13.06.24.Untouchables News.Chennai.India.by Team Sivaji.Vellore.
Dalit photographer was humiliated in public when he asked for the money back.
Angry at the demand for the money back, the youth beat up the Dalit photographer, abused him and used casteist slurs and threatened to kill him if he complained to the police.
Jitendra Kumar, who runs a photography centre in Simbhavali Hapur, has given a complaint in the police station. In which he has mentioned that Gaurav alias Golu, resident of Railway Road Simbhavali, had borrowed fifteen thousand rupees for a month about a year ago. After several months, when he asked for his money back, Gaurav showed his dominance. He took out his shoe and beat him up in the presence of dozens of people near Ganga Expressway near the old National Highway, abusing and using casteist slurs. When people tried to save him, the accused left threatening to kill him if he asked for the money in future. The victim says that even before this, the accused had threatened to implicate him in a false case and send him to jail, saying that he had connections at the top. The victim has pleaded for strict action against the accused as well as getting his money back. SO Dharmendra Singh says that the case is being investigated on the basis of the complaint, in which further action will be taken if the truth comes out.
The SHO had forcibly occupied the land of a Dalit, after the administration, now the High Court has taken strict action, there is a stir in the police department.
A Dalit, angry at the forceful occupation of the Dalit’s land adjacent to the police station by the SHO and the police personnel, had committed suicide in front of the police station. Due to which he died. The High Court has taken strict action in this case. Due to which there is a stir in the police department.
The SHO forcibly occupied the commercial plot of a Dalit adjacent to the police station in Gandas Buzurg police station of Balrampur district. Angered by this, the Dalit had committed suicide in front of the police station. Due to which he died. The High Court had sought an affidavit from the district administration in this case. DM Arvind Singh had submitted the counter affidavit magisterial investigation commission report to the High Court in this case. After this, the two-member bench of the High Court took a tough stand and directed to form a two-member SIT team of senior police officers of ADG level and submit the investigation report. Due to which there is a stir in the police department. In the case of suicide of Dalit Ram Bujharat, resident of Thana Gandas Bujharat of Balrampur district, due to the occupation of his valuable land by the police station officials, a two-member division bench of the High Court expressed deep displeasure over the working style of Balrampur and Bahraich police and ordered the Additional Chief Secretary Home to constitute an SIT comprising IG level officials. In line with the order, IPS officer Jai Narayan Singh, Additional Director General of Police Railway Lucknow, Chairman and Ram Prakash Additional Commissioner Administration Devipatan Mandal have been nominated as members in the SIT. The wife of deceased Dalit Ram Bujharat, Kusuma, resident of Gandas Bujharat, filed a petition in the High Court, making the then SHO Pawan Kanaujia and police officials a party and alleging that the police station/SHO Pawan Kanaujia forcibly occupied her private land. Ram Bujharat complained about illegal occupation by the police through a written complaint to the SHO Gandas Bujharat. But the SHO kept trying to occupy the land illegally, knowing the fact that the case was pending in the civil court. Ram Bujhart, agitated by the police taking possession of his valuable land, committed suicide by pouring inflammable substance in front of the police station on 24 October 2023, Dussehra, in protest. Due to which he died. An FIR was lodged in the case at the Gandas Bujurg police station. But the police did not conduct a fair investigation and action in the case. Dissatisfied with this, the wife of the deceased Ram Bujhart filed a petition in the High Court demanding action against the police and fair investigation.
Formation of SIT under the supervision of the High Court
On the instructions of the High Court, the government advocate had sought a counter affidavit from the district administration. In which District Magistrate Arvind Singh filed a counter affidavit. In which the report of magisterial investigation and civil court court commission report etc. were arranged before the High Court. During the hearing on 30 May 2024, in the light of all these documents and counter affidavits, the High Court decided that a fair investigation of the case is not possible by the police of both the districts of the range. Therefore, an order was issued to form a High Court monitored SIT under the chairmanship of senior officials.
The Dalit’s land dispute is already pending in the civil court
The dispute over Ram Bujharat’s land is already pending in the civil court Balrampur. A court commission was also held to bring clarity on the technical points of the civil court. The court commission report also mentions that the said land does not belong to the police station Gandas Buzurg. The land is disputed between private parties in the case. In the year 2018, the then SDM Uttaraula had allotted the police station land to the then SP for the construction of a new police station. Its entire map was handed over to the police. In which the land ahead of the police station was never given to the police station.
The police got into trouble
An attempt was made to challenge the report of the district administration, magisterial inquiry report, court commission report in the High Court. The chair of the representative of the government was challenged. But such a costly expenditure did not work. As a result, this move backfired on the police. The government has directed SP Balrampur to immediately provide all the records and evidence related to the case to the SIT for a fair investigation.
தமிழகத்தின் ஆதி தமிழர்,ஆதி திராவிடர் எங்கே.அல்லது தமிழர் எங்கே ? இது தான் பிஜேபி அவுட் ஆனதற்கு காரணம்.
Kaushambi…Dalit youth beaten to death with sticks: Youth found unconscious and covered in blood in a garden, victim’s side filed a complaint of attempted murder
In a village in Pipri police station area of ??Kaushambi, a youth returning from the market was beaten to death. The family members took the injured in a blood-soaked condition to the medical college for treatment. The victim’s wife has filed a case of attempted murder against 5 people of the village.
Manoj Saroj, son of Piyare, lives in Giriya Khalsa village of Pipri. He earns his living and that of his family by doing hard labour in the village. On Wednesday night, Manoj Saroj’s daughter suddenly fell ill. Manoj came to the market to get her medicine. When he did not return home even after a long time, his wife went out to look for him. Manoj was found lying in a garden outside the village, covered in blood.
The victim informed the police station and took her husband to Manjhanpur Medical College through an ambulance. Suman, the wife of the injured youth, said that five people from the village attacked her husband with sticks and sharp weapons and left him half dead. She has given a written complaint to the police station against the accused. The accused suspected her husband of being troubled by ghosts. They had threatened to kill him several times before this as well.
Tension in Saurashtra as ill-feeling grows among Dalits and Rajputs over kidnapping
Dalits held a rally demanding justice for Solanki, who was reportedly kidnapped and beaten by Ganesh Gondal
Published - June 13, 2024 05:50 am IST - AHMEDABAD
On June 12, Dalits held a rally demanding justice for Mr. Solanki, who was reportedly kidnapped and beaten by Ganesh Gondal. Gondal’s parents, legislator Geetaba and her husband and former legislator Jayrajsinh Jadeja, wield considerable influence in the area.
The next day, reportedly at the instance of Ganesh Jadeja, Solanki’s two-wheeler was rammed by attackers in a car who dragged him into their car. According to the complaint, Mr. Solanki was “abducted and badly thrashed.”
On Wednesday; a bike rally demanding justice for Solanki was organised by a Dalit community outfit from Junagadh to Gondal.
“After the first altercation, a series of incidents occurred and that has aggravated the situation,” a police official said.
As Dalits took out a bike rally, supporters of the Jadeja family ensured that nearly 50 villages in Gondal taluka and its marketing yard; which is one of the largest in Saurashtra region, remained closed in solidarity with Ganesh and his family.
Ganesh’s father, Jayrajsinh Jadeja, refused to comment on the bike rally organised by the Dalits and the strike called by his supporters in the villages and Gondal APMC.
Dalit votes in 2024.
https://www.timesnownews.com/india/1pc-dip-for-congress-3pc-for-bjp-how-dalits-voted-in-lok-sabha-polls-details-article-110947116
‘Book MLA’s son under GUJCTOC’
SP MLA Irfan Solanki sentenced to 7 years in jail for land-grabbing and torching case in Kanpur, UP, along with brother Rizwan Solanki.
BJP MP Kangana Ranaut was allegedly slapped by a CISF official at Chandigarh airport during a frisking argument. Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Sanjay Raut sympathised with her, stating that an MP should not be attacked, but farmers should be respected.
A fiery exchange of allegations between public works minister Satish Jarkiholi and Kudachi MLA Mahendra Tammannavar in Belagavi district Congress after the Lok Sabha elections. Tammannavar accused Jarkiholi of suppressing SC community leaders in the district, leading to turmoil.
Two different BJPs competed in 2024. The challenger gained, the establishment lost
The anti-establishment vote for the BJP in some states has partially masked the overall mandate against the national political establishment represented by the BJP.
Yogendra Yadav, Rahul Shastri & Shreyas Sardesai
Is it fair to read the electoral outcome as a mandate against the BJP, the ruling establishment? One of us—Yogendra Yadav—has argued that is indeed the case. The NDA has the numbers to form the government, but the BJP has not only lost its majority, it has also failed to secure popular endorsement. The BJP may be the largest single party, way ahead of any rival, but its tally has to be seen against its own public target of 400+ seats and 50 per cent+ vote share. Above all, the electoral outcome has to be placed in the political context of how all the odds—money, media, governmental machine and even the Election Commission—were stacked against the Opposition in this election.
One possible counter to this reading is the story of BJP’s vote share, which has seen just a negligible drop from 37.4 per cent to 36.6 per cent. The BJP made a dramatic entry into Odisha, broke the Kerala barrier and improved its presence in Andhra and Punjab. It has an undeniable national footprint now, with a double-digit vote share across all the states of the Indian Union. The BJP advocates claim a victory based on these facts. Independent observers caution us against premature celebration and point out that the BJP’s reach has gotten deeper.
A closer look at the state-level vote shares shows that this is not the story of the political establishment losing in some areas and gaining in the rest. This was indeed a vote against the political establishment, except that the BJP did not represent the establishment everywhere. Let us think of two different BJPs that contested this election: BJP (Establishment) and BJP (Challenger). The Establishment suffered serious electoral reversals, while the Challenger had a good electoral outing. While the anti-establishment vote for the BJP in some states partially masked the national mandate against the BJP this time, this is a short-lived if not one-shot windfall that the ruling establishment cannot bank upon.
Let us look at the numbers presented in Table 1. In two-thirds of the country (356 seats to be precise) the BJP is the dominant political party even when it is not the state ruling party at the moment. This area stretches from Maharashtra and Gujarat to Bihar and Jharkhand in the east and includes states like Karnataka and Himachal where the BJP does not rule currently. In these states, the BJP Establishment faced severe electoral reversals to its near political monopoly, losing 75 of the 271 seats it held last time. On average, there was a five percentage point swing against the BJP in these areas that stretch from Karnataka to Bihar.
But in the remaining one-third of India (187 seats), the BJP entered this election as an anti-establishment force, a challenger to the incumbent or the dominant political party—BJD in Odisha, YSRCP in Andhra or TMC in Bengal. This BJP Challenger was a face-saver for the ruling party. The BJP gained 12 seats here over its tally in the last election. More importantly, it had a positive vote swing of about six percentage points, which contained the BJP’s national losses to under one percentage point of the vote share.
A serious setback
The BJP’s vote share is worse than it looks. Overall, the BJP’s vote share went down in 274 of the 399 constituencies that it contested both in 2019 and 2024. These included all the seats that the BJP contested in Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Bihar, Jharkhand, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Punjab and Jammu and Kashmir, and all but two seats in UP.
The margins of BJP victory went down sharply. The number of seats it won by 20 percentage points or more fell from 151 to just 77.
It is useful to see the swing in BJP votes in the 215 seats that witnessed a direct BJP vs Congress contest, seats where these two occupied the top two positions. Last time the BJP had won more than 90 per cent of such contests with an average margin of over 21 percentage points. This time the BJP won 153 of these seats, losing 62 to the Congress. The average margin was halved to a little less than 10 percentage points. Compared to 2019, these seats witnessed a negative swing of 5.5 percentage points against the BJP. That is indeed a serious setback.
If we look at the BJP Establishment states in Table 2, and focus on the BJP vote share in the seats it contested, we notice a negative swing that cuts across state boundaries. States like Rajasthan (12 per cent), Haryana (12 per cent) and Himachal (13 per cent) experienced the strongest double-digit anti-BJP swing. While the BJP’s earlier lead was huge in these states, the swing against it was concentrated in some areas in Rajasthan and Haryana (but not Himachal) for it to lose a substantial number of seats.
While the BJP’s dramatic losses in UP were the story of this election, it is interesting to note that the swing against the BJP is nearly identical in the neighbouring states of Uttar Pradesh (6.8 per cent), Bihar (6.9 per cent) and Jharkhand (7 per cent). In UP, the BJP had a smaller margin to defend and was up against a smart political and social alliance. But in Bihar, the BJP could cut its losses thanks to a huge (23 points) advantage that it began with and its ability to retain a very large coalition.
The smallest drop in BJP votes was in Karnataka, Assam, Delhi and Uttarakhand. In all these states the ruling party managed to retain most of its seats, except in Karnataka where the negative swing was concentrated in some regions that cost BJP many seats. The only exceptions to this story of negative swing for BJP Establishment are Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh where weak Opposition could not snatch any votes from the BJP.
We see the undercurrent in the opposite direction, though of varying degrees, when we look at BJP in the role of a Challenger. Here the sudden meltdown of, and indirect help from the BRS enabled BJP to add a whopping 15.7 per cent to its votes in Telangana, while an additional 7 per cent enabled the party to nearly sweep the Lok Sabha polls in Odisha. A modest but steady addition of 3 per cent votes helped the BJP pick its first Lok Sabha seat from Kerala.
In Tamil Nadu and Punjab, the loss of a key partner meant that the BJP lost the support of its former ally’s social base: its overall vote share did increase, as it contested more seats, but its vote share in the seats it contested decreased quite a bit.
West Bengal looks like an exception to this trend, as the BJP was very much a challenger but lost 1.3 per cent vote share in the state, failing to recover from the debacle in the Assembly elections.
The real question in this election was: would this political establishment secure a stamp of popular endorsement? No wonder, the election was all about the ambitious target that BJP set for itself—no less than 400+ seats and 50 per cent+ votes. It was an election that the BJP was widely believed to have won even before the schedule was announced. No one bothered about the tally of its opponents. Nor that of its allies. All that was incidental to the real power play around Modi and his party.
The real question for the future is: how long can the BJP Challenger rescue the BJP Establishment? This window appears very short both in terms of time and space. There are not many states now where the BJP has a headroom to grow. And this advantage may not continue for long. Sooner than later, the BJP Establishment has to find ways of not meeting the fate of the Congress Establishment, and that too when Modi’s charm is fading. This election may not give the BJP much confidence in this respect.
Yours,
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