UNTOUCHABLES NEWS.IN ENGLISH.23.04.24.BY TEAM SIVAJI.CHENNAI.26.
Why Samajwadi Party is swinging focus from Muslims & Yadavs to Dalit & OBC vote in UP
The SP has announced 28 OBC and 14 Dalit candidates in UP, while giving tickets to only 4 Muslims. Political experts say it’s a tactic to broaden its base and counter BJP’s ‘polarisation’.
SHIKHA SALARIA, (Edited by Asavari Singh)
Lucknow: The Samajwadi Party has nominated 28 OBC and 14 Dalit candidates for the upcoming Lok Sabha elections in Uttar Pradesh in what political experts are calling a “bold and calculated strategy” to broaden its electoral base and counter the BJP’s “polarising” tactics.
Often accused by the BJP of “favouring Muslims”, the SP has fielded only 4 Muslim candidates in constituencies where the community has a sizeable population. Instead, the party is now concentrating on wooing the OBCs, the largest voting bloc in UP, comprising 40 per cent of the population, along with Dalits who constitute 20 per cent.
Out of Uttar Pradesh’s 80 Lok Sabha seats, the SP is contesting 62. Its INDIA alliance partners are contesting the remaining 18 seats, with 17 for Congress and one for the TMC in Bhadohi. So far, the SP has announced a total of 57 candidates, which includes 10 from upper castes, other than those from the OBC, Dalit, and Muslim communities.
The party’s candidate selection also reflects a detailed caste calculus tailored to suit the demographics of each constituency.
Among the 28 OBC candidates, four are Yadavs (counting Akhilesh’s wife Dimple, although she is a Thakur by birth), while the rest include four Vermas, three Nishads, two Patels, two Jats, and one each from the Kushwaha, Pal, Rajbhar, Bind, and Gurjar communities. The 14 Dalit candidates include 6 Jatavs and 8 non-Jatavs.
Even in the 2022 UP state elections, as political analyst Badri Narayan had earlier pointed out, there was a shift from the usual Muslim-Yadav (M-Y) alliance of the Samajwadi Party on one side and the “Hindu-Muslim binary” on the other, with smaller caste groups becoming more prominent in how political parties distributed their tickets.
Now, with the Dalit voter base of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) weakening and an alliance with Congress in place, SP chief Akhilesh Yadav is seizing the opportunity to broaden the party’s reach, while also banking on the continued support of Muslims and Yadavs, said Mirza Asmer Beg, a professor of political science at Aligarh Muslim University (AMU).
“However, even a section of Yadavs voted for the BJP in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, so it remains to be seen how this move fares on the ground,” he added.
From M-Y to ‘backward’ politics
Ahead of the elections, the Samajwadi Party launched its “PDA” slogan—standing for picchhde (backward), Dalit, and alpsankhyak (minorities). This has signalled its concerted attempt to return to its foundational backward-class politics, including trying to attract Dalits who have traditionally supported the Mayawati-led BSP.
With the BSP’s vote bank eroding, the SP has poached several Dalit and Muslim leaders, including current and former MPs and MLAs from the party, especially in the wake of parting ways with it after fighting the 2019 Lok Sabha polls together.
SP leaders now claim that even traditional BSP voters are shifting their allegiance.
“While all other parties have given tickets to Dalits on reserved seats, SP has given tickets to our community even on two general seats (Ayodhya and Meerut),” said Mithai Lal Bharti, who switched over to the SP from the BSP in 2019 and is now the national president of SP’s Ambedkar Vahini. “This is the real win of social justice.”
Bharti told ThePrint that the SP had adopted the principles once espoused by BSP founder Kanshi Ram. “The SP has also fielded upper castes and minorities. This is in line with Kanshi Ram ji’s slogan, ‘Jiski jitni samkhya bhari, uski utni bhagidaari (Political participation in proportion to population)’, which was published in the Samajwadi Party’s bulletin three years back. The SP has given real meaning to the slogan.”
Criticising BJP leaders, including Ayodhya MP Lallu Singh and Nagaur candidate Jyoti Mirdha, for their controversial remarks about “changing the Constitution,” Bharti said that the Dalits were united against this idea.
“BJP leaders including MPs and their candidates have been openly claiming that they want to change the Constitution. The Dalit society wants to save the Constitution something that the BSP is not in a position to do,” he said.
SP spokesperson Manoj Kaka told ThePrint that the party is doubling down on its historical focus on backward politics, a strategy shaped by its founder “Netaji” Mulayam Singh Yadav and ideologue Ram Manohar Lohia. He pointed out that before the BJP started wooing OBCs and Dalits, it was the Samajwadi Party that espoused the slogan “Sansapa ne bandhi gaanth, pichda pave sau me saath” (Socialists have taken a vow, backwards should get 60 out of 100).
“We are trying to walk the road that Netaji took,” said SP spokesperson Juhie Singh on the party’s PDA tilt. “We are committed to ensuring the participation of PDA, including women, and carrying out the caste census.”
According to Singh, however, their candidates have not been “parachuted” in for strategic reasons. “The SP is committed to the proper representation to SC/STs. We have fielded Dalits even on two non-reserved seats, not because it’s just a strategy but because the candidates really fit into their constituencies,” she said.
What about the Muslims?
Despite its tag as an MY party, SP has chosen to nominate only four Muslim candidates as it shifts its focus to OBCs and Dalits. This pivot from religion-based to caste-based politics is designed to counter the BJP, with the SP betting that Muslims and Yadavs will remain loyal supporters, according to political experts.
“It has been observed in the past that whenever the SP and BSP field Muslim candidates, there is sharp polarisation of Hindu voters too—which helps the BJP candidate,” explained Shashikant Pandey, head of the political science department at Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar University. “By fielding fewer Muslims and more non-Yadav OBCs and Dalits, the SP is trying to diffuse that possibility this time”
Fielding more non-Yadavs and Dalits is predicated on the assumption that Yadavs and Muslims will vote for the SP anyway, Pandey added. “This is a calculated move. It can either help boost the SP or be disastrous, but that only time can tell,” he said.
Another factor influencing SP’s candidate selection is weakening BJP’s accusations of appeasement politics towards Muslims, notes AMU professor Mirza Asmer Beg, quoted earlier.
“In the past, it has been seen that Akhilesh has steered away from mentioning the word ‘secular’ to avoid the BJP attacking it for being a party which favours Muslims,” he said. “SP has realised that only Muslim-Yadav combination doesn’t work and it has to expand its base into the OBCs, which form the largest vote base in UP, and the Dalits.”
However, SP spokesperson Singh insisted that that fielding only four Muslims did not mean that the party was de-emphasising the community or trying to counter the BJP’s polarisation tactics. “Seats like Saharanpur and Amroha, where we have traditionally fielded Muslim faces have gone to the Congress,” she said. “The BJP keeps raking this issue (favouring Muslims) as a poll plank but I think we have moved ahead from the rhetoric and there are actual issues on the ground for which we are getting support from SCs and women.”
Courtesy : The Print
Social justice groups forget Dalit women with disabilities, and it’s not just oversight
On the occasion of Dalit History Month, two activists shine a spotlight on the profoundly marginalised intersection of disability, caste, and gender in India.
Written by:Dr Aiswarya Rao, Priyanka Samy
A few years ago in Chennai, some prominent disability rights organisations held a swayamvaram (wedding) for persons with disabilities. The event featured a public interview, meant to help a groom who had complete visual impairment find a suitable bride. The conversation in the crowded hall unfolded along these lines:
Matchmaker: Do you have a job?
Eligible Groom: Yes!
Matchmaker: Where do you work?
Eligible Groom: I work in the government’s ****** department.
Matchmaker: How much do you earn each month?
Eligible Groom: I earn Rs 60,000 each month.
Matchmaker: Wonderful! What are your expectations for a bride?
Eligible Groom: She should be understanding and take care of me and my mother.
Matchmaker: Is it alright if the bride has a disability?
Eligible Groom: Yes, it would be better if she has a slight disability.
Matchmaker: Do you have any other expectations?
Eligible Groom: She should not be an SC (Scheduled Caste/Dalit). Everything else is okay.
The discrimination and marginalisation faced by Dalit women with disabilities is not an isolated phenomenon, and their consistent exclusion from the social justice narrative is not merely an oversight. Instead, it is a stark manifestation of a political failure to address deep-rooted injustices.
Intersectionality, first coined by Black feminist and scholar Kimberlé Crenshaw, is an increasingly discussed concept in academic and feminist circles. In India, intersectionality finds its greatest embodiment in the lived realities of Dalit women and gender diverse people who live with disabilities. To truly understand this, one must recognise how deeply the dimensions of disability, caste, and gender are entwined and exacerbate one another, each adding layers of disadvantage.
The concept of access is fundamental to all these considerations, and the lived reality of a Dalit woman with disability is essentially a triple whammy. Her access to public spaces, educational, employment and leadership opportunities are all severely limited when compared to her female counterpart from a different caste location who also has disabilities. For a Dalit woman with disability, venues for personal development and to live life to its fullest is out of bounds. This is why there is a need to not only interrogate intersectionality, but to also integrate it in our seeking for disability, gender, and caste justice.
What the data says
Currently, the only reliable disability data available in India is from the 2011 census, which is well past its shelf life. However obsolete, that limited data gives us a window into the dimensions of disability and its reverberations from a social, cultural, economic, and political lens. As of 2011, there were 2.68 crore people living with a benchmark disability — that is 2.21% of the total population. This is a conservative estimate any way you look at it, as the enumeration of persons with disabilities in the census was fraught with challenges.
The census information on disability has a substantial subjective component, as it depends on the perception of disability of both the respondent and the interviewer. This implies that the rates of disability may well be grossly underreported due to cultural and attitudinal bias.
The age-standardised disability prevalence is significantly higher among the Scheduled Castes
(SCs/Dalits) and the Scheduled Tribes (STs/Adivasis) than among the other sub-populations. Persons with disabilities among SC-ST groups comprise 2.45% of the total population. Dalit girls are especially disadvantaged and suffer disproportionately from the effects of malnutrition, infant mortality, lack of education, and decreased access to health services; thereby contributing to perpetuating the vicious cycle of ‘disability’.
The overall literacy rate of the Indian population in 2011 was 74%, and that of women was 65.5%. The literacy rate of Dalit women meanwhile stood at 56%, while that of women with disability was a mere 45%. This simple statistic shows how the layers of marginalisation impact access to education. Going by this trend, our guesstimate is that the literacy rate of Dalit women with disabilities can be ball-parked at 35%.
However, these numbers fail to convey the full extent of neglect and isolation experienced by Dalits with disabilities, particularly among women and gender diverse people. Dalit women with disabilities endure a trifecta of discrimination: disability makes them invisible, caste places them at the bottom of the social hierarchy denying them any social mobility, and their gender strips them of agency and autonomy. In the context of social justice, their realities are often a mere backdrop to broader discussions, which focus predominantly on either caste or gender or sexuality, rarely intersecting these with disability. They remain marginalised within the very movements that should champion their cause.
Systemic exclusion
The larger disability rights movement, while advocating for accessibility and inclusion, frequently falls short of recognising the nuanced barriers that caste imposes. Even in feminist-led Disabled People’s Organisations (DPOs), which are predominantly headed by dominant caste women with disabilities, the concerns of Dalit women might often be the last bullet on their agenda, if at all they are considered. Similarly the Dalit movement, while focused on combating caste-based oppression, often overlook the additional layers of exclusion faced by those who have disabilities. Feminist groups advocating for women and LGBTQIA+ rights also rarely delve into the intersection of gender with caste and disability.
This structural neglect has sidelined an entire group whose experiences could deeply inform and enrich the social justice discourse. Dalit women with disabilities are virtually absent from policy frameworks and advocacy initiatives that are supposed to address their unique challenges. Their representation is negligible, and their voices suppressed.
This negligence reflects a broader societal and cultural malaise. For instance, consider how public infrastructure, which is largely inaccessible, makes the physical presence of individuals with disabilities in public spaces a rarity. When this disability intersects with the identity of being a Dalit and a woman, the exclusion is magnified. Educational and employment opportunities shrink, healthcare is a distant dream, and social mobility becomes non-existent. This is not incidental but indicative of a calculated disregard within the policymaking and social structures. Even in private, they are often subjected to abuse and neglect, their rights and dignity stripped away.
Furthermore, the internal diversity of disabilities — ranging from physical impairments to intellectual and neurodivergent conditions — creates a spectrum of needs and experiences that are rarely addressed collectively. A wheelchair user, for example, faces different challenges than those encountered by someone who is deaf or neurodivergent. And when caste and gender/sexuality are added to this mix, the result is a potent trap of immobility and helplessness.
Dalit women with disabilities are disproportionately vulnerable to physical and sexual violence, often facing systemic barriers that prevent access to justice or support. Addressing these challenges requires targeted interventions that include legal reforms, sensitisation programs for law enforcement and judicial entities, and supportive services that are both accessible and culturally competent. Support networks, including counselling and safe shelters, need to be strengthened to provide immediate relief and rehabilitation and long-term assistance. Additionally, empowering these women through education and economic opportunities can help reduce their vulnerability to violence and increase their autonomy.
This dire situation is not just a failure of policy but a moral failing of society at large. It is a reflection of a pervasive patriarchal and caste-based order that actively works to keep certain populations in a state of perpetual disadvantage. This is not merely about negligence but about systemic oppression.
Reframing social justice
Given the scenario, it is necessary that governments, philanthropies, donors, social justice and human rights advocates must prioritise and intensify their commitment to this historically neglected constituency. The state should establish and enforce legal frameworks that specifically include caste-based affirmative action for historically marginalised communities such as SCs and STs (Dalits and Adivasis) with disabilities, with an enhanced focus on the unique circumstances of women and gender diverse people who have disabilities.
The most debilitating of these marginalisations – i.e disability, can be addressed by well-known and time-tested approaches. The state and its stakeholders must commit to creating a level playing field through proportional representation (otherwise called reservation) and proportional allocation of funds in schemes. More important is the application of the principle of ‘reasonable accommodation’, a need-based modification or adjustment in the environment or activity. One of the best-known examples of ‘reasonable accommodation’ is the practice of ‘work from home’ which was frowned upon when requested by persons with disability in the pre-Covid times, but has now evolved into an accepted mode of working for all.
Funding agencies and donors must amplify their commitment, strategically channelling resources into initiatives led by Dalit and Adivasi women with disabilities. It is imperative to acknowledge that women with disabilities are not a socially homogeneous but diverse group, starkly influenced by social institutions like caste which critically shape their opportunities. Funders and advocates need to extend their reach beyond familiar networks and established figures, and instead actively seek out and engage with underrepresented voices.
There is an urgent need to engage in the meticulous and challenging task of identifying and supporting initiatives led by women with disabilities from non-dominant castes. This strategic redirection of resources and focus is essential to address the unique barriers these groups face, and to ensure that advocacy and support are genuinely inclusive and effective. Such actions are not merely administrative but are a crucial political commitment to dismantling the systemic inequities that persist within our society. Anything less is not support but continued complicity in the invisibilisation of Dalit women with disabilities.
This struggle is not just about correcting oversights; it’s about confronting and overturning a systemic architecture that marginalises the most vulnerable. There is a need for robust, intersectional policies and unwavering support for initiatives that centre Dalit women with disabilities, not as mere recipients of aid, but as leaders. Our collective moral imperative must be clear: we must actively dismantle the structures of oppression or remain complicit in perpetuating them.
Dr Aiswarya Rao is the founder of Better World Shelter for Women with Disabilities and can be reached on X/Twitter @aisrao. Priyanka Samy is with the National Federation of Dalit Women and can be reached on X/Twitter @PriyankaSamy.
Courtesy : The News Minute
Not the BJP, but the Opposition Has Fielded More OBCs and Dalits in UP This Time
The INDIA bloc’s caste-wise distribution of candidates will not quite follow the ‘Pichda, Dalit, Alpsankhyak’ formula that Akhilesh Yadav promised – but will be a bold political manoeuvre where for the first time in a decade, the BJP will be on the backfoot.
Omar Rashid
New Delhi: The Samajwadi Party (SP)-led INDIA bloc in Uttar Pradesh is set to field more backward caste and Dalit candidates than the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the 2024 Lok Sabha election.
This is considered a step in the direction of dismantling the BJP’s unchecked hegemony among the marginalised but numerically-dominant Hindu communities.
The SP has not been completely honest with its election slogan of PDA – Pichda, Dalit, Alpsankhyak – as it has fielded Muslims much below their representation in the state population.
Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty
However, through a greater share in candidate selection for OBCs and Dalits, it has fulfilled its strategy of matching the BJP in wooing the critically-important Hindu ‘Bahujan’ vote.
OBCs and Dalits together represent at least 60 to 65% of the state’s population and have been pivotal in helping the Narendra Modi-led BJP come to power and furthering its saffron politics.
UP has 80 Lok Sabha seats. So far, the BJP-led NDA has named its candidates in 77 seats. The INDIA bloc – the SP, Congress and Trinamool Congress (TMC) – has declared its candidates in 75.
An analysis of the castes of the candidates by The Wire shows that the BJP and its allies have fielded 29 backward caste candidates and 32 from the ‘upper castes’ (UCs).
The party has declared Dalit candidates only in reserved seats.
There are 17 reserved seats in UP. So far, the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) has named candidates in 16. The NDA, staying true to its majoritarian Hindutva agenda, has not declared a single Muslim candidate.
Uttar Pradesh has 80 Lok Sabha constituencies, 17 of which are reserved for Scheduled Caste candidates. Photo: Furfur/Wikimedia Commons/CC BY-SA 3.0.
What’s striking is that although the BJP claims to best represent OBCs and Dalits, the single largest communities to benefit from its ticket distribution are dominant Hindu groups such as Brahmins and Thakurs.
Out of the 32 UCs in the fray for the NDA, a whopping 17 are Brahmins and 11 are Thakur. That (28) is almost as many as the number of OBCs fielded by the party, even though OBCs are estimated to be more than three times their combined population.
The NDA has also nominated two from the Bania community and one Bhumihar.
The number of UCs fielded by the BJP is expected to go up. The party is yet to declare candidates in Kaiserganj and Rae Bareli, where it has traditionally fielded UCs.
The third seat where the NDA is yet to nominate a candidate is Robertsganj – a reserved constituency.
Polarising the non-Yadav OBCs against the Yadavs and consolidating their scattered votes has so far been the BJP’s central strategy in UP. The main opposition party in the state, the SP, has for years been battling a perception, partly due to media propaganda and party due to its own inadequacies, that it only represents the interests of the Yadav community, to which its top leadership belongs.
The BJP has projected the SP as a party that appeases Muslims and Yadavs at the cost of other communities, especially non-Yadav backward castes.
To cement this theory, the BJP has not only formed alliances with smaller non-Yadav OBC-based groups – the Nishad Party, the Apna Dal (Sonelal), the Rashtriya Lok Dal and the Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party – but also projected its star campaigner, PM Modi, as a backward caste face.
The BJP has peddled a theory that Yadavs have cornered the 27% OBC quota even though various government reports show that other dominant backward castes such as Kurmis, Jats and Gurjars also secured shares of government jobs and political representation that are disproportionately higher than their population share.
To counter this narrative, the Akhilesh Yadav-led SP has increased representation for non-Yadav OBCs and Dalits in candidate selection in 2024.
The SP is contesting 62 seats on its own symbol. The party has so far fielded 29 OBCs, of which only five are Yadav.
The SP’s OBC figure could hit 30 as the party, sources indicated, is likely to field another OBC (Kurmi) in Fatehpur.
The SP is contesting 14 seats reserved for Dalits but is set to field 16 Dalits this election, as it has declared two Dalit candidates – Sunita Verma in Meerut and Awadesh Pradesh in Faizabad – on general seats as part of the PDA experiment.
It has declared 11 UC candidates: three each from the Thakur and Brahmin communities, two Banias, two Kayasthas and one Bhumihar.
Although Muslims are 20% of the state’s population, the SP has fielded only four in this election.
The SP’s ally, the Congress, has nominated a larger percentage of UCs. Assuming that it fields UCs in Amethi and Rae Bareli, in nine out of the 17 seats the Congress is contesting – almost 53% – its candidates would be UCs.
The Congress has nominated two Muslim candidates – in Amroha and Saharanpur – and three Dalits on reserved seats.
Three others are non-Yadav OBCs – Gaderia, Kurmi and Teli.
The INDIA bloc has left the Bhadohi seat in Purvanchal for the TMC, which has fielded a Brahmin.
We found that across 80 seats, the NDA is expected to field 34 UCs, 29 OBCs and 17 Dalits (all on reserved seats). This is based on the presumption that the BJP will field UCs in Rae Bareli and Kaiserganj, two general seats where it is still undecided.
On the other hand, in the 75 seats declared by the INDIA bloc, 32 are OBC, 19 UCs, 18 Dalits and six Muslims.
As per our estimate, when all 80 candidates are declared, the INDIA bloc’s figures will read as follows: 33 OBC, 22 UCs, 19 Dalits and six Muslims.
Not quite the Pichda Dalit Alpsankhyak formula that Akhilesh Yadav promised – what has emerged is the Pichda Dalit Agda (UC) version of the PDA – but a bold political manoeuvre, where for the first time in a decade, the BJP is on the backfoot.
Notably, the SP has invested a lot this time in middle OBC castes linked to farming and horticulture. The party fielded Kurmis in nine seats (expected to increase to ten, as per sources) and candidates of the Shakya-Saini-Kushwaha-Maurya group in six seats.
In comparison, the landed dominant OBC groups of west UP – Jats and Gurjars – have got only one candidate each.
All five Yadavs fielded by the SP are from the clan of SP founder Mulayam Singh Yadav. Akhilesh Yadav’s wife Dimple is the candidate in Mainpuri, while his cousins Dharmendra Yadav, Akshay Yadav, Aditya Yadav and Tez Pratap Yadav are in the fray in Azamgarh, Firozabad Budaun and Kannauj, respectively.
The SP has also given four tickets to the riverine Mallah/Nishad caste groups and one each to the Gaderia, Lodhi and Rajbhar communities.
The INDIA bloc’s figures are not quite the ‘Pichda, Dalit, Alpsankhyak’ formula that Akhilesh Yadav promised – but are nonetheless a bold manoeuvre. Photo: X/@samajwadiparty.
The BJP’s caste breakdown is slightly different. The party and its allies have declared three candidates from the Gurjar community, four Jats, four Lodhis, four from the Nishad/Kashyap castes, seven Kurmis and three from the Shakya-Saini-Kushwaha category.
The NDA has also fielded two Telis (including Modi in Varanasi) and a Rajbhar. The BJP has fielded a lone Yadav candidate, Bhojpuri star Dinesh Lal Yadav aka Nirahua, in Azamgarh.
Successive defeats have forced Akhilesh Yadav to rope in Ambedkarite OBC and Dalit leaders from the Bahujan Samaj Party while increasing the representation of these communities in the party structure as well as in candidate selection.
Some of these backward caste leaders who are in the fray this time are senior Kurmi leader Lalji Verma in Ambedkar Nagar, Gaderia leader Raja Ram Pal in Akbarpur and Babu Singh Kushwaha in Jaunpur.
What’s also notable about the SP in this election is that out of the 62 seats it is contesting on its own symbol, only nine belong to its traditional social base of Muslims and Yadavs. That is less than 15%, which is half of the total population of Muslims and Yadavs in the state.
The final battle as well as the result may be hinged on multiple factors, including the opposition’s reluctance to showcase a PM face against Modi and issues of Hindutva, Hindu polarisation and resources.
However, by surpassing the BJP in ticket distribution to OBCs and Dalits, the SP has taken a step in the right direction in signalling to these communities that it is willing to give them hissedari as per their abadi (representation as per population).
Courtesy : The Wire
Sawai Madhopur: After the dispute, Bidauri came out under the police protection of Dalit groom in Ladota, Gurjar community had beaten him for stopping the DJ.
Sawai Madhopur: In Ladota village of Malarna Dungar police station area of Sawai Madhopur district, during Chak Basan on Sunday night, women were misbehaved with the women after getting the DJ of a Dalit family stopped by the Gurjar community. Also assaulted fellow family members.
Written By Arvind Singh
Sawai Madhopur: In Ladota village of Malarna Dungar police station area of Sawai Madhopur district, during Chak Basan on Sunday night, women were misbehaved with the women after getting the DJ of a Dalit family stopped by the Gurjar community. Also assaulted fellow family members. Due to which the Dalit family reached the SP with their complaint. Also requested to evacuate Bidauri under police protection.
On the request of the Dalit family, on the direction of SP Mamta Gupta, the binori of Dalit groom Ashok was taken out on Monday evening in the presence of Malarna Dungar police administration. During this, police station officer Ramnath Singh, Naib Tehsildar Rambharosi, Malarna Dungar police, Bhadauti and Malarna Chaud Chowki police. Jabta remained present.
Actually, the matter had arisen between two parties in Ladota village over the matter of DJ. Where the Dalit family was beaten and their women were misbehaved through the Gurjar community. After this incident, a situation of tension had arisen in the village. After receiving information about the uproar, the police reached the spot and arrested four people on Sunday night on charges of disturbing peace.
Regarding the matter, police station officer Ramnath Singh said that as soon as the information was received, she reached the spot and four people were arrested from the spot on charges of disturbing peace. The police station officer said that on the instructions of the SP, the Dalit groom was arrested amid police security. Binori passed away peacefully.
After the incident, both the parties filed mutual cases
Police officer Ramnath Singh said that after the incident, Chiranji of one party gave a report and said that the women of his community were going with the DJ to Prajapat Mohalla to get chalk basin. On the way, the accused Harkesh, Ramdhan were seen in Gurjar Mohalla. Pritam, Kamlesh and others stopped his DJ and beat him and misbehaved with women.
Similarly, the other party gave a report through Mukesh Gurjar, naming Kamlesh, Vinod Amarchand, Chiranji, Ramjilal, Premraj etc. and accusing them of breaking into the house and assaulting them. At present, the police have registered cases from both the parties and the Deputy Superintendent of Police is investigating the matter. The city was handed over to Sawai Madhopur.
Courtesy: Hindi News
Firozabad: Getting bulldozer driven into Dalit’s house proved costly, FIR registered against accused officials
Firozabad: FIR has been registered against the officials who bulldozed the houses of Scheduled Caste in Firozabad. Which is being discussed. Ashok Kumar, a Scheduled Caste resident of Nagla Turkia, Nagar Panchayat Makhanpur area of Firozabad district, alleges that the road widening work is being carried out arbitrarily at the behest of Nagar Panchayat President representative Dilip Kumar and EO Fateh Bahadur. On protesting, on March 03, EO Nagar Panchayat Makhanpur along with the local police and Nayaab Tehsildar started demolishing his house arbitrarily. When they protested, the complainant and his family were forcibly taken to the police station and made to sit. Caste based words were used against him and he was abused and threatened to be implicated in a false case.
Edited By Ajay Kumar,
SC ST court passes order to police station incharge to register FIR
When Ashok Kumar was not heard by the police administration, he approached the court. While hearing the case, the then special judge of SC/ST court, Ifraq Ahmed, passed the order to the police station head to register an FIR and after several days, the FIR is being registered in the police station and is being investigated. The complainant expressed his pain and expressed confidence in the court. When an attempt was made to get information about this incident from EO Fateh Bahadur, he refused to say anything. Now it remains to be seen what action is taken during the deliberations.
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