17.06.24.UT news.Untouchables News.India.by Team Sivaji.
Chandrashekhar Azad: The Rising Sun of Bahujan/Dalit Politics
With the routing of the Bahujan Samaj Party(BSP) in Uttar Pradesh in the 2024 Parliamentary elections, there seems to be a kind of gloom in the Dalit circle. Undoubtedly, the emergence of the BSP under Kanshi Ram in the 1980s changed the grammar of politics in Uttar Pradesh. Promising to realize the dream of Dr. B.R . Ambedkar, who considered ‘political power as the master key,’Kanshi Ram gave the famous slogan ‘Jiski jitni sankhya bhari, uski utni hissedari’(The greater a community’s numbers, the greater its political representation).’ His politics of assertion unleashed a new era in India’s national politics in general and Uttar Pradesh in particular. However, the BSP, under the leadership of Mayawati, has alienated the integral components of the Bahujan, i.e., Dalits and Muslims. The 2024 Parliamentary elections proved the last nail in the coffin of BSP in Uttar Pradesh, where it could not open its account. Its voting percentage is significantly down to the extent that it failed to emerge even second in all 80 Uttar Pradesh Lok Sabha seats.
by M Mohibul Haque
Mayawati blamed Muslims for not voting for BSP despite fielding a large number of Muslim candidates. However, political commentators observe that her political opportunism(forming governments with the BJP in U.P), her decision to campaign for Narendra Modi in Gujarat after the 2002 pogrom of Muslims, and her alleged sale of tickets have alienated Muslims. Besides, a political party which based its social and political mobilization programme on Tilak, Trazu aur Talwar, Inko Maro Jute Chaar, in the beginning, started relying on the support of Brahmins. It was interpreted as the ‘unity of opposites.’ Many Dalit cadres and leaders complain that others dominate the party (read Brahmins), and Bahenji does not listen to us. Moreover, the BSP supremo is also accused of air-conditioned drawing room politics rather than the street politics of great Kanshi Ram. Although the debacle of BSP in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections is a significant event, it is unrealistic to write off Mayawati, who has been the icon of Dalit politics in the country. Her future will depend on regaining her traditional support base(Dalits and Muslims). This task is still achievable through a reenergized and rejuvenated BAMCEF.
Chandrashekhar Azad: Naya Sawera(The New Morning) of Bahujan Politics
While apparently there is not much to celebrate for the protagonists of Dalit politics in Uttar Pradesh, they should not underestimate the victory of Chandrashekhar Ravan, the chief of Azad Samaj Party-Kanshi Ram from Nagina. His victory with a considerable margin from a Muslim-dominated(40%) reserved constituency for the Scheduled Castes has the potential to fill the vacuum created by Mayawati. His ideological politics, his victory despite all odds, and his outreach programmes are being downplayed by a section of the mainstream media. These words can be noted that the new sun of the Bahujan movement is rising from Nagina.
The persona of Chandrashekhar, his photos riding a bullet motorcycle, his moustache, his assertive and dominating style of speaking—they all together are a statement in themselves. It is a statement of revolt against what Dalits have suffered in the country. Discrimination, humiliation, indignity, atrocities, and violence against Dalits continue even after 77 years of independence. Sometimes, the members of the community face atrocity and violence for riding a horse or playing music during marriage. The humiliation of Dalit women in the name of practising witchcraft is still reported from the villages. Therefore, Chandrashekhar’s style and persona become the symbol of the expression of liberation for the community he represents. He is indeed emerging as the Che Guevara of Indian politics, as far as his persona is concerned.The young Dalits feel more connected with him than any other leader today.
The rise of Chandrashekhar is a significant breakthrough in Indian politics. It is going to change the political dynamics of Uttar Pradesh. Besides, he can potentially lead the Bahujan movement at the national level.
Chandrashekhar Azad’s victory in Nagina is also the manifestation of the formidable Dalit-Muslim unity. When many proclaimed secular leaders were conspicuously missing at the time of anti-CAA-NRC protests, Chandrashekhar Azad stood by the Muslim community. While Mayawati has alienated Muslims to a great extent, and her support base in the Dalit community has also shrunk, Chandrashekhar Azad’s rise at this juncture serves both purposes. On the one hand, it provides an opportunity for Dalits to come out of the political gloom after the debacle of BSP; on the other, Azad can achieve the much-needed unity of the co-sufferers(Dalits and Muslims). Perhaps this was why INDIA, under the influence of Akhilesh Yadav in Uttar Pradesh, did not want Chandrashekhar to emerge as a Bahujan leader because he could significantly shift the Muslim votes from the Samajwadi Party. Statistics are in favour of Chandrashekhar, as Dalits and Muslims constitute more than 40% of the total population in Uttar Pradesh.
Chandrashekhar Azad’s ideological clarity was reflected in a recent television interview. When asked whether he will join either of the blocs—INDIA or NDA. He categorically said that he would not join NDA even if they made him Prime Minister as his is a politics of principles, not opportunism. He is aware of the fact that BSP lost its traditional support base due to its political opportunism. It is rightly said that there is no permanent enemy or friend in politics, yet it cannot be denied that politics based on the unity of opposites does not last long.
Although it is difficult to predict the course of politics in an ideologically depolarised India, the victory of Chandrashekhar Azad in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections is an event which will shape and guide the politics of Uttar Pradesh. He is a force to reckon with for all major players of Uttar Pradesh politics. His rise with the slogan of Bahujan unity is a counternarrative of the politics of Hindutva of BJP. At the same time, the BSP, Samajwadi Party, and Congress have a competitor in the votes of the Bahujan in Uttar Pradesh.
M.Mohibul Haque, Professor, Department of Political Science, AMU Aligarh
Telangana: V Hanumantha Rao threatens to go on indefinite hunger strike if Dalits de
HYDERABAD: Senior Congress leader V Hanumantha Rao on Saturday said he would go on an indefinite hunger strike if the state government failed to resolve land-related issues involving some Dalit families in Keesara in Medchal district. The senior leader said he has brought the matter to the notice of Chief Minister A Revanth Reddy, Deputy Chief Minister Mallu Bhatti Vikramarka and Revenue Minister Ponguleti Srinivas Reddy.
Addressing a press conference at Gandhi Bhavan, the senior Congress leader got emotional while demanding justice for Dalits whose lands he said were alienated. “Indira Gandhi had given these lands to Dalits in 1981. However, these lands were alienated after the death of the land owner with the help of revenue officials. If it is really Indiramma Rajyam, then the lands of Dalits given by Indira Gandhi should be returned,” Hanumantha Rao said. He said he brought the issue to the notice of CCLA and HMDA officials, but they were delaying the matter under various pretexts
After love marriage with a girl from Dalit community, he demanded dowry and did caste-based harassment
Bareilly. After love marriage with a girl from Dalit community of police station Premnagar area of ??the district, the in-laws started harassing her by demanding dowry. In this case, a case has been registered against four people in police station Premnagar.
Akanksha Singh, a resident of Model Town of the city, has filed a case against her husband Saurabh Nagpal, a resident of Janakpuri, father-in-law Sushil Nagpal, mother-in-law Lalita and brother-in-law Gaurav Nagpal. Akanksha says that she is a B.Tech, MBA and works. She belongs to Scheduled Caste and against the wishes of the family, she married Saurabh on 26 June 2020. But her in-laws were not satisfied with her marriage and started taunting her for corrupting religion and not getting dowry, whereas she had made jewellery worth lakhs of rupees for herself and her husband and in-laws from her earnings. Later, she was pressured to give money to buy a house from her father. Her husband also used to take her salary. On February 1, the husband kicked her in the stomach and threw her out of the house. Due to which she had a miscarriage. Due to his influence, her husband filed a case against her in the family court. He took away her jewellery, clothes etc. On this, she complained to the IG and filed a case.
Commentary and Buddhist Perspectives » Buddhistdoor View: Revisiting Buddhist Views on Animal Welfare after Thailand’s Chatuchak Market Fire
Buddhistdoor View: Revisiting Buddhist Views on Animal Welfare after Thailand’s Chatuchak Market Fire
- ByBuddhistdoor Global
- June 15, 2024
This week, a devastating fire at Thailand’s famous Chatuchak Market led to the tragic deaths of at least a thousand animals. No humans died in the blaze. While shop-owners were understandably distraught at their business losses, our thoughts must also turn to the terrifying final moments for the many animals who were trapped in cramped cages as they were overtaken by heat, smoke, and flames.
The US animal-rights organization People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA) argued that the fire “underscores the urgent need for action” to reform the way animals are treated in the market. PETA vice-president, Jason Baker, continued: “Animals are not ours to use for our entertainment. . . . PETA urges the Thai government to ensure that this facility, where captive animals suffer, never reopens.” (BBC News)
As Buddhists, this incident serves as a stark reminder of the urgent need for a re-evaluation of how we treat our fellow sentient beings. Such events can be understood through the lenses of karma, compassion, and ethical living. These considerations do not exhaust the ways we might think about Buddhist ethics toward animals, and the tradition has varied over time among thinkers and traditions. Nonetheless, Dr. Bronwyn Finnigan of Australian National University offers a thorough account of the topic in a 2017 article titled “Buddhism and Animal Ethics.”
By reviewing the Buddhist approach to animal ethics, we can pave the way for greater animal welfare and prevent such tragedies in the future.
The Chatuchak Market fire is not merely a tragic accident but a symptom of the broader ethical issue regarding how animals are treated in modern society. The market, well known for its vibrant trade in exotic animals, has long been controversial. The conditions in which these animals are kept often fail to meet basic welfare standards, leading to unnecessary suffering. The recent fire highlights the vulnerabilities these animals face and underscores the need for systemic change. The fact that people in Thailand, a predominantly Buddhist society, have long turned a blind eye to the suffering in front of them should bring pause.
In Buddhism, the concept of karma plays a crucial role in understanding suffering and ethical behavior. Karma refers to actions driven by intention, which lead to future consequences. The suffering of animals in the fire can be viewed as a result of collective karma—human actions that have led to the exploitation and harm of animals. Even before the fire, what kind of lives were these animals leading? How much suffering went on unseen?
The cycle of samsara, or continuous rebirth, teaches that all beings are interconnected and subject to the same cycle of birth, suffering, death, and rebirth. This understanding can foster a sense of empathy and compassion toward all living beings as we recognize that each being has, at some point, been a mother, father, and friend in past lives. Recognizing this interconnectedness calls for an urgent compassionate approach toward animals, advocating for their protection and welfare.
At the same time, we must acknowledge the complexity of this web of interconnection. Without compensating the shop-owners, we would cause harm if we simply banned all future operations of the market. And without campaigns to educate people on the harms of trading in animals, we would only divert the demand for caged animals to other places, trading a centralized place of suffering for many decentralized ones.
In such an educational campaign, non-harm must be at the center. This is one of the fundamental precepts in Buddhism. This principle extends to all living beings, emphasizing the importance of not causing harm through actions, words, or thoughts. The practice of ahimsa (Skt., non-violence) advocates for the protection of animals from suffering and exploitation. By adhering to this precept, individuals and societies can cultivate a more compassionate and ethical approach to animal welfare.
A second prong of an educational campaign should encompass a positive attitude toward all beings. Buddhism teaches the cultivation of compassion (Skt: karuna) and loving-kindness (Skt: maitri) toward all creatures. These qualities encourage individuals to act in ways that alleviate suffering and promote the well-being of others. The tragic deaths of hundreds of animals at Chatuchak Market calls for a response rooted in the restraint of ahimsa and compassion—recognizing their suffering and taking steps to prevent future harm.
Historical Buddhist texts provide numerous references to the ethical treatment of animals. For instance, the Jataka tales, which recount the previous lives of the Buddha, often feature animals as central characters, who demonstrate virtues such as kindness, wisdom, and self-sacrifice. These stories highlight the moral imperative to treat animals with respect and compassion. And while the Buddha did not forbid the eating of meat by his monastics, he did put restrictions on it.
In modern times, Buddhist leaders and communities have continued to advocate for animal welfare. Buddhist figures such as the Dalai Lama have spoken out against animal cruelty and promoted vegetarianism as a means to reduce harm. Buddhist organizations worldwide engage in rescue and rehabilitation efforts for animals, reflecting the enduring commitment to compassionate living. BDG columnist Sarah C. Beasley has written extensively about developing wisdom and compassion toward animals here and in her book, Kindness for All Creatures (Shambhala 2019).
A Buddhist approach to animal ethics goes beyond reactive measures, seeking to address the root causes of suffering. This involves rethinking our relationship with animals, recognizing their intrinsic value, and rejecting practices that exploit or harm them. By shifting toward a more ethical and compassionate mindset, we can prevent tragedies like the Chatuchak Market fire.
No one action can prevent future tragedies such as this, but here are some suggestions in the direction of a more engaged Buddhist approach:
- 1. Advocating for stronger animal-welfare laws that ensure humane treatment and prevent exploitation.
- 2. Promoting awareness about the ethical treatment of animals through educational programs and public campaigns.
- 3. Encouraging vegetarianism or reduced meat consumption to minimize harm to animals.
- 4. Providing resources and support for animal rescue and sanctuary initiatives.
The story of the Chatuchak Market fire can serve as a catalyst for change. Just as the Buddha’s teachings transformed the lives of countless humans, so too can they inspire a transformation in how we treat non-human animals. By deepening our understanding of the principles of karma, ahimsa, and compassion toward all beings, we can create a society that values and protects all creatures.
Consider the story of Angulimala, a notorious bandit who, on encountering the Buddha, experienced a profound transformation and became a compassionate monk. This story illustrates the potential for change within each individual. Similarly, society can transform its approach to animal welfare, moving from exploitation to compassion.
Medical students end strike as government agrees to appoint faculty
Students have been agitating, demanding better facilities and permanent teachers at the college
Published - June 16, 2024 08:13 pm IST - PALAKKAD
The students of Palakkad Government Medical College ended their strike on Sunday following an assurance by the government that teachers would be appointed soon on deputation. The students have been agitating, demanding better facilities and permanent teachers at the college.
The government issued an order on Sunday asking Scheduled Caste (SC) Development department director to appoint faculty on deputation from Health and Medical Education departments. The college is functioning under the SC Development Department.
Minister for the Welfare of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, and Backward Classes K. Radhakrishnan had already assured the striking students that operation theatres and in-patient (IP) treatment facilities would be set up within one month.
The students were agitating under separate banners of the Students Aikya Vedi and the Students Federation of India for the last six days, demanding facilities and permanent faculty at the Medical College. They had gheraoed the College director recently.
The students insisted that they would not withdraw from the strike until the government agree to their demands. Although it has been 10 years since the Medical College came into being, it is yet to get many
facilities.
Indigenous non-tribals of Garo Hills seek inclusion into State Reservation Policy
Tura, June 16: As debate rages on review of the Job Reservation Policy in the state, the indigenous non-tribal community, living in the plains belt region of Garo Hills, has also joined the chorus calling for inclusion into the state quota.
Former GHADC MDC Sofior Rahman has written to the Expert Committee suggesting Muslims, Hindus, Biharis, Nepali and others under the “Indigenous Non-Tribal Community” ought to also be included in the reservation quota by carving out 7.5% out of the remaining 15 percent open category for their group.
Currently, the state job reservation policy provides reservation of 40 percent for Khasis-Jaintia, 40 percent for Garos, 5 percent for other tribes and 15 percent general category.
“Though we agree with the state government policy to bring the tribal brethren at par with the rest of the communities, yet, there is no provision for the non-tribal who is indigenous citizens of Meghalaya. Even 46 years after statehood, the percentage of non-tribal representation in government/semi government including school and college teachers is hardly 0.5% till date,” says Rahman adding that the population of the non-tribal community in the state hovers around 1.50 lakh, of whom a majority are muslims.
Terming his community as socially, economically and educationally backward, Rahman said the National Statistical office report mentions that in terms of academic marginalization the muslim community is far behind even Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes.
“If the Government of Meghalaya includes the 7.5% Reservation for Non-Tribal, they may put us or classify us OBC category or Economically Weaker Section (EWS) category,” suggests the former minority MDC.
The sociology of 2024 Lok Sabha elections in 10 charts
The BJP has faced a political defeat in this election, but its social coalition is largely intact. The political task of uniting the bottom half of the social pyramid — poor, villagers, Dalit, Adivasi, OBC, and minorities — is still a long way off.
Yogendra Yadav, Shreyas Sardesai & Rahul Shastri
Did the farmers’ anger bring the BJP down? Was it a subterranean anxiety of the Dalits? Did the EBC shift away from the BJP? Or was it the Muslim ‘vote-bank’? What happened to the BJP’s newly acquired women’s vote? These and similar questions have dominated the analysis of the recent electoral shock.
The 10 charts presented here try to answer these questions with the help of the most authoritative post-poll survey conducted by the Lokniti-CSDS team. We draw upon the reports they have published in The Hindu and the data publicly available in their archives that go back to 1996.
The evidence that we analyse below demolishes many myths. This election did not see any major shift in the voting preferences of major social groups at the national level. On the one hand, there was a small but critical shift among the Dalits, poor and landed peasant communities, especially in rural areas, while the Muslim vote was more consolidated. On the other hand, the BJP retained its core vote among the ‘upper’ caste, ‘middle class’ Hindus, and Extremely Backward Classes and added to its lead among the Adivasis. The net outcome was a small decline in votes for the NDA at the national level. The more interesting and impactful changes were at the state level.
The analysis presents us with a big political challenge. The BJP’s rise to power in the 1990s was accompanied by the creation of a ‘new social bloc’, a social coalition of the privileged — ‘upper’ caste, ‘middle’ class, urban and male voter — to which it stapled some non-privileged communities to manufacture a political majority. Modi’s rise to power consolidated this further by incorporating a significant part of the underclass — EBCs, poor and Adivasis — as subordinate and largely symbolic partners in its coalition.
While the BJP has faced a political defeat in this election, its social coalition is largely intact. The political task of uniting the bottom half of the social pyramid — poor, villagers, Dalits, Adivasis, OBCs and minorities — is still a long way off. The Social majority of India, the Bahujan, is still waiting to be converted into a political majority. That is the central challenge of the Congress party and its allies in the INDIA coalition.
Chart 1: Hindu ‘Upper’ Castes continue as BJP’s most loyal vote bank
Source: CSDS-Lokniti National Election Study data published in The Hindu from June 6-9, 2024 and in books and academic journals brought out by CSDS-Lokniti network
· Notwithstanding rumours to the contrary in every election (for exampleRajputs’ unhappiness in Uttar Pradesh (UP), Kshatriyas’ rebellion in Gujarat), ‘Upper’ caste Hindus have remained the most loyal and invisible ‘vote bank’ for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and are bigger in size than the ‘Muslim vote bank’ of the Congress.
· Wherever there has been a generalised swing away from the BJP (for exampleHaryana and UP this time), the ‘upper’ caste voters have also shifted slightly.
Chart 2: Shift towards INDIA among select Landed Peasant Communities
Source: CSDS-Lokniti NES
Note: CSDS definition of INDIA excludes AAP in Punjab, Trinamool Congress in West Bengal and the Left parties. Yadav (UP) 2019 figure is for SP-BSP alliance.
· The landed farming communities – non-Savarna, but not always Other Backward Classes (OBC)– that dominate rural India have shifted toward INDIA, away from BJP and allies, perhaps due to rural distress and the farmers’ agitation.
· This has impacted the outcome in many states: the moving away of Jats in Rajasthan and Haryana, Yadavs in UP, Marathas in Maharashtra and, to a lesser extent,Vokkaligas and Lingayats in Karnataka has hurt the NDA.
· Yet the BJP has held on toor improved its vote share in some of these communities in its strong state: for example, Patidars
Chart 3: NDA holds EBCs, despite critical losses in key states
Source: CSDS-Lokniti NES
· The Extremely Backward Classes(known by different names but broadly comprising small service, artisanal and landless agrarian communities) have emerged as the BJP’s biggest base in rural India. Overall, their level of support has stayed at the same level for the BJP and its allies, but there is an important North-South divergence.
· In states like Haryana, UP and Bihar, EBCshave swung away significantly (10 percentage points or more) from the NDA. In Maharashtra, the BJP lost considerable vote share among non-Kunbi OBCs, a group that had been loyal to it for a generation.
· In the South, BJP has made substantial gains in Karnataka, Telangana and especially the large EBC Ezhava community in Kerala.
Chart 4: Dalit voters abandon BSP, move away from NDA, towards INDIA
Source: CSDS-Lokniti NES
· Dalits moved significantly away from their community-centric parties: the BSP in Uttar Pradesh and other parts of North India and the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi in Maharashtra. Less than half of Jatavs in UP and Buddhists in Maharashtra voted for BSP and VBA.
· Despite gaining from the collapse of the BSP and VBA, in overall terms BJP and allies suffered a significant 5 pp loss in the Dalit vote share. Non-Jatav SCs in UP, Dusadhs/Paswans and other Dalits in Bihar and a majority of all Dalits in Haryana have shifted from NDA to INDIA. The BJP continues to retain Dalit support in MP and Gujarat and has made inroads into the Madigas in Telangana.
· Congress and its allies have made steady comeback among Dalit voters and are now almost at par with the NDA.
Chart 5: NDA adds to its massive lead among Hindu Adivasi voters
Source: CSDS-Lokniti NES
· This trend would worry the Congress the most. Despite overall reversals, the BJP has continued its streak of consistent gains among the adivasis from just under a quarter of adivasi voters in 2009 to just under half in 2024. Congress trails BJP by 20 percentage points among Adivasi voters.
· While a proportion of BJP’s gains have come at the cost of the BJD, BRS and TMC, the Congress too has lost significant vote share among Hindu Adivasis in MP and Chhattisgarh.
Chart 6: Consolidation of Muslim votes to defeat the BJP
Source: CSDS-Lokniti NES
• The context of this election and the BJP’s relentless attack on the Muslims led by the PM forced the Muslims to come together to vote so as to defeat the BJP.
• Although Muslim turnout remained a little lower (62%) than the national average (65%), the Muslim vote for the dominant anti-BJP formation reached its highest at 65%. This is even higher if you include the TMC votes in the INDIA bloc.
• While this proportion behind a single bloc is high, the steep rise in trend of Muslim votes for the UPA/INDIA bloc from 45% in 2019 to 65% in 2024 is deceptive. If one adjusts for alliances, this rise is around 5 pp. This is because parties like SP and JKNC were not a part of UPA/INDIA bloc in 2019.
• In UP, coming together of SP and INC under INDIA bloc has prevented splitting of Muslim votes and hence led to consolidation
• Assam's Muslims have moved away from a community centric party: AIDUF . AIMIM’s vote-share has stagnated at almost its 2019 levels. In West Bengal, the new All India Secular Front has caused a mild flutter but not cost the TMC any seats.
• However, the BJP’s own tiny slice of Muslim votes has not dropped and remains fairly high (almost one-third) in Gujarat.
• At 38%, Congress is the largest beneficiary of Muslim votes. But the support from Muslims is no more than one-fourth of its overall vote share
Chart 7: Small gains for Congress among the poorest, BJP stronger among the rich
| 2004 | 2009 | 2014 | 2019 | 2024 |
Poorest for INC | 26 | 27 | 20 | 17 | 21 |
Richest for INC | 25 | 29 | 17 | 20 | 22 |
Rich-Poor gap in preference for INC (% pts) | -1 | +2 | -3 | +3 | +1 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Poorest for BJP | 19 | 16 | 24 | 36 | 37 |
Richest for BJP | 30 | 25 | 38 | 44 | 41 |
Rich-Poor gap in preference for BJP (% pts) | +11 | +9 | +14 | +8 | +4 |
Source: CSDS-Lokniti NES
• While the BJP’s vote share among the poorest has stagnated, there is no evidence as yet of sharp class cleavage in voting. Post-Modi BJP has filled up its earlier deficit among the poor and the very poor voters, while it continues to do better among the better off.
• The Congress and its allies have gained votes among the poorest, reflecting partial success of the Congress campaign around pro-poor guarantees. But it has a long way to go to convert its policy position into a vote base.
Chart 8: BJP still lags behind among women voters, as always
Source: CSDS-Lokniti NES
• This election continues the trend of higher turnout among women and greater attention to women voters by political parties. Yet there is no evidence of a significant gap between the way men and women vote.
• While the BJP’s keeps advertising its schemes as women-centric, it continues to lag a wee bit among women.
• At the state level, gender differences do matter. In West Bengal, while the TMC’s vote-share among men dropped as compared to 2019, a whopping 10 percentage points (pp) more women preferred it to any other party. In Chhattisgarh, under a BJP state government, 3 pp more women have a preference for the BJP, which is attributed to a new cash-transfer scheme.
Chart 9: Gradual reduction in BJP’s youth advantage
| 2004 | 2009 | 2014 | 2019 | 2024 |
18-25 years | 26 | 28 | 19 | 20 | 21 |
56+ years | 28 | 31 | 20 | 20 | 22 |
Young-Old gap in preference for INC | -2 | -3 | -1 | 0 | -1 |
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|
|
|
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18-25 years | 24 | 20 | 34 | 40 | 39 |
56+ years | 20 | 17 | 28 | 35 | 35 |
Young-Old gap in preference for BJP | +4 | +3 | +6 | +5 | +4 |
Source: CSDS-Lokniti NES
· India does not have the kind of age cleavage seen in European politics. There is a slight but notable drop of 1-2 percentage points in the young,below-35 age group’s votes for the BJP. This is notable because the BJP’s appeal in this demographic increased substantially in 2019 by a jump of more than 5 pp over 2014.
· There is little evidence to support the idea that the youth shifted to theINDIA Bloc: the margin of theNDA over INDIA of around 7 pp isalmost uniform across age groups: there is no visible youth preference for INDIA, even relatively.
Chart 10: NDA holds cities, INDIA gains in rural areas
Source: CSDS-Lokniti NES
Figures are actual results/vote shares. Classification done based on Census figures. Urban constituencies are those where 75% or more electors fall in urban areas, less than 25% have classified as predominantly rural and the rest are rurban.
· The BJP maintained its dominance in cities and lost a bit of support in small towns and rural areas.
· Despite the strong showing of INDIA allies like the Shiv Sena (Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray) in Mumbai and Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) in Chennai, the increase in support for the INDIA bloc has been the least in cities. Their major gains are in rural and semi-urban constituencies.
Yours,
The Govt Schools have re.opened on 10.06.24 after summer holidays.
Most of the children are studying in Govt Schools only.The Academic Books are already under supply.
Their present needs.
A...They need extra books/guide/other infrastructures like bags,Geometry Boxes,Pen,Pecils, erasers cheppals, and good dress.
B....They also need guides,study materials and extra coachings to get good marks in all the exams.
C....We feel that it is our duty to help our poor SC.ST students,pay back to the Society on a ongoing basis.
D...Therefore We request you as a Social thinker,to help them in the following manner, and matters.
1) Please try to send a few old/new Books,note books,and old/new guides or any other study materials for them.(Mainly 10th and 12th)If you inform the availability in WhatsApp.9444917060.We will send our reps to your doors to collect the same.
Or,
Please send the materials/books to..
UT.news.
Manimaran.MP.
7358549254.
No 85.Bajanai koil Street,Saidapet Road,Vadapalani Chennai.600 026.(Landmark.Near Lakshman Shruti Musicals)
2)Our request to our retired employees/graduates,post graduates, Teachers/professors, if they wish they can utilise their time in coaching our SC.ST children for their good education.inform in WhatsApp.9444917060.
3)We need retired Bank Employees/Retd Professors Team for assisting our SC.ST students for getting Admissions freely in good colleges and for getting EDUCATIONAL LOANS from Banks.If you need any assistance please send a message in WhatsApp.9444917060.After a week in every districts we will have our coordinators.
3)To Coordinate this ongoing program in every districts,we need UT NEWS co.ordinators in every districts.Any one who are interested in doing this work freely without remuneration can send their details with qualification and address in Whatsapp.9444917060.
4)We need to have a Non political strong Force/(consists of Advocates,Business people.etc,etc)who will be visiting atrocity areas to protect our people from caste hindus.We need a Team in each districts.please contact us in WhatsApp.9444917060.
5)After a week's time we would like to call a virtual meeting to discuss our coordination in person.
6)Initially to start with please inform about the availability of Old/New books,black shoes from 4,5,6,7 sizes to help our poor SC.ST children.
Or send it in Postal Tappal or parcel..to
UT.news.
Manimaran.MP.
7358549254.
No 85.Bajanai koil Street,Saidapet Road,Vadapalani Chennai.600 026.(Landmark.Near Lakshman Shruti Musicals)
7)All the activity needs financial support(buying books,guides,shoes) from our friends, initially we need monthly regular contributors and school start up June.2024 contributors.
Little drops makes an ocean.
Please send your little contribution minimum of Rs 10/- through phonepe, GPay.9444917060.Sivaji.Help the poor SC.ST.
(monthly Statement of account will be posted in personal WhatsApp of contributors,like earlier works of bedsheet assistance and medical assistance).
Conclusion.
Many of our retd people..Teachers..Retd Bank friends have suggested these ides to start this activity and they also wish to extend their support.
Let us join hands and help our Poor SC.STs and Pay back to the Society as envisaged by Dr B.R.Ambedkar in his entire life...Please remember that it's a non-political forum and activities are for poor SC.ST students welfare.
Thank you for reading.
Jaibhim.Team Sivaji.
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