16.06.24.UT NEWS.(UNTOUCHABLES NEWS)CHENNAI.INDIA.BY Team Sivaji...
Minor Dalit girl raped repeatedly, crime came to light when she became pregnant
A horrific incident of repeated rape of a minor Dalit girl was witnessed in Bhadohi, UP. The accused has been arrested and charged with rape and other crimes, but this is the latest in a rapidly increasing number of gender crimes against Dalit women. NCRB data shows that ten such rapes are committed against Dalit women and girls every day, with such crimes increasing by 45 percent between 2015 and 2020.
A horrific incident of repeated sexual crime against a minor Dalit girl in her own house has come to light in Bhadohi, Uttar Pradesh (UP). The family came to know about this when she showed signs of pregnancy and they took her to the doctor.
According to the police of Suriyava police station, the 17-year-old girl was repeatedly raped by a man from her village, PTI reported. The girl’s father had lodged a written complaint against a man named Raju Gupta at Suriyava police station last week. As per the information available now, the culprit, Raju Gupta, had started visiting the girl’s house when no one was at home to commit the crime repeatedly.
According to SHO Ram Nagina Yadav, the police have arrested Gupta, 26, a resident of Dudwa Dharmapuri, and registered a case of rape against him. Gupta has been charged under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act (POCSO) along with the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act.
The police reportedly launched a search for Gupta and arrested him near Suriyawa railway station.
The All India Trinamool Congress on its X (formerly Twitter) account has blamed the BJP for the incident and called it an incident in the “BJP-ruled rape capital of the country”.
Varun Choudhary, national president of the NSUI (National Students Union of India), the student wing of the Congress party, also tweeted about the incident and asked if the government will take any concrete steps to protect our girls?
Similarly, another heinous incident of rape of a Dalit woman was reported in March 2024 in Ballia, UP. The accused also passed casteist remarks against her and threatened to kill her. The accused, Lagandev Yadav, was reportedly arrested by the police after the rape victim’s mother lodged a complaint with the police.
According to horrifying statistics, 10 Dalit women are raped every day in India. Moreover, the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) has shown that the number of registered cases of rape against Dalit women has increased over the years, rising by 45 per cent from 2015 to 2020.
After poll drubbing that saw Dalits ‘shift to Congress’, Prakash Ambedkar’s VBA has tough road ahead
Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi, which fought LS polls on its own after talks with MVA fell through, saw vote share reduced to just 3% in seats it contested in Maharashtra.
PURVA CHITNIS
Mumbai: Prakash Ambedkar’s decision to go it alone in the Lok Sabha elections appears to have cost him dearly, with a chunk of Dalit voters possibly moving to the Congress from his Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi (VBA).
ThePrint’s analysis of Election Commission data shows that the VBA’s vote share has plunged to just 3 percent in the 42 seats it contested in Maharashtra, compared to 6.99 percent in 2019, when it contested 47.
In the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, the VBA had tied up with the Asaduddin Owaisi-led All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) and damaged the prospects of the Congress-Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) coalition in at least seven seats. The AIMIM contested just one seat in Maharashtra, Aurangabad, which it won with 32.45 percent of the vote.
The alliance with the AIMIM broke up ahead of the assembly elections later that year, and the VBA went on to win 4.5 percent of the vote, or 5.5 percent in just the seats it contested (236 out of 288 seats).
This time around, the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi — consisting of the Congress, the NCP (Sharadchandra Pawar) and the Shiv Sena (Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray) — had tried to form an alliance with the VBA. However, the talks fell through and Ambedkar decided to fight the elections alone.
Nevertheless, the MVA was able to win 30 of the state’s 48 seats and has also got the support of an Independent victor. The data shows that the VBA’s impact on its prospects was limited.
The VBA polled more than the winning margin in six seats: Akola, Hingoli, Buldhana, Beed, Hatkanangale and Mumbai North West. Apart from Hingoli and Beed, all these seats fell into the ruling Mahayuti’s kitty and the opposition MVA came second. The Mahayuti consists of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena and the Ajit Pawar-led NCP.
Political analyst Hemant Desai says the “damage” done by the VBA (to the MVA) was minimal
“Last time around, he (Ambedkar) made sure that he would do damage, but this time he tried to show that he was with the MVA. He continuously spoke about saving the Constitution, so why he chose to follow a different path is still a question. However, with the way MVA handled Ambedkar this time, the damage done is minimal,” he says.
While Ambedkar did campaign against the BJP, he was unable to make gains.The VBA has its own voice but not the means as of now, says Ajinkya Gaikwad, a political science researcher at Mumbai’s SIES College.
“We normally underestimate the Dalit voter by thinking that since Prakash Ambedkar is from the Ambedkar household, he or she will go for it ideologically — but they think about winnability as well,” says Gaikwad.
In a letter to supporters after the results were announced, Ambedkar wrote,“We are disappointed but we have not given up on hope. We will introspect about our failures. It is not rocket science to understand that some elements in the Maha Vikas Aghadi deliberately did not include the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi in the alliance. We were invited to meetings. But that was all for the media and voters. We fell into their trap and miserably failed to convince the voters of our humiliation and the Maha Vikas Aghadi’s narrow-minded attitude towards our party,”
He added that there was still a little time before the Maharashtra assembly elections, due in four months. “In the coming months, we will engage more with voters to build a stronger relationship with them.”
VBA’s impact
Akola — where Ambedkar himself was the candidate and came third — and Hingoli are the only two constituencies where the VBA secured more than 1 lakh votes.
Anup Dhotre of the BJP won the Akola seat, while Dr Abhay Patil of the Congress was in second position. Dhotre got 4,57,030 votes while Patil received 4,16,404 and Ambedkar 2,76,747.
In Buldhana, the VBA’s Vasant Magar got 98,441 votes, while the difference between the Shinde-led Shiv Sena’s winning candidate Prataprao Jadhav — now a minister of state — and the Shiv Sena (UBT)’s Narendra Khedekar was a mere 29,479.
In Hatkanangale, the VBA’s D.C. Patil got 32,696 votes while the difference between the Sena (UBT)’s Satyajeet Patil and the victor, the Shinde-led Sena’s Dhairyasheel Mane, was only 13,426.
Similarly in Mumbai North West, where the Shiv Sena’s Ravindra Waikar won by a hair-thin margin of 48 votes against the Sena (UBT)’s Amol Kirtikar, the VBA’s Parmeshwar Ranshur got 10,052 votes.
In Beed, although Bajrang Sonawane of the NCP (Sharadchandra Pawar) won against the BJP’s Pankaja Munde by a whisker — 6,553 votes — the VBA’s Ashok Hinge received 50,867 votes. An alliance might have ensured a more comfortable victory.
However, Ambedkar blames the MVA for failing to offer a respectable number of seats.
“In the last meeting, the MVA told us that we would be given two seats. One was Mumbai North and the other was Akola. However, the MVA used to tell the media that it was offering four to six seats. But these seats did not include the ones where our candidates had secured more than 1 lakh votes. Moreover, Mumbai North was a difficult seat. And the Akola seat was also an uncertain one. It makes sense to contest on our own strength rather than go with the INDIA bloc and be defeated,” Ambedkar wrote in his letter.
He added: “It was the VBA that tried to get itself included in the MVA. The MVA invited us for a few select meetings but not for all meetings.”
But MVA partners say that Ambedkar did not show any willingness to join the alliance.
“It is a matter of who is following what issue. If he had joined us, then our tally would definitely have gone up. He needs to think ahead,” Congress spokesperson Atul Londhe tells ThePrint.
Shiv Sena (UBT) spokesperson Anand Dubey agrees.
“Actually in many places, their candidates’ deposit has been lost. Prakash Ambedkar himself lost the election. So going forward, if he still decides to stay separate and divide the votes, only the BJP will benefit,” says Dubey.
‘Organisational weakness’ & challenges ahead
The major reason for the VBA’s plummeting vote share could be a lack of organisational strength and social media messaging, says Gaikwad.
He adds: “Also, we cannot forget that Dalit voters have been the Congress’s vote bank for years, and so there was a sense among them that they should keep the ideology of aligning with Ambedkar aside and go for a secular party to defeat Hindutva forces. It would also mean that the vote is not wasted.”
Desai thinks Ambedkar won’t be a threat in the upcoming state assembly elections “because his credibility has been affected”.
Gaikwad also says the VBA will be thoroughly tested in the coming days.
“Ambedkar will remain relevant in politics even in future because he has a face and a name, but whether or not it will remain relevant as a party needs to be seen,” says Gaikwad.
(Edited by Rohan Manoj)
Sultanpur News: Another SIT to investigate the self-immolation case of Dalit youth
Balrampur. The government has taken a tough stand in the self-immolation case of Dalit Ram Bujharat in Gaidas Buzurg police station area. Along with the two-member SIT formed recently under the chairmanship of ADG Railway Jai Narayan Singh, now another three-member committee will also investigate the entire matter. The High Court has sought an envelope-sealed report from the committee in August in the case. It is believed that the investigation will be completed in June and July.
Now, on behalf of the Additional Chief Secretary Home, an investigation committee has been formed under the chairmanship of Inspector General of Police Vigilance Establishment Manjil Saini, Additional Superintendent of Police Gonda Radheshyam Rai and Additional District Magistrate Bahraich Gaurav Ranjan Srivastava. It has been clarified in the order that the allegations of police occupying private commercial land have to be investigated impartially. It has become clear from the investigation done earlier by the administration and the police that the police had occupied the land, due to which Dalit Ram Bujharat has committed self-immolation. Even after this, due to lack of effective action, the deceased’s wife Kusum is struggling for justice. The High Court has ordered an inquiry on her petition.
Occupied by erecting pillars, police did not hear
After the construction of Gaidas Bujurg police station building was completed, private commercial land outside the boundary was occupied by erecting pillars. The police did not hear the complaint regarding this. Hurt by this, Dalit Ram Bujhart went live on Facebook on 24 October 2023 and committed suicide. Ram Bujhart died on 30 October during treatment. At that time, the role of the then station in-charge was found suspicious in the investigation of the administration and police. Not only this, the DM found in the investigation of the whole matter that the civil suit of the land was pending and the court had commissioned. Even after this, the police occupied the land.
The department kept making strategies for action
Many tricks were adopted to save the policemen responsible in the self-immolation case of Ram Bujhart. Even after the matter was clear in the investigation, the investigation was transferred to Bahraich. Not only this, unnecessary publicity was done to refute the action of the District Magistrate. A report was sent to the DM to implicate the victim Kusum, that too a day before the Lok Sabha elections. On which the DM got the investigation done and wrote a strong letter to the SP. Now it has been clarified in the order of SIT investigation that the youth was forced to commit suicide due to occupation of commercial land. Due to this, instead of forming an investigation team under the chairmanship of range and zone officials, senior officials were included.
This is the reason why two SIT investigations were needed
It has to be understood why there was a need to form two SITs to investigate the same case. Retired IAS officer Ram Bahadur says that this is such a case in which there is an allegation of forcing a person of Scheduled Caste to commit suicide as well as occupying the land. At the same time, since the case is pending in the civil court, interfering in it is contempt of court. A criminal investigation is needed in this. Secondly, the way the police has worked, an investigation has to be done to decide departmental action against those responsible. Therefore, it is necessary to do so. The administration will fully cooperate when the investigation of the Gaidas Bujurg case begins. The full report of the case has already been sent to the government. The priorities of the government are being strictly implemented.
Arvind Singh, District Magistrate
Farmer booked for casteist remarks against Dalit former sarpanch
Raikot, The Ludhiana (Rural) police have initiated probe into an incident in which a farmer of Burj Hari Singh village had allegedly used casteist remarks against a now former sarpanch of the same village about a year ago.
Raikot DSP Rachhpal Singh Dhindsa has been deputed to probe the case registered under sections 3,4 of SC and ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act against Hari Singh of Burj Hari Singh on the basis of a complaint made by the erstwhile sarpanch Bhupinder Kaur before SSP Ludhiana (Rural) on July 13, 2023. The incident had reportedly occurred during cleaning of the village pond on June 26, 2023.
Bhupinder Kaur had alleged Hari Singh had hurled casteist slurs at her during a public discussion over a land dispute. She had later lodged a written complaint at the office
of the SSP Ludhiana (Rural) on July 13, 2023. It was after receiving approval from SSP Navneet Singh Bains that the Raikot Sadar police registered an FIR against Hari Singh on Friday.
DSP Rachhpal Singh Dhindsa said further action would be taken after verifying the sequence of events leading to the incident and allegations levelled by the complainant.
The language of Dalit food
The English translation of a prominent work on Dalit food practices adds new questions about the specificity of Dalit experiences and the visualising of marginality through mainstream languages to the issue of food politics
Sucheta Chakraborty
Dalit Kitchens of Marathwada has a certain freewheeling quality where recipes appear in between stories and descriptions of rituals. Barbat and alani mutton curries were two items that the author’s mother had prepared for the translator when the latter went to visit them.
“A lot of the Marathi words we use in the village can’t be found in a Marathi dictionary,” writer Shahu Patole tells us over a phone call. Words like ‘boti’ (small pieces of meat), ‘chaani’ (dried meat chunks) or ‘lakuti’ (animal blood preparation) are concepts, he says, whose contexts need to be understood. Hence when in May 2021, Bhushan Korgaonkar was brought in to work on an English translation of Patole’s 2015 Marathi publication, the Mumbai-based director and theatre producer travelled to Patole’s village in Osmanabad to familiarise himself with this region- and community-specific vocabulary about farming and cooking, and get acquainted with the agricultural equipment, vegetables and animal parts that featured in its food practices. Patole’s original work titled Anna He Apoorna Brahma, which was the first book to document Dalit food history through the culinary traditions of the Maharashtrian Mahar (the Mahars became neo-Buddhists in 1956) and Mang communities, is about 230 pages long. The new English translation, Dalit Kitchens of Marathwada (HarperCollins India), due to the elucidations and an extensive glossary, is more than a hundred pages longer.
Dr Prashant Ingole, lecturer at the Indian Institute of Science Education and Research Mohali, who has specialised in Dalit studies and cultural politics, draws attention to this problem of translating specificity, speaking instead of the essential ‘untranslatability’ of the words and world of the Dalit in English. “The English language is not related to the Dalit experiences of marginality. Words of any [regional] language come from their rooted experiences and have no established relationship with the particular vocabulary in English as such,” he notes. “Words are constructed through lived experiences and geographical, cultural and sociological contexts. When translated into English, there are no words to understand the Dalit world and the specificity of that particular meaning.”
But he admits that translations enable a recognition of marginalised authorship, which is otherwise wholly invisible in mainstream language discourse, and thus allow readers to discover the circumstances in which a text was written. In Anna He Apoorna Brahma, Patole wrote about how Dalits don’t readily come forward to talk about their food culture due to the shame attached to their food history and practices. “If leftover, stale, partially eaten and discarded, half-cooked, scorched, overcooked, inferior, rotten food is tamasic [sinful], why would anyone eat it? The fact that someone eats it suggests that they don’t have any other option,” he wrote, questioning both the scriptural use of food to maintain social divisions and the idea that diet determined behaviour and character.
It’s been close to a decade since he originally published his work. Still, in all these years and despite the democratisation of content on the internet, which allows for different food narratives to exist, the general attitude hasn’t changed. “To this day, what you eat dictates where in the caste hierarchy you are placed,” says Patole, traditionally a beef-eating Hindu. “I have documented our food culture for future generations for anthropological value and to shed light on how we were treated in the village, but people feel there is no need to write about these practices because they are no longer followed.” Moreover, it is the educated Dalit, he notes, who feels this guilt more acutely. “There is guilt around the fact that their forefathers used to eat this type of food.” Many have changed their eating practices and have even accepted vegetarian food, he says, and yet have to contend with the immutability of the caste burden. “You can protest all you want that you have stopped eating certain foods, but has the label of caste left you?” he asks.
Korgaonkar, who read, Isn’t This Plate Indian?—Dalit Histories and Memories of Food, a project undertaken by the University of Pune’s 2009 Gender Studies class, in preparation and recalls inviting Patole in 2016 to Mumbai for a curated session on his book, worked for close to a year on several drafts with his team, pairing them with lengthy conversations with the author to ensure “nothing was left out, misinterpreted or misrepresented.” The translator, who also works closely with Lavani artistes, believes that the English translation will have a wider reach. “With such marginalised work [and I have observed it in Lavani also], people may not be able to experience it fully in the original language because of familiarity and hence may not actively engage with it. However, when the material is available in another language, there may be curiosity to read it. I think the English translation may even give a fresh perspective to readers of Marathi.”
Shahu Patole, on the other hand, is clear about his hopes from this English translation. “I wrote about two castes—the Mahars and Mangs. Other Dalit castes should also come forward to talk about their food histories openly. My book should inspire them to do the same about their own food cultures. We are not responsible for what we had to eat. Why should we feel ashamed? Those who compelled us to eat it are the ones who should be ashamed.”
The spice factor
A meal with barbat and alani mutton curries, rice and bhakris. For alani mutton, meat pieces are marinated with turmeric, salt, ginger, garlic and coriander leaves (if available). Very little oil (or the mutton fat) and chopped onion are added to the marinated pieces. A water lid is kept (this technique is used across the state where the vessel is covered with a lid with water in it; extra water is not added to the ingredients, and the curry is allowed to cook on steam). When the pieces release water and are half cooked, this hot water on the lid is added to the preparation and this process is repeated till the mutton is cooked. This alani (literally meaning bland) mutton is often made for children or the sick.
Barbat is any meat gravy cooked for a religious occasion after sacrificing the animal. In it, all parts of the animal are used. Yesur (a masala mix powder comprising dried red chillies, dried coconut, dried onions and garam masala ingredients like coriander seeds, cumin seeds, fennel seeds, cinnamon, cloves and pepper) is mixed with roasted jowar flour and salt in water and added to the alani mutton, cooked till it starts boiling, and then garnished with coriander leaves.
Both recipes can be prepared with any meat.
Courtesy : mid-day
Vengaivayal case: Advocate demands CBI inquiry
When TNIE reached out for a comment, CB-CID officials did not respond.
CHENNAI: Describing the CB-CID probe into the Vengaivayal case ‘shoddy’, senior advocate Bhavani B Mohan on Saturday called for a CBI investigation.
Mohan alleged the police attempted to pin the blame on the complainants and were looking for ways to “settle” the case, instead of conducting a fair probe. Notable people like the panchayat president, belonging to Mutharaiyar caste, are yet to be inquired, said the advocate, who appears as counsel for the Dalit villagers.
On December 26, 2022, human faeces were found inside the overhead tank supplying drinking water to the Dalit residents of the village. Prior to the incident, Mohan said, the panchayat president had claimed to supply adequate drinking water to the Dalit families, which was later debunked by a water tank operator. The latter, also from the Mutharaiyar caste, had voiced for the Dalit families and was given a pink slip, said Mohan, citing court documents. “A status report has not been filed yet,” he said.
Mohan claimed the panchayat president and the block development officer quickly drained out the overhead tank, right after the incident, even before a forensic investigation could be carried out. He alleged the “shoddy work” of the police happened despite the progressive intentions of the ruling party. Such incidents of caste atrocities against Dalits continue irrespective of the party in power, he claimed.
When TNIE reached out for a comment, CB-CID officials did not respond.
ODISHA.STATE.4 tribals, 2 Dalits in new Odisha council of ministers led by CM Majhi
The move comes after the BJP successfully breached the Dalit-tribal vote bank of the BJD in the 2024 assembly as well as the Lok Sabha elections in the state
The new council of ministers in Odisha led by chief minister Mohan Charan Majhi has four tribals and two Dalits- a move that comes after the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) successfully breached the Dalit-tribal vote bank of the Biju Janata Dal (BJD) in the 2024 assembly as well as the Lok Sabha elections in the state.
In this Assembly election, the BJP won 18 of the 33 reserved Scheduled Tribes (ST) seats, wresting nine seats from the BJD and the Congress. In tribal-dominated Mayurbhanj district, it won all the nine assembly constituencies while it won 14 of the 24 seats reserved for Dalits, wresting nine seats from BJD, indicating its rising trust among the Dalits and tribals. The party won four of the five Lok Sabha constituencies reserved for tribals and all the three Lok Sabha constituencies reserved for Dalits. The party’s vote share went up by 8 % from the 32% it won in 2019 election.
Among the 16 ministers who took oath on Wednesday, four are tribals while two are Dalits with BJP making Majhi, a Santhali tribal, its first chief minister, a move aimed at not just the forthcoming assembly polls in Jharkhand but setting the narrative of being a party of lower castes. While the CM is a tribal, for the first time in the history of Odisha politics, there are two tribal Cabinet ministers - Rabi Narayan Naik and Nityanand Gond - while Kolha tribal Ganesh Ram Singh Khuntia has been made minister of state with independent charge.
BJP also made a Dalit a Cabinet minister while another young Dalit politician from coastal Bhadrak district was made a minister of state with independent charge. The Cabinet also has a woman as deputy chief minister, a first in Odisha while another woman would be Speaker of the Assembly. Among the 16 ministers, nine are upper caste with revenue and disaster management minister Suresh Pujari as the only Brahmin face while deputy CM Kanak Vardhan Singhdeo is the sole representative of Kshatriyas.
In the regional representation, only four in Majhi Cabinet are from coastal Odisha compared to seven in the previous Naveen Patnaik ministry.
The council of ministers led by Naveen Patnaik had no Dalit but had three tribals, of which only one was a Cabinet minister. Jagannath Saraka, who was SC/ST development minister in the previous regime, lost the election.
Political analyst Rabi Das said by making Majhi as the chief minister and tribals as Cabinet ministers, the BJP has sent a clear message that it is not a party of upper caste as it was perceived all along. “It’s a clear shift in its politics in a state where the tribals and Dalits comprise 40 % of the population. Till now the CMs used to be from upper caste. But in the Majhi ministry, the upper castes have lost out and the under-privileged castes have won, and this would impact the state’s politics and policies in several ways,” said Das.
Another political analyst Gyana Ranjan Swain also agreed that BJP’s political messaging has been perfect in its ministry composition.
“Many people see Naveen Patnaik as a progressive chief minister, but his Cabinet was always loaded in favour of people of upper caste and those from coastal districts. By making a tribal as CM and inducting three more tribals in the ministry, the BJP is clearly making an overture to tribals who supported the party in the late 90s but later supported BJD. BJP is clearly eyeing the social coalition of Dalits and tribals, but they also need to do a lot more for the tribals, Dalits as well as OBCs, who are numerically superior to the upper castes. The hegemony of the coastal Odisha has also been broken in the Majhi ministry,” said Swain.
Mayawati ignored Bahujan movement: BSP founding member RK Chaudhary
Now, SP chief Akhilesh Yadav is taking forward the Bahujan movement, demanding social equality for backward castes and disadvantaged communities, said RK Chaudhary
 "Mayawati, election, vote, voting, lok sabha polls,")
BSP Supremo Mayawati (Photo:PTI)
Claiming that the SP a got considerable share of Dalit votes in the Lok Sabha elections, he said, "The SP this time got the core vote of the Bahujan Samaj Party without asking for it."
"Somewhere, it got 50 per cent and somewhere it got 60 per cent (of the Dalit votes). This is not an ordinary thing. And in the coming times, the Samajwadi Party, under the leadership of Akhilesh Yadav, will definitely fulfill the dream that BSP founder Kanshi Ram ignited."
The BSP, the party which has formed government in Uttar Pradesh four times, could not win a single seat in the recently concluded Lok Sabha elections. Its votes share also took a massive hit of more than 10 percentage points from the 2019 elections, when it had won 10 seats, to stand at 9.39 percent.
"The path that BSP founder Kanshi Ram found, that the Bahujan Samaj should be brought together to form a political force, our leader Akhilesh Yadav has taken the same path and talked about PDA. This is the society which has been looted and it remained weak and helpless for centuries. After the formation of PDA, the process of change has started. It will move forward.'
"Our target was to remove the BJP government from power at the centre, but it did not happen. But we have succeeded in giving a blow to the BJP. Earlier, there used to be a strong BJP government at the centre, but now there is a weak government. Sooner or later, within six months, this government will fall and the INDIA (Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance) coalition government will be formed," he said
When asked about the BJP not getting the expected success in Uttar Pradesh in the recently concluded Lok Sabha elections, the former minister said, "The BJP does only Hindu-Muslim politics in the country. The BJP has had to bear the brunt of this politics in this election. If they do not stop this, they will have to suffer more.
https://www.dtnext.in/news/tamilnadu/as-neet-fire-spreads-protesters-outside-tamil-nadu-discover-the-first-martyr-anitha-790389
Stricter grant rules spark outcry
75 pc marks must for state’s foreign scholarships; students’ organisations oppose new restrictions.
- By PuneMirror Bureau
- Reported By Yashpal Sonkamble
- Sat, 15 Jun 2024
- 12:59 pm
Stricter grant rules spark outcry
The state government has tightened rules for getting foreign scholarships. Henceforth, only those who get 75 percent marks in education from Class X and XII to graduation will be eligible for foreign scholarships for higher education. The scholarship limit has also been increased from Rs 30 lakh to Rs 40 lakh. The new rules have sparked fury among Ambedkarite student unions, which are accusing the state government of playing a ploy to cut off foreign education avenues by curtailing concessions for students from scheduled castes and scheduled tribes.
The state government has released the advertisement for the Chhatrapati Rajarshi Shahu Maharaj Pardeshi Scholarship for the academic year 2024-25 along with the circular of new rules. New onerous conditions have been imposed in this circular. According to the new policy, it is mandatory for students applying for foreign scholarships to have 75 percent marks in their courses from Std 10 to graduation. There is now a strong backlash in Maharashtra over the possible injustice done to scheduled caste students due to the decision to limit the scholarship to Rs 30 lakh per annum to postgraduate students and Rs 40 lakh to those eligible for PhD.
Omprakash Bokaria, commissioner of state social welfare department said, “The state government has prepared the same policy for all departments. Accordingly, the social justice department has also advertised the new rules. We have also received representations in this regard. Appropriate action will be taken.”
Rajeev Khobragade, a member of The Platform, an NGO, said, “The state government had imposed some oppressive conditions in the previous circular as well. It also introduced the concept of a creamy layer for scheduled caste students and imposed an income limit of Rs 8 lakh.
Apart from this, the educational qualification was increased from 55 percent to 75 percent. Due to this decision of the government, there is dissatisfaction among the backward class students. The Constitutional concessions available to students have been determined not on the basis of economic backwardness but on the basis of social backwardness. However, the income and educational qualification criteria imposed by the government in the name of equality policy are inconsistent with the Constitutional principles. The oppressive conditions imposed by the government are unfair to the scheduled castes and tribes. We will fight against this in court.”
The state government has released the advertisement for the Chhatrapati Rajarshi Shahu Maharaj Pardeshi Scholarship for the academic year 2024-25 along with the circular of new rules. New onerous conditions have been imposed in this circular.
Dear Friends,
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Jaibhim...
Subject......To help the poor SC.sts.
The Govt Schools have re.opened on 10.06.24 after summer holidays.
Most of the children are studying in Govt Schools only.The Academic Books are already under supply.
Their present needs.
A...They need extra books/guide/other infrastructures like bags,Geometry Boxes,Pen,Pecils, erasers cheppals, and good dress.
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C....We feel that it is our duty to help our poor SC.ST students,pay back to the Society on a ongoing basis.
D...Therefore We request you as a Social thinker,to help them in the following manner, and matters.
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No 85.Bajanai koil Street,Saidapet Road,Vadapalani Chennai.600 026.(Landmark.Near Lakshman Shruti Musicals)
2)Our request to our retired employees/graduates,post graduates, Teachers/professors, if they wish they can utilise their time in coaching our SC.ST children for their good education.inform in WhatsApp.9444917060.
3)We need retired Bank Employees/Retd Professors Team for assisting our SC.ST students for getting Admissions freely in good colleges and for getting EDUCATIONAL LOANS from Banks.If you need any assistance please send a message in WhatsApp.9444917060.After a week in every districts we will have our coordinators.
3)To Coordinate this ongoing program in every districts,we need UT NEWS co.ordinators in every districts.Any one who are interested in doing this work freely without remuneration can send their details with qualification and address in Whatsapp.9444917060.
4)We need to have a Non political strong Force/(consists of Advocates,Business people.etc,etc)who will be visiting atrocity areas to protect our people from caste hindus.We need a Team in each districts.please contact us in WhatsApp.9444917060.
5)After a week's time we would like to call a virtual meeting to discuss our coordination in person.
6)Initially to start with please inform about the availability of Old/New books,black shoes from 4,5,6,7 sizes to help our poor SC.ST children.
Or send it in Postal Tappal or parcel..to
UT.news.
Manimaran.MP.
7358549254.
No 85.Bajanai koil Street,Saidapet Road,Vadapalani Chennai.600 026.(Landmark.Near Lakshman Shruti Musicals)
7)All the activity needs financial support(buying books,guides,shoes) from our friends, initially we need monthly regular contributors and school start up June.2024 contributors.
Little drops makes an ocean.
Please send your little contribution minimum of Rs 10/- through phonepe, GPay.9444917060.Sivaji.Help the poor SC.ST.
(monthly Statement of account will be posted in personal WhatsApp of contributors,like earlier works of bedsheet assistance and medical assistance).
Conclusion.
Many of our retd people..Teachers..Retd Bank friends have suggested these ides to start this activity and they also wish to extend their support.
Let us join hands and help our Poor SC.STs and Pay back to the Society as envisaged by Dr B.R.Ambedkar in his entire life...Please remember that it's a non-political forum and activities are for poor SC.ST students welfare.
Thank you for reading.
Jaibhim.
Team Sivaji.HQ.
Manimaran.MP
Rajendran.
Sundar
Uthrapathy.
Manirajan
Murugesan
Gajendran.
9444917060.whatsapp.
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