passed, the sun was about to set. We were shocked and troubled. Our happiness at the beginning of the journey had evaporated. We became sad. After about half an hour the station master returned and asked us what we all wanted to do. We said that if we could find a bullock cart on rent, we would go to Koregaon, and if it was not very far, we could also go on foot.

There were many bullock carts available for hire but my calling the station master as ‘Mahar’ was heard by the cart drivers and no one was ready to get impure by taking an untouchable. We were ready to pay double the fare but even the lure of money was not working.

The station master who was talking on our behalf was not able to understand what to do. Suddenly something came to his mind and he asked us, ‘Can you guys drive the car?’ We immediately said, ‘Yes, we can drive’. Hearing this he went to the drivers and told them that you will get double the fare. And he will drive the car himself. The driver himself kept walking with the vehicle. A cart driver agreed. He was getting double the rent and would also be saved from being defiled.

We got ready to leave at around 6.30 pm. But our concern was to leave the station only after being assured that we would reach Koregaon before dark. We asked the driver how far away Koregaon was and how long it would take to reach there. He told us that it would not take more than three hours. Believing what he said, we kept our luggage on the train and after thanking the station master, boarded the train. One of us took charge of the car and we set off. The carriage driver was walking nearby.

There was a river at some distance from the station. Completely dry, there were small puddles of water here and there. The driver said that we should stop here and eat food, otherwise we will not get water anywhere on the way. We agreed. He asked for a part of the fare so that he could go to the neighboring village and have food. My brother gave him some money and he left promising to come back soon.

Victory Pillar built in Bhima-Koregaon. The East India Company had registered victory over Peshwa Bajirao II in the battle of Bhima-Koregaon. In memory of this, the company had built the Vijay Stambh, which became a symbol of Dalits. Some thinkers and thinkers see this battle as the victory of the backward castes over the upper castes of that time. every

We were hungry. Aunty had the neighboring women prepare some good food for us on the way. We opened the tiffin box and started eating.

Now we needed water. One of us went towards the water hole near the river. But the smell of cow dung and urine was coming from it. Without water, we closed the tiffin after eating only half our stomach and started waiting for the driver. He did not come for a long time. We were looking around for him.

Finally he came and we moved ahead. We must have gone four-five miles when suddenly the driver jumped into the car and started driving. We were surprised that this was the same man who was not sitting in the car due to fear of being impure but we could not muster the courage to ask him anything. We just wanted to reach Koregaon as soon as possible.

But soon it became dark. The path was not visible. Neither man nor animal was visible. We got scared. It had been more than three hours. But there was no trace of Koregaon anywhere. Then a fear arose in our minds that the driver was taking us to such a place that he would kill us and loot our belongings. We also had gold ornaments. We started asking him how far away Koregaon was. He kept saying, ‘It is not far, we will reach soon. It was ten o’clock at night. We started sobbing out of fear and cursing the driver. He did not answer.

Suddenly we saw a light burning at some distance. The driver said, ‘Look at that, it is the tax collector’s light. We will stay there at night. We felt some relief. Finally, in two hours we reached the taxman’s hut. It was situated on the other side of the hill at the foot of the hill. On reaching there we found that a large number of bullock carts were spending the night there. We were hungry and wanted to eat food but there was no water. We asked the driver if we could get water somewhere.

He warned us that the publican was a Hindu and if we told the truth that we were Mahars, we would not be able to get water. He said, ‘Say that you are a Muslim and try your luck. On his advice, I went to the tax collector’s hut and asked if I could get some water. He asked, ‘Who are you?’ I said that we are Muslims. I spoke to him in Urdu which I knew well. But this trick did not work.

He said coldly, ‘Who has kept water here for you?’ There is water on the hill, go and get it from there. I returned to the car with a sad face. When my brother heard this he said let’s go to sleep.

The oxen were untied and the cart was placed on the ground. We put a bed in the lower part of the car and somehow lay down. What was going on in my mind was that we have enough food, rats are running in our stomach due to hunger but without water we have to sleep hungry and we could not get water because we are untouchable.

I was thinking this when a doubt came in my brother’s mind. He said that we should not sleep together, anything can happen, so at a time two people will sleep and two people will be awake. This is how we spent the night under the hill.

At five in the morning the driver came and said that we should leave for Koregaon. We refused and asked him to leave at eight o’clock. We did not want to take any risk. He didn’t say anything.

Finally we left at eight o’clock and reached Koregaon at 11 o’clock. My father was surprised to see us. He told that he had not received any information about our arrival. We said that we had sent the letter. Later it came to light that my father’s servant had received the letter but forgot to give it to him.

This incident has great importance in my life. I was nine years old then. This incident left an indelible impression on my mind. Even before this I knew that I was an untouchable and that untouchables have to endure some insults and discrimination. For example, in school I could not sit with my peers. I had to sit alone in a corner. I also knew that I kept a sack for me to sit on and the school cleaning servant did not touch that sack because I am untouchable. I used to take the sack home every day and bring it back the next day.

I also knew in school that when upper caste boys felt thirsty, they would ask the master to go to the tap and quench their thirst. But my point was different. I couldn’t touch the tap. Therefore, it was necessary to have a peon after the permission of the master. If there was no peon, I would have had to remain thirsty.

My sister used to wash clothes at home too. It was not that there were no washermen in Satara. There was no such thing that we did not have money to pay the washerman. Our sister had to wash clothes because no washerman would wash the clothes of us untouchables. My elder sister also used to cut our hair because no barber would cut the hair of us untouchables.

I knew all this. But that incident gave me a shock that I had never felt before. That’s when I started thinking about untouchability. Before that incident, everything was normal for me, as it usually happens with upper caste Hindus and untouchables.

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 JHARKHAND NEWS STATE

Only politics in the name of Dalits! Neither did they get a house nor any facilities, the family is forced to live the life of a refugee – POLITICS ON DALITS OF MURUMATU

POSTED ON APRIL 18, 2024

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Politics in the name of Mahadalits of Murumatu. The condition of Dalit family of Murumatu in Palamu is bad. Year after year many representatives have come and gone but till now they have not got the facilities they deserve. As elections are round the corner, what does this Dalit family of Murumatu say now?

Palamu: A big example of how politics is done in the name of Dalit can be seen by looking at the Dalit family of Murumatu. On August 30, 2022, about two dozen Dalit families were uprooted in Murumatu of Pandu police station area of Palamu. Even today the uprooted families are living the life of refugees. At that time, after the uprooting of Dalits, Pandu area remained the center of politics for a week. During this, an announcement was made to provide land and housing for Dalits. Voter ID and Aadhaar cards were made to Dalits by organizing camps during that time. At the time when Dalit families were uprooted, the then State President of BJP, State President of Morcha, MP, MLA, Jharkhand Mukti Morcha, Congress, Rashtriya Janata Dal and many social organizations had gone to the spot. Everyone announced to provide land and housing to the Dalits. State President, MP, MLA, Jharkhand Mukti Morcha, Congress, Rashtriya Janata Dal and many social organizations had gone to the spot. Everyone announced to give land and housing to Dalits

Haven’t got land and house yet, many families scattered

Even after 20 months of this incident, the families have not been able to get houses and land. Even education arrangements have not been made for the children of the family. However, in the presence of the then CM, a pamphlet was given to a Dalit family. When the incident took place, more than 20 families were kept as refugees in the old building of Pandu police station. But today many families have scattered and migrated.

Santosh, a member of a Dalit family, said that no arrangements for house and land have been made for them, they are living the life of refugees. They were told to leave this place only after getting land and house. Radha Devi tells that she is living as a refugee with the hope that one day she too will get land and a house. At the time when the incident took place, some family members were given assistance under SC-ST provisions but the rest did not get anything.

Voter card made for Dalit family, administration is alert for voting

Voter cards of Dalit families of Murumatu have been made. BLOs have also been asked to run awareness campaigns regarding voting. In the administrative records, there are only two families who are taking shelter in the old building of the police station. According to administrative sources, review is being done for the land. Many families have also changed their residence, due to which the administrative system has to face problems.

“There was talk at the administration and government level to settle the Dalit families, the party had continuously raised the voice of the Dalits. But the administration and the government did nothing, this incident is an example of the government’s indifference and appeasement politics. Appeasement Because real people did not benefit, this incident was quite heinous”. -Amit Tiwari, District President BJP.

“There was talk of giving two decimals of land and Rs 25-25 thousand to each family and permission was also given for this. At present it cannot be said what is the update, during that time the BJP leaders had done a lot of politics. “BJP did politics but did not help”. -Rajendra Kumar Sinha, District President, Jharkhand Mukti Morcha.

 

 RAJASTHAN STATE

Case registered for kidnapping and rape of Dalit minor girl, father said – If I don’t get my daughter, I will commit suicide

POSTED ON APRIL 18, 2024

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Ramgarh (Alwar / Radheshyam Gera) Under Bagad Tiraya police station of Ramgarh assembly constituency, a case of kidnapping of a 17-year-old Dalit minor girl by a youth of Muslim community after converting her to marriage came to light. In which the family members have accused a Muslim youth of kidnapping a minor girl, converting her, marrying her and having physical relations with her. On the basis of the report given by the girl’s father, the police station officer has registered a case under various sections of kidnapping, POCSO and rape.

In the report lodged at the police station by the father of the minor girl, it has been said that on April 13, his minor daughter had gone to Barodamev market with some cash to get her anklets repaired. But when she did not reach home till late evening, she searched everywhere but could not find any trace of her daughter.

Later it came to light that our acquaintance Sabir Khan had kidnapped the daughter. When I complained about this to Sabir’s family, his father said that his son has converted his daughter and married her, now she is his wife. On the basis of the report given in the police station on April 15, the police have registered a case under various sections of kidnapping, rape and POCSO and ST and SC Act. The investigation of the case has been given to DSP Omprakash Bishnoi.

Today on Tuesday, people of Dalit community along with the victim’s family gathered and appeared before the Ramgarh DSP to plead for justice. The DSP assured that elections are going on for two days, after which the accused will be arrested and justice will be provided to the victim’s family. The father of the minor daughter said that if his daughter is not found and justice is not given by the police administration, he will commit suicide.

DSP Omprakash Bishnoi said that under Bagad Tiraya police station, the father of a minor lodged a report that when his daughter had gone to the market, a young man kidnapped her and had sexual relations with her. In this context, the police registered a case under various sections of the POCSO Act for kidnapping and rape. A case has been registered and investigation has been started.

 DALIT NEWS

‘AtmaPamphlet’: A unique film of Dalit-Bahujan discussion

POSTED ON APRIL 17, 2024

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Marathi film ‘Atma Pamphlet’ is one of the few films which makes an interesting commentary on Indian society from the children’s perspective. It is no exaggeration to say that this film is one of the most effective satirical films on socio-political topics in recent times. are telling.

Aamir Khan’s film ‘Laal Singh Chaddha’, released two years ago in 2022, was the official remake of the Hollywood classical film ‘Forest Gump’ (1994). But apart from the claim of being a remake, there was nothing like ‘Forrest Gump’ in it. It was a scared film, which under the pressure of being a non-controversial film, became an ordinary film. On the contrary, the Marathi film ‘Atma Pamphlet’, released in 2023, is an original film which, without claiming any greatness, gives us a chance to forget the bad fate of ‘Lal Singh Chaddha’ and inadvertently finds itself in the shoes of ‘Forest Gump’. Presents as the real Indian version. This film has managed to make its place in the 73rd Berlin International Film Festival.

Talking in detail, it is a very lovingly made film, which gives the audience an opportunity to celebrate love, friendship and innocence. Recently, this Marathi language black comedy has been released on the OTT platform G5 with English subtitles.

It is jointly produced by Zee Studios, Aanand L Rai and Bhushan Kumar. The film is written by National Award winner Paresh Mokashi, who has received much appreciation for his recent Marathi film ‘Valvi’ (2023). The film is directed by Ashish Bende. This is the first film directed by him. Interestingly, the name of the central character of the film is also Ashish Bende. Talking about acting, Om Bendkhale’s performance as teenager Ashish is impressive. Besides, the child artistes included in his group of friends have also supported him well. Other characters in the film include Ashish’s parents, grandparents, teachers, neighbours. Everyone makes an impressive presence in their respective roles. It’s good to see senior actor Deepak Shirke on screen once again. He plays the role of Ashish’s grandfather.

Story of the film Bekauf Bhi Masoom Bhi

It is not an exaggeration to say that there are very few films in India which are not preachy while talking about socio-political issues. Whereas the number of such films which present such issues in a satirical manner is very less. ‘Atma Pamphlet’ is one of those select films, which makes an interesting commentary on Indian society from the children’s perspective. It is no exaggeration to say that this film is one of the most effective satirical films on socio-political topics in recent times.

A poster of ‘Atma Pamphlet’

The main character of the film is Ashish Bende, a teenage boy from the Dalit community in Maharashtra, who falls in love with his classmate Srishti from the Brahmin community. In this, Ashish’s friends who belong to different castes and communities (Muslim, Maratha, Brahmin and Kunbi) help him.

Let it be remembered that this is the period of 1980-90 and subsequent years when India was going through a change in its national character. As a result, the film very closely reflects Ashish’s one-sided love story as well as the changes and major events happening in India at that time. The story of the film is largely based on the major events of Ashish’s childhood and adolescence. The film traces the important stages of Ashish’s life along with important turning points in the country’s history, including the assassination of Indira Gandhi, the announcement of implementation of the Mandal Commission recommendations and the demolition of the Babri Masjid. This typical teenage love story starts taking an interesting turn when we start getting to know the social background of the film’s lead characters.

The things that make this film special

The film announces right in the beginning that it is a love story. But this is only half the truth. In fact the film’s script is light-hearted and simple and is a black comedy of our times; Which presents caste, religion and other serious social issues in a very balanced manner through humor. The special thing is that while doing this, this film is not in fear at all. It beautifully blends two different themes – love and socio-political issues – together. The balance and flow makes this film different from others. The core narrative of the film is unity in diversity which plays out in the background throughout through friends belonging to different castes and religions.

The second great quality of the ‘self-pamphlet’ is its universality. The film depicts the issues of discrimination and human discrimination that exist in different forms across the world. Although the story is set in a small town in Maharashtra, the broader human values it advocates have global concerns and are never preachy in doing so.

The third special thing about the film is that the story has been told from the children’s perspective. Children’s way of looking at the world is completely different from that of adults. The film brilliantly highlights how society tries to mold children into the mold of its conservative and regressive ideas, which sows the seeds of discrimination in the minds of children. So when children gradually start understanding the beliefs of their religion and caste, they often have an unspoken discrimination against their best friends.

The characters of children have been presented very effectively in the film, in which the balance between their innocence and wisdom is clearly visible. This film tells that despite all the political-social discrimination, children understand love, friendship and brotherhood better than adults and despite all the obstacles, they find some innocent way for it.

The film presents the caste hierarchy in Indian society.

This film presents the caste hierarchy in Indian society in a completely different way. The main character of the film is a Dalit. The film gives the audience a chance to see him outside the caste constraints and Dalit body, as he is presented on screen not as a Dalit hero but as a normal hero. Similarly, caste-based discrimination has been shown in the film from a humorous perspective. It was a risky task, but it maintained the seriousness of the subject.

Even if we talk about cinematography, this is a different film. The voiceover continues continuously throughout the film. There is no dialogue in its first 25 minutes, instead the film progresses with a few scenes only through voiceover.

Overall, this film of about 95 minutes is one of the most relevant films in recent times. It takes us out of our self-constructed ‘us versus them’ and presents before us the dream of India that we need most today.

• TAMILNADU

In Tamil Nadu, the PMK holds on to regressive caste and gender politics

POSTED ON APRIL 17, 2024

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The party infamously popularised the concept of ‘naadaga kadhal’ (fake love), a bogus narrative where Dalit men are accused of ‘trapping’ dominant caste women by pretending to be rich.

Written by:Akchayaa Rajkumar

Edited by:Vidya Sigamany

Sowmiya Anbumani, Pattali Makkal Katchi’s (PMK) candidate from Dharmapuri for the upcoming Lok Sabha elections, was recently heard speaking to young women students on a bus during her campaign, cautioning them about posting their pictures on social media. She told the women not to be afraid and immediately inform their parents in case they fall victim to cybercrime. “Instead of getting trapped by ‘bad guys’ who try to misuse your pictures, inform your parents. You might get scolded, a few beatings, and stay at home for 10 days. Do not try to give in to those who try to misuse your pictures as it will land you in a larger problem,” Sowmya told the students.

Sowmiya’s stance was praised by many, but there were those on social media who wondered who the ‘bad guys’ were. The skepticism whether Sowmiya was pointing to Dalit men is not surprising given the PMK’s regressive views, especially on inter-caste marriages between dominant caste women and Dalit men. This view has found a way indirectly into the party’s poll manifestos in 2013, 2019, and this year too. Since 2013, the manifesto has mentioned enforcing a rule where people below the age of 21 cannot get married without their parents’ consent. This rule would make it nearly impossible for inter-caste and inter-faith couples to get married as their relationships are often opposed by parents.

While Sowmiya does not specify who the “bad guys” are, the PMK, a party dominated by the Vanniyar caste (classified as Most Backward Class), has had a history of infantalising women from dominant castes and antagonising Dalit men and portraying them in a negative light. Her father-in-law and PMK founder Dr Ramadoss is notorious for his backward views on inter-caste marriages and women’s rights.

This time the party’s manifesto claims that school and college going girls are vulnerable to “deception and false promises at a young age.” It added, “In order to prevent young women from being deceived by premature love, to safeguard the family structure, and for the future welfare of youngsters, we will make it mandatory to obtain consent from the parents of both individuals if they are marrying below the age of 21.”

Read: A note on PMK’s country of Utopia, and its protection of the ‘institution of family’

Notably the legal age for women to marry in India is 18 and 21 for men. In a way, PMK’s poll promise places the onus only on women below 21 to get permission from their parents as men below 21 are also not legally permitted to marry.

The party, which has allied with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) for the upcoming elections, infamously popularised the term and the concept of ‘naadaga kadhal’ (fake love), a bogus narrative where Dalit men are accused of ‘trapping’ dominant caste women by pretending to be rich in order to extort money from their families. Several PMK members have also alleged that Dalit men are motivated by political leaders from their caste to undertake this alleged extortion scheme. Orators in the party, including PMK MLA ‘Kaduvetti’ Guru, have tried to paint the narrative that dominant caste women do not enter relationships or marry Dalit men out of their own volition but are manipulated into doing so.

The bogey of ‘naadaga kadhal’ surfaced in 2012 after inter-caste couple Divya and Ilavarasan from Dharmapuri eloped and got married. Divya belongs to the Vanniyar caste while Ilavarasan was a Dalit. After Divya’s father Nagaraj died by suicide, an enraged mob of Vanniyars set fire to more than 200 houses belonging to Dalits in Natham colony and also damaged and looted other houses in November 2012. In June the next year, Divya returned to live with her mother while Ilavarasan was found dead shortly after.

After the violence in Dharmapuri, Dr Ramadoss called for an ‘all communities federation’ composed of leaders from multiple dominant caste outfits. Citing ‘naadaga kadhal’, the meeting called for the removal of the non-bailable offences from the Prevention of Atrocities (Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes) Act and verification of claims made by marginalised communities by a district judge before action is taken against the offenders.

In 2013, Anbumani was arrested for hate speech while staging a protest demanding that the then All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) arrest the “real culprits” in the Marakkanam violence. Marakkanam, a coastal town in Tindivanam, saw a clash between Dalits residents and PMK party workers during a local festival organised by the Vanniyar Sangam. According to The Hindu, 11 vehicles, including nine that belonged to the Tamil Nadu State Transport Corporation and the Puducherry Road Transport Corporation, were stoned and burnt. The Marakkanam police filed a chargesheet and named 20 people, all part of the PMK.

Two days before Anbumani’s arrest, a PMK youth meeting was held in Chennai’s Mamallapuram where ‘Kaduvetti’ Guru made controversial remarks about the supposed ‘naadaga kadhal’. He went on to threaten to “chop the hands” of Dalit men if they tried to lure women from the Vanniyar community.

In a video interview with Tamil publication Vikatan in 2012, Guru had alleged that men from ‘minority communities’ target women from dominant castes and rich families for their property and money. He added, “With these inter-caste and mixed marriages, it looks like there is a concerted attempt to take revenge on our community. Parents need to be cautious and ensure that this does not happen. Even after all this, if someone tries to marry a girl from our community forcefully, we will slaughter them. These are not love marriages. This is like a business for them as they try to get the wealth and the property that belongs to the girl’s family.”

After growing opposition from several politicians including former Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) Chief Minister M Karunanidhi, Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (MDMK) founder Vaiko, and MP and founder of Dalit party Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK) Thol Thirumavalavan, the PMK clarified that it is not against love marriages. However, the party continues to maintain its opposition to ‘naadaga kadhal’.

Courtesy : TNM

Note: This news is originally published in thenewsminute.com and was used solely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes exclusively for Human Rights.

 GUJRAT NEWS STATE

Death of Dalit youth in Rajkot, wife said – there were marks of beating on the body, he was in coma when brought home from the police station.

POSTED ON APRIL 17, 2024

There is an uproar in Rajkot, Gujarat after the death of a Dalit man. Family members allege that Hamir, who had gone to the police station to intervene in a fight in the neighbourhood, was beaten badly by the police. Due to which he died in the hospital.

Uproar over Dalit’s death in Rajkot

Dalit youth dies in Rajkot: Dalit died during treatment in the hospital in Rajkot, Gujarat. Dalit was detained by the police after a fight in the neighborhood on Sunday night. The youth’s family said that he died after being tortured by the police. After the incident, angry family members refused to accept the body. He has demanded arrest of the guilty policemen.

Meanwhile, Congress MLA Jignesh Mevani said that the person from Rajkot has been murdered in police custody. Rajkot Police Commissioner Raju Bhargava said that the policemen involved in the incident have been identified and action will be taken against the culprits. Hamir alias Gopal Rathod, resident of Ambedkar Nagar, Rajkot, died in a private hospital in the city. He was detained by Malviya Nagar police station on Sunday night due to a fight in the neighborhood.

Police Commissioner said – will not spare the culprits

In the matter, Rajkot Police Commissioner Raju Bhargava said that 30-year-old Hamir was suffering from diseases like kidney and diabetes. The police had brought him to the police station in connection with a call related to someone else. During this he tried to intervene. Family members allege that after being beaten by the police, he went into coma and died two days later. At present we are waiting for the post mortem report.

Wife lodged FIR

Hamir’s wife Geeta said in her complaint that a person named Raju Solanki, living in Khodiyar Nagar adjacent to Ambedkar Nagar, had a fight with his neighbor on Sunday night. Raju’s son Jayesh came to our house and said that his neighbor had called the police. Lee Hai Jayesh tells Hamir that the matter can be resolved if he intervenes. After this Hamir went with Jayesh.

Brought home in an unconscious state

According to the FIR, Geeta’s mother-in-law Keshar informed neighbor Nanjibhai about the incident, after which they went to Malviya Nagar police station and brought Hamir home in an unconscious state on their scooter at 1 am on Monday night. Geeta told that when he came home he was in coma. She had also taken the toilet inside, after which she was changing her clothes, during which I saw injury marks on her body. On the basis of Geeta’s complaint, a case has been registered under sections 307 and 323 of the Indian Penal Code at Malviya Nagar police station on Tuesday morning.

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Dalit organisations decide to support Congress in Lok Sabha electionsPublished / Updated- April 16, 2024 21:12 ISTTHE HINDU BUREAUAs many as 12 pro-Dalit organisations under the banner of Aikya Horata have taken the decision with a view to protecting the Constitution and democracyAs many as 12 pro-Dalit organisations under the banner of Aikya Horata have decided to support the Congress in all the 28 Lok Sabha constituencies in the coming Lok Sabha elections with a view to protecting the Constitution and democracy, according to State convener of Aikya Horata Mariyappa Halli.Addressing a press conference in Yadgir on Tuesday, he said that parliamentarians belonging to the BJP have said that they will change the Constitution. But, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, while addressing a programme on the birth anniversary of B.R. Ambedkar, said that it is impossible to change it. The stand of BJP parliamentarians and the Prime Minister is completely contradictory.ADVERTISEMENTHe said that the RSS and the BJP have been trying to weaken the Constitution for the last one decade. The BJP is also trying to divide people on the basis of caste and is sowing poisonous seeds among them in order to come to power. Therefore, the Dalit organisations have decided to defeat the BJP in the coming Lok Sabha elections, by supporting the Congress, he added.ADVERTISEMENTThe organisations will visit each Lok Sabha constituency to create awareness among voters and suggest that they do not vote for the BJP. “As part of this process, we request voters to elect Radhakrishna Doddamani and G. Kumar Naik who are contesting in the Kalaburagi and Raichur Lok Sabha constituencies on Congress ticket,” he said.