12.07.24.UT NEWS.Untouchables News.Chennai.26
Political Exclusion of Valmiki Community in Haryana: Dalit Leaders Demand Representation Ahead of 2024 Haryana Assembly Elections
The Valmiki community, a significant segment within the Deprived Scheduled Castes (DSC) in Haryana, has historically faced exclusion and underrepresentation despite substantial demographic presence within the Scheduled Castes (SC) category.
Dr. Krishan Kumar
Haryana- In anticipation of the 2024 Haryana Assembly elections, leaders representing the Valmiki community have voiced pressing demands for political inclusion and equitable rights.
The Valmiki community, a significant segment within the Deprived Scheduled Castes (DSC) in Haryana, has historically faced exclusion and underrepresentation despite substantial demographic presence within the Scheduled Castes (SC) category.
The issue of political exclusion came sharply into focus as both major political alliances, the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA) led by the Indian National Congress (INC), opted to field candidates from the Chamar caste for reserved parliamentary seats in Haryana.
This decision has sparked criticism from Valmiki community leaders who argue that it perpetuates systemic marginalization.
Recently, a delegation comprising leaders from various social, religious, and political organizations representing the Valmiki community met with Haryana Chief Minister Nayab Singh Saini in Chandigarh on July 2.
During the meeting, they presented a series of demands aimed at securing equal opportunities and representation for their community in the state’s political and administrative spheres.
Key Demands Presented by the Valmiki Community Leaders:
Equal Reservation in Employment: Advocating for reservation quotas in government jobs commensurate with the Valmiki community’s population share within the DSC category. They referenced the BJP’s 2014 manifesto commitment to Antyodaya principles as a precedent for equitable reservation policies.
Cultural and Educational Institutions: Proposing the establishment of a Ramayana Research Centre, an educational institute, and a modern hostel dedicated to Lord Valmiki near Umri/Pipil in Kurukshetra District. They requested at least 5 acres of land for this purpose.
Political Representation: Urging for fair representation in the upcoming assembly elections, they demanded that at least eight out of the 17 reserved seats be allocated to candidates from the Valmiki community. They also sought inclusion in key government bodies such as the Haryana Public Service Commission and the Haryana Staff Selection Commission.
Social Welfare Measures: Seeking permanent employment status for temporary sanitation workers employed across various municipal bodies and advocating for the provision of Ex-Gratia benefits for sanitation workers, particularly those who work on parole.
Leaders emphasized the leadership potential within the Valmiki community and underscored their expectations from political parties to address long-standing grievances and ensure inclusive development.
Prominent figures present during the meeting included Bishamber Valmiki, Minister of State (Independent Charge); Krishan Bedi, former Minister of Haryana Government and political advisor to the former Chief Minister; Jagdish Nayak, MLA of Hodal; Ramniwas, MLA of Surjakhera; and Chaudhary Banta Ram Valmiki, former MLA and National President of All India Valmiki Mahasabha.
The demands put forth by the Valmiki community highlight a growing call for comprehensive socio-political reforms to uplift marginalized communities and provide them with equitable opportunities in Haryana’s political landscape.
-The Author Dr. Krishan Kumar is a scholar based in Haryana specializing in Dalits and Marginalized Studies and founational Ambedkarites’ Network.
Courtesy : The Mooknayak.
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Prakash Ambedkar lashes out at Karnataka govt, says Congress does not love Dalits & Adivasis
Ambedkar, the grandson of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar, lashed out at the Siddaramaiah-led government.
Mumbai: The Congress does not love Dalits and Adivasis, Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi founder Prakash Ambedkar said amid reports of diversion of SC/ST funds by the Karnataka government to its poll guarantee schemes.
Ambedkar, the grandson of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar, lashed out at the Siddaramaiah-led government.
“Did you know that the Congress-led Karnataka government is diverting funds from Scheduled Caste SubPlan and Scheduled Tribe Sub-Plan (SCSP-TSP) to fulfill its guarantees?,” he asked.
“14,730 crore from the funds meant for SCs and STs is to be used for the five guarantee schemes promised by the Congress!,” Ambedkar posted on X.
“This diversion is a gross injustice to the Dalits and Adivasis, who are the most marginalised in Karnataka. Congress does not love Dalits and Adivasis. Congress only loves the votes of Dalits and Adivasis….Congress and BJP are the same,” he said.
Courtesy : DH
3
Participants want Rythu Bharosa for tribal, dalit farmers raising crops in 10 acres
Mesram Jangu, a tribal farmer from Narnoor mandal maintained that the scheme should be confined to tribal and dalit farmers, while exempting landlords.
Adilabad: Participants of a public hearing meeting on Rythu Bharosa scheme opined that the incentive should only be extended to farmers and tenant farmers growing crops in 10 acres. Hundreds of farmers, tenant farmers and general public took part in a district-level meeting held to gather opinion from various stakeholders over eligibility criteria and other aspects of the financial input scheme in Utnoor on Thursday.
The chairman of the Cabinet sub-committee on Rythu Bharosa, Deputy Chief Minister Mallu Bhatti Vikramarka, members Thummala Nageshwar Rao and Ponguleti Srinivas Reddy, D Sridhar Babu and in-charge minister D Seethakka participated in the meeting.
Mesram Jangu, a tribal farmer from Narnoor mandal maintained that the scheme should be confined to tribal and dalit farmers, while exempting landlords. He said tribal farmers were unable to register profits due to increasing expenditures involved in raising crops. He wanted the government to limit the scheme to tribal and dalit farmers.
Karunakar Reddy, a farmer of Talamadugu mandal said the scheme should be extended to tenant farmers who form 50 percent of the total farmers. He sought the government to amend the existing Tenant Farmers Act. The participants expressed views against providing the incentive to landlords, realtors and rich farmers and non-agriculture farms.
A common suggestion made by a major portion of participants was the scheme should benefit only those engaged in farming, especially small and marginal farmers. Another common opinion expressed during the meeting was to confine the incentive to genuine farmers growing crops in 10 acres. The participants wanted the government not to provide the scheme to uncultivable lands.
Bhatti Vikramarka said a decision would be taken after consultations with all sections of society. He said the government would not make a unilateral decision with regard to the initiative. A report incorporating views of all would be tabled in the Assembly and the opinion of legislators would also be considered.
MP Godam Nagesh, MLC Dande Vittal, MLAs K Premsagar Rao, Anil Jadhav, P Harish Babu, Kova Laxmi, Vedma Bojju, Vivek and Collectors Rajarshi Shah, Venkatesh Dothre, Kumar Deepak, Abhilasha Abhinav, Superintendents of Police Gaush Alam, Dr Janaki Sharmila, DV Srinivas Rao and ITDA-Utnoor project officer Khusbu Gupta were present.
Courtesy : Telangana Today
4.
Bhim Geet: Legalist Dissent or Cultural Heritage? Unveiling Answers Through Research
Bhim Geet, songs dedicated to Bhimrao Ambedkar, resonate as expressions of protest and cultural assertion among Dalit communities, particularly in Maharashtra.
Geetha Sunil Pillai
New Delhi – A groundbreaking research paper titled “Bhim Geet and the Ambedkarite Movement: The Genesis of a Cultural Field of Protest” has been published by Dr. Joël Cabalion, head of the ‘Questioning Development: Models, Dynamics, Impact’ research area at CSH Delhi, and Julien Jugand, an associate researcher at CREM-LESC.
This article, featured in the 31st issue of the South Asia Multidisciplinary Academic Journal (SAMAJ), sheds light on the cultural and artistic music category known as Bhim Geet, a genre dedicated to Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar, the principal architect of the Indian Constitution and a revered figure among the Dalits.
The research traces the origins of Bhim Geet, also known as Bheem Geet, to its roots in Maharashtra, where it emerged as a musical genre celebrating the legacy of Bhimrao Ambedkar.
These songs, as detailed in the article, serve not only as artistic expressions but as profound socio-political statements embedded in the struggle against caste oppression.
It provides a comprehensive analysis of the cultural tensions and stakes faced by the Dalits, particularly in Maharashtra, from a cultural perspective.
Bhim Geet, songs dedicated to Baba Sahab, resonate as expressions of protest and cultural assertion among Dalit communities.
The researchers delve into the significance of singing about caste struggles in contemporary India and explore what emancipation means for Dalits, both culturally and aesthetically.
The article begins with a serendipitous encounter over 15 years ago in Vidarbha, Eastern Maharashtra, where the two researchers, one studying Hindustani music patronage in North India and the other focusing on land-related issues due to a large dam, met Parmeshwar C., a Buddhist farmer and former Tamasha singer.
Over the years, Parmeshwar, now a 65-year-old, has shared his cultural repertoire of Bhim Geet and Buddha Geet—songs dedicated to Bhimrao Ambedkar and Lord Buddha, reflecting anti-caste sentiments and narratives of self-respect and dignity.
This journey of exploration led the authors into a deeper study of Bhim Geet, Buddha Geet, Jalsa, and Prabodhan, revealing a rich cultural tapestry influenced by both Dalit traditions and broader South Asian musical forms like Qawwali.
Ambedkar’s Influence and the 1956 Caste Conversion
Ambedkar’s conversion to Buddhism in 1956 in Nagpur, a well-known episode in India’s postcolonial history, serves as a pivotal moment in the narrative. However, the article goes beyond this event to explore how the ex-Mahar caste, also known as Buddhists, neo-Buddhists, or Ambedkarites, have reconstructed their identity from an inseparable aesthetic and social perspective.
The researchers aim to address the lack of understanding in this area and demonstrate how circulating cultural practices have facilitated the construction of a subaltern form of nationalism.
The roots of Bhim Geet lie in diverse musical traditions such as Tamasha, Warkari devotional singing, and Qawwali, where Ambedkar’s name often replaces traditional deities.
This substitution serves as a symbolic shift towards social emancipation and a reinterpretation of historical events like the Poona Pact, where Ambedkar’s role is reimagined as pivotal in preserving Gandhi’s life.
The study highlights how musical narratives within Bhim Geet have enabled legalist dissent. These narratives are influenced by various musical forms, including Muslim poetry and Qawwali, alongside Hindu devotional styles such as bhajan and kirtan. The research illustrates the significant variation and pool of influences within Bhim Geet, showcasing its diverse cultural heritage.
Researchers highlight Bhim Geet’s dual nature—participating in both commercialized cultural production and grassroots protest movements. Critics within the Dalit community challenge these songs for perceived deification of Ambedkar and overlooking his political ideologies. They also critique patriarchal elements in the lyrics, often focusing on figures like Ambedkar’s first wife, Ramabai.
From a political standpoint, Bhim Geet emerges not only as a cultural artifact but as a form of resistance against dominant narratives perpetuated by Hindu nationalism.
The songs, which often invoke Ambedkar as a symbol of national pride and social justice, challenge mainstream discourses and assert Dalit identity in public spaces traditionally dominated by upper castes.
The performers of Bhim Geet range from struggling street singers to more affluent artists involved in the film industry. This disparity underscores the dual nature of Bhim Geet as both a political tool and a cultural product. Despite these differences, the genre fosters a sense of unity and shared history among Dalits.
Bhim Geet are also a peace of hope, a shine of light in the dark. This phrase beautifully encapsulates the essence of “Jari Sankatachi Kal Rat Hoti” by Vijay Sartape, a quintessential Bhim Geet dedicated to the ideals and struggles of Ambedkar. The song vividly illustrates a moment of crisis, symbolizing a night of adversity faced by marginalized communities. It underscores Ambedkar’s crucial role as a beacon of hope and leadership during such challenging times.
Through its poignant lyrics, the song not only acknowledges the hardships endured by Dalits and other marginalized groups but also celebrates Ambedkar’s transformative impact. It advocates for leadership that prioritizes their rights and aspirations, making it a powerful anthem of resilience and hope within the Bhim Geet genre.
In conclusion, the research by Dr. Joël Cabalion and Julien Jugand illuminates Bhim Geet as a vibrant cultural heritage that continues to evolve amidst contemporary socio-political challenges. It serves as a testament to the resilience of Dalit cultural identity and its enduring struggle for equality and recognition in India’s diverse societal landscape.
Courtesy : The Mooknayak
5.
People created a ruckus in the wedding procession of a Dalit girl in Bharatpur, targeted the police vehicle by pelting stones
Bharatpur News: On Thursday, a dispute broke out over the wedding procession of a Dalit girl in village Naugaya of Chiksana police station area of ??Bharatpur district.
Reported by: Lalitesh Kushwaha
Edited by: Anamika Mishra
Bharatpur News: On Thursday, a dispute broke out over the wedding procession of a Dalit girl in village Naugaya of Chiksana police station area of ??Bharatpur district, which was going out under strict police surveillance. Some people of the village broke the wet wall while creating a ruckus and suddenly started pelting stones on the wedding procession. In which a police vehicle was damaged and two people were injured. On the other hand, the police is denying the incident of stone pelting. Still, four people have been detained on charges of creating a ruckus. Due to the fear of a fight in the wedding due to being from the Dalit community, the bride’s family had already informed the district administration and demanded security, due to which the wedding procession was going out under police protection. Police vehicle damaged by stone pelting on the wedding procession
Rajan Singh, who was part of the wedding procession, said that the wedding procession was going under police protection, when some women of Thakur community came in between and stopped the procession. After this, some people of the village suddenly started creating a ruckus. The police were removing them from the way. Then some people sitting on the wall pushed it and made it fall and then stones were pelted on the wedding procession. The police vehicle was damaged due to the wall falling and two people were injured in the stone pelting. Regarding this matter, District Superintendent of Police Mridul Kachhwa says that a wall was built on top of a house which suddenly fell. The debris of which broke the glass of the police vehicle. At present, the situation in the village is peaceful. Four people have been detained on charges of creating a ruckus.
Asha is the only sister of three brothers
Regarding the matter, the girl’s elder brother Rajveer Singh said that he is a government teacher. His sister Asha Kumari is the only sister of three brothers. It was decided to marry her with great pomp. My sister’s marriage was fixed with Manoj, a resident of village Kailuri in Nadbai tehsil. We wanted to take out my sister’s wedding procession in the same way as people of other communities take out wedding processions in the village. But some people of the village did not like it… Among them Munshi Pehlwan, Pushpendra Pandit, Bhallu Thakur, Deshraj Thakur, Chandan Thakur, Dilip Pandit, Mahavir Thakur are prominent. Among them Munshi Pehlwan, Pushpendra Pandit, Bhallu Thakur, Deshraj Thakur, Chandan Thakur, Dilip Pandit, Mahavir Thakur are prominent. When they took out their sister’s wedding procession in the village, they pelted stones at the procession and threatened to kill them.
The wedding procession was going on under the protection of about 100 policemen
Additional Superintendent of Police Headquarters Dr. Lalchand Kayal said that a complaint letter was given to the District Superintendent of Police that some people of the village would create obstacles in the wedding procession of a Dalit girl. Due to which police force was deployed in the village along with administrative officials. The wedding procession came to the village on July 11 and for security purposes, SDM Ravi Kumar, Additional SP Dr. Lalchand Kayal, SP Akhilesh Sharma, CO Rural Akanksha Kumari along with other administrative officials along with about 100 policemen, DST and QRT team were present.
6.
‘If I am not elected as MLA, I will become a Muslim,’ Congress Dalit leader ‘threatens’ BJP government
Gujarat Congress Dalit Leader: Gujarat Congress Dalit leader has said that if action is not taken against the BJP MLA and her husband, the whole family will convert to Islam. Congress Dalit leader Rajesh Solanki, who has talked about converting to Islam, is the president of Junagadh city SC/ST cell. He is also the chief of Junagadh district Scheduled Caste Society.
Gujarat Congress Dalit Leader: Congress’ Junagadh city SC/ST cell president Rajesh Solanki has said that if action is not taken against the BJP MLA and her husband, he will convert to Islam along with his family. Rajesh Solanki is also the chief of Junagadh district Scheduled Caste Society, which is an informal organization of the Dalit community. His son Sanjay Solanki is a leader of Congress’ student wing National Students Union of India (NSUI).
The president of the Junagadh city SC/ST cell of the Congress said that if the BJP government in Gujarat does not demand the resignation of its MLA and arrest her husband, her entire family and many others from the Dalit community will convert to Islam. Rajesh Solanki alleges that his son Sanjay Solanki was allegedly attacked by BJP MLA Gitaba Jadeja’s son in May.
Gitaba Jadeja’s son Jyotiraditya Singh alias Ganesh has been arrested for the alleged attack on Sanjay. On Wednesday, Rajesh Solanki went to the Junagadh district collector’s office and took application forms from the state government to seek permission to convert. The move comes days after he spoke to the media on July 6, when he said that he and around 150 members of the Solanki family would convert to Islam if the BJP government did not take action against Gitaba and her husband Jayraj Singh Jadeja.
Rajesh gave the government an ultimatum till August 15
Rajesh demanded that the BJP should seek Gitaba’s resignation by August 15. Also, Jairajsingh should be booked under IPC section 120B (criminal conspiracy) for his alleged role in the attack on Sanjay on the night of May 30 and 31. The case was registered against Jyotiraditya Singh (25) on May 31 after Sanjay (26) filed a police complaint alleging that Jyotiraditya Singh and others abducted him from Junagadh following a dispute over the MLA’s son’s driving.
Sanjay alleged in the complaint that the accused took him to Gondal in Rajkot district, threatened him with a pistol, stripped him and forced him to apologise while recording it on a mobile phone. The police then arrested Jyotiraditya Singh and 10 others on charges of attempt to murder and under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. All the accused are currently in judicial custody. However, Sanjay’s father Rajesh alleged that Jyotiraditya Singh’s father Jayraj Singh, who has been a three-time MLA from Gondal, was also involved in the conspiracy to kidnap and attack Sanjay.
5000 incidents of atrocities against Dalits in BJP’s 25 years of rule: Rajesh
Rajesh told media persons outside the Collector’s office on Wednesday that the BJP has been ruling Gujarat for the last 25 years and during this period at least 5,000 incidents of atrocities against Dalits have been reported. The victims of Una atrocities have not got justice even after eight years. It is the duty of the Gujarat government to protect the citizens, but Gondal Ganesh, who is the son of the sitting MLA and former MLA, kidnapped my son.
Rajesh told that if the government and BJP do not listen to us and do not agree to our demands, then we will lead a massive rally. He said that we will submit a memorandum to the Chief Minister, Governor and BJP President demanding justice for Dalits. If the government does not take any action even after this, we will convert to Islam, because it would not be wise to remain a part of a religion whose members break our back, but who are happy to marry their daughters to those who offer Namaaz and refuse to accept us as Hindus.
Rajesh Solanki was earlier a member of BJP
Rajesh Solanki was earlier a member of BJP. In 2004, he was elected to the Junagadh Municipal Corporation on a BJP ticket. In 2009, he joined the Congress. He won the local body elections in 2009 and 2014, although he faced defeat in 2019. On the other hand, Junagadh Resident Additional Collector NF Chaudhary confirmed that Rajesh had collected application forms for religious conversion. He said that however, we have not received any filled form from him yet. He also said that the Gujarat Religious Freedom Act gives the District Magistrate the power to find out whether a person wants to convert under pressure or whether someone is luring a person to convert.
7.
Manipur Violence: Rahul Gandhi’s 5-Minute-Long Video With Message For PM Modi To Visit State| Watch
Highlighting the distress he witnessed in Mnipur which is embroiled in ethnic violence for over a year, Congress MP Rahul Gandhi said, ‘Houses are burning, innocent lives are in danger and thousands of families are forced to live in relief camps.’
Outlook Web Desk
Taking it to the microblogging site X, Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha and Congress MP Rahul Gandhi today shared a video of his visit to the relief camps in the conflict-hit northeastern state of Manipur. Through the video, the Congress leader has also urged PM Modi to visit the ethnic violence-hit state.
Highlighting the distress he witnessed in the state embroiled in ethnic violence for over a year, Gandhi said, “Houses are burning, innocent lives are in danger and thousands of families are forced to live in relief camps.”
After visiting the state for the third time since the violence broke out in May 2023, Rahul Gandhi said that even today the state is divided into two parts.
In the five-minute-long video, Gandhi was seen sitting amid many people and interacting with them while consoling several bereaved family members of those who lost lives.
“I can raise the issue and put pressure. But I can’t assure you about going back. Because that question will be answered by the government. In the next session, I’ll speak for you” Rahul Gandhi told the inhabitants at the Moirang relief camp.
One of the women from the Jiribam relief camp in Manipur says in the video that her grandmother is still stuck in a place of conflict and they do not know about her whereabouts.
The ethnic clash broke out on May 3 last year in Churachandpur following a Kuki-led solidarity march on protest against a Manipur high court order directing the state government to consider the inclusion of the Meiteis in the Scheduled Tribes list.
This promptly snowballed into a widespread conflict involving the two warring factions- the Kukis and the Meiteis- which affected the entire state and reportedly claimed over 220 lives.
Courtesy : Outlook
Buddhist Practice »
Tsechu in Sikkim: The Guru’s Gift
- By Karen Greenspan
- July 11, 2024
I can still hear the horns—the resounding signal of the start and, seven-and-a-half days later, the closing moments of the Tsechu Puja at Ralang Monastery. At first blast, the sound stirs excitement and anticipation. At the end, the strains pierce the heart with the realization that the grand event is over and dissolved into memory.
I arrived early. In fact, the only other arrivals at that point were 13 nuns from the nearby Keku Dagmo Chosling Nunnery. They came early to Ralang to rehearse the two cham that they would be performing on the final day of the puja, which would be a day-long program of these sacred Vajrayana dances. Ralang Monastery, located in the northeastern Indian state of Sikkim, belongs to the Karma Kagyu order of Himalayan Buddhism. The beautiful structure, completed in 1995, was undertaken by the 12th Gyaltsab Rinpoche (b. 1954), an incarnate lama and regent of the Karmapas. The monastery is home to some 200 monks, and it holds the Tsechu Puja with its grand display of cham every other year, alternating with Rumtek Monastery (the Karmapa’s seat-in-exile, also in Sikkim).
The nuns, or women in general, had not until recently been involved in performing cham during the Tsechu Puja. That only began within the Karma Kagyu lineage in 2014, when His Holiness the 17th Karmapa made a historic invitation to nuns from three Karma Kagyu nunneries (Keku Dagmo Chosling, Thrangu Tara, and Karma Drubdey) to perform for the 2014 Kagyu Monlam in Bodh Gaya, India. The three nunneries sent representatives to Ralang and Rumtek monasteries to learn two dakini cham (Kadrinchenma Cham and Pamo Cham) from senior monk dancers there. At present, of these three nunneries, only the nuns of Keku Dagmo Chosling continue to perform them—and this is within the Tsechu Puja at Ralang.
I found the 13 anis in a small entrance hall rehearsing. The scene was abuzz with wall-to-wall activity as they reviewed the cham movements with senior monk dancer Karma Tshering. There were smiles and occasional outbursts of laughter as the nuns, in successive groups of three, demonstrated a section of the dance for their teacher and worked to integrate his corrections and clarifications.
Tsechu means “10th day,” and is a Vajrayana observance on the 10th day of a lunar calendar month celebrating the return of Padmasambhava, the accomplished tantric master who brought Buddhism from India to Tibet and Bhutan in the mid-eighth century. The name Padmasambhava means “lotus-born” and refers to his storied birth from a lotus blossom in the middle of Lake Dhanakosha in the kingdom of Oddiyana (its location is still debated). Born as an eight-year-old fully enlightened being, he was adopted by the childless King Indrabhuti and raised in the royal palace as the crown prince. He sought to renounce his royal status for spiritual pursuits but was refused. So he purposefully provoked his banishment from the kingdom and roamed the sacred charnel grounds receiving empowerments and practicing esoteric methods. He went on to receive ordination and continued accomplishing powerful tantric practices. Traveling far and wide, he learned, attained, and taught the evolving strain of Buddhism at the time─Vajrayana (the Indestructible Vehicle), through which one might accomplish enlightenment in a single lifetime. In the Himalayan region, Padmasambhava is considered the second Buddha and is commonly referred to as Guru Rinpoche, meaning “Precious Teacher.”
The story goes that Guru Rinpoche was invited to Tibet by King Trisong Detsen in the mid-eighth century to help secure the building of the first Buddhist monastery in the Tibetan empire at Samye. At the time, this unprecedented project encountered formidable obstacles (a series of calamities attributed to hostile local spirits─more likely explained by political and religious opposition). Guru Rinpoche came and, through a ground consecration ritual merging Buddhist and indigenous practices, subdued the forces obstructing progress with the monastery’s construction. With this groundbreaking (literally and figuratively) cham, Padmasambhava converted the obstacles into protectors of the Dharma, Samye Monastery was built, and Buddhism took root and flourished in the region.
This seminal act of Guru Rinpoche is referenced and re-enacted in the Tsechu Puja and in a great many Vajrayana rituals. The story continues that after some 55 years in Tibet, Guru Rinpoche prepared to leave to bring Buddhism to the land to the southwest and tame the raksasa demons there. The bereft king at the time, Mutik Tsenpo, and a large gathering of disciples accompanied Guru Rinpoche to Gungthang Pass imploring him to stay, but Padmasambhava refused. He gave final teachings and instructions to each of them and promised to return every 10th day of the lunar calendar. Hence, Himalayan Buddhist communities celebrate Tsechu—a ritual revisitation of the Precious Teacher.
The Tsechu Puja is derived from a revealed treasure (Tib. terma) text. Terma, are understood to be the teachings of Padmasambhava, which he and his primary disciple Yeshe Tsogyal hid throughout the Himalayan landscape or in the mind-stream of chosen persons for discovery in the future. The terma tradition, which continues to the present day, provides a renewed and ongoing stream of spiritual teachings to support practitioners as changing times require. This treasure text, called Lama Sangdu, was discovered by the great treasure revealer (Tib. terton) Guru Chokyi Wangchuk (1212–70). Lama Sangdu, which means “The Secret Embodiment of the Guru,” is an elaborate ritual performance through which the community of practitioners invokes Padmasambhava and his eight manifestations for a present moment encounter.
In Vajrayana, the root guru or teacher (Tib. tsawei lama) is essential to the practitioner’s journey into the Dharma toward spiritual realization. Guru Rinpoche is the paradigm for that essential teacher. In fact, it is common to interchange Padmasambhava with one’s own root guru in Vajrayana visualization practices. In the Tsechu Puja, we invoke Guru Rinpoche and his eight manifestations and request the blessings and the particular wisdom that each of one of these forms uniquely demonstrated. As a terma, the practice is considered a creation of Padmasambhava himself, conceived as a method for bringing him back for a periodic check-in.
I sat down with Dorje Lopon Namgyel Tsewang, the 45-year-old vajra master, who would be leading the Tsechu Puja. He showed me the “score” he follows for the puja. Depending on the section, one can discern the lines of text at the top of the page. Beneath the text are markings for the musical tones; below that are instructions for the dance. A very modest yet highly accomplished teacher, Dorje Lopon is also an exquisite cham dancer and would perform key roles in several of the Tsechu cham. He generously met with me for two days to address how each cham functions within the Tsechu Puja and to give me a deeper understanding of the Tsechu in general, a celebration fundamental to so many Himalayan Buddhist communities.
“What is the main idea encapsulated in the Lama Sangdu?” I asked. Dorje Lopon responded, “It boils down to finding one’s lama.” He emphasized the importance of this relationship, saying, “Without the guru, we cannot accomplish enlightenment. Through the guru we meet our own buddha-nature.” Food for much thought, this was instantly modeled when Dorje Lopon would head out from our sessions to meet with his root guru, His Excellency Gyaltshab Rinpoche.
Meanwhile, the atmosphere was gathering energy with each passing day. On day five, the monastery held a special offering puja, through which Guru Rinpoche was invoked and invited to be present. In a unique implementation of the ceremony, offering items such as bouquets of flowers, bowls of nuts, butter lamps, incense, and a wide range of musical instruments (fiddle, ukulele, finger cymbals, guitars, flute, and more) were distributed to every single person in the prayer hall. The monks donned their formal red hats, and everyone stood holding their offering as the chant-master intoned the ritual. The liturgy was repeated, and with each repetition, we turned and held up our offerings to each of the four cardinal directions. It was quite a sight to behold as the senior monks fiddled and strummed away on these uncharacteristic instruments in an offering of sacred sound. Of course, the advanced lamas were visualizing a field of refuge and offerings to Guru Rinpoche and the enlightened beings.
The next day, the monastery presented the formal rehearsal (Tib. chamjug) to the public. In this practice, common among Tibetan Buddhist communities, the monks perform a selection of cham in their formal robes without masks. I always enjoy this event even more than the Tsechu itself. One can see the physical movements more clearly than in the fuller silk dance costumes, and I love seeing the expressions on the monks’ faces as they dance. As I watched in awe of the spectacle of dancers filling up the outdoor courtyard, I thought there were many more than the usual number I had previously counted in recordings I had seen, so I asked about it. Indeed, my eyes were not deceiving me. They had decided to use the occasion as an opportunity for as many as possible—even the younger ones sandwiched between the senior monks—to gain experience performing cham. There were 150 monks dancing!
Serkyem: Tsechu day started at 6:00AM with serkyem (golden drink), a libation offering to the wisdom beings (buddhas, bodhisattvas, lamas, dakinis, and protectors) with the request to successfully accomplish the puja for the benefit of all beings and to dispel any obstacles. Although not always danced, this serkyem was delivered through a cham, in which 30 senior monk dancers wore the Zhanag (Tantric Black Hat) costume of esoteric masters and performed a powerful spectacle. Cloaked in richly colored brocade robes with long, oversized sleeves and the tall tantric hats topped with a mirror, skull figure, and a jeweled ornament, they formed a circle in the spacious temple courtyard. Wielding the tantric implements of a phurba (ritual dagger) and skull cup, they performed sweeping movements characterized by controlled turns on one leg, the other leg held in the air, and the arms rhythmically lifting overhead and pressing down.
At a certain point, the dancers stood still in the circle while monk attendants entered carrying trays of metal offering cups and pitchers of black tea. They distributed a cup to each dancer and filled the cups for the first offering. The chant masters blessed the contents intoning a mantra while the practitioners envisioned the cups to be overflowing with amrita. The monks then danced with the cups, eventually pausing to hold the cups high as the clarinets played an anticipatory buildup. Then, with a beat of the bass drum, they tossed the offering to the envisioned beings. The attendants made the rounds several more times, distributing a series of ingredients—barley, seeds, and grains—and the offering dance was repeated. Finally, the attendants returned to collect the cups and redistribute the phurbas for the concluding section of the cham, before the dancers exited into the temple in small groups. The ritual is intended to convert any negative energy into positive energy, ensuring the success of the puja.
Sadul: The ground on which the Tsechu takes place must then be blessed, or consecrated, for the construction of the sacred realm of Guru Rinpoche (just as he performed at Samye). This is accomplished through Sadul (Wrathful Consecration of the Earth). In this subjugation cham, the performers wear either wrathful deity or animal-headed masks and dance high-energy movements to establish the boundaries of the sacred mandala and demand that the earth spirits cooperate in the fulfillment of the Tsechu Puja. The cham, again danced by 30 monks, was notable for the leaping steps they used to travel across the large dance ground in various floor patterns. Pounding the ground in this way, with arms held upraised, gave the impression that they were physically overwhelming any obstructive forces underfoot.
Jinbeb: Jinbeb (descent of blessings) is a supplication to Guru Rinpoche to grant blessings, empowerment, and spiritual accomplishment for oneself and for the benefit of all beings. For this cham, the chant-masters sing a liturgy requesting that these blessings rain down, and one is to visualize receiving them. The dancers are dressed as dakinis, sometimes referred to as “sky dancers,” celestial beings in female form, who are masters of emptiness—the unfixed, relative nature of all things. They are recognizable by their crowns, bone aprons, and other bone ornaments worn over their colorful brocade robes, and their ritual instruments. As the dancers raised their arms overhead, they sounded the damaru held in the right hand, signifying compassion, and the bell in the left, symbolizing emptiness. The chanters intoned the prayer in deep overtone registers that seemed to reverberate through the dancers’ bodies as they swept one leg off the ground and slowly revolved, balanced on the other leg. The cham was performed by the senior monk dancers, including Dorje Lopon Namgyel Tsewang. In a few monastic institutions, however, Jinbeb is now starting to be performed by nuns.
Kingdru: In marked contrast, four young monks danced Kingdru, also referred to as the “Skeleton Dance,” an energetic, sprightly dance of hops, jumps, and changing floor patterns. Their slender bodies were clothed in white pajama-like costumes painted like skeletons, with skull-like masks, a reference to our impermanence. They represent the Lords of the Cremation Grounds, and their cham is a reminder to renounce greed, ego, status, and so on, because, ultimately, we will all be skeletons in the cremation ground.
Tum Ngam Cham: An awesome spectacle, Tum Ngam Cham (Dance of the Terrifying Deities), was performed by a multitude of monk dancers wearing exquisite new brocade robes in varying shades of blue with wrathful masks. The cham is derived from another treasure cycle called Lama Gongdü revealed by Terton Sangye Lingpa (1340-96). Lama Gongdü means “embodiment of the master’s realization.” Senior dancer Karma Tshering performed the lead role of Guru Dragpo, a wrathful emanation of Padmasambhava as the fierce Vajrakilaya deity. He was accompanied by some 30 dancers, each holding a sword in the right hand and skull cup in the left. Throughout the cham, they slice their swords of wisdom through the air to cut through the negative energy of anger, attachment, and delusion.
Tsokle: This wrathful cham/ritual is performed as a means of transforming negativity into positive energy and offering this as a tsok, or feast offering. In Tsokle, another large cast of dancers comes bounding out of the temple wearing wrathful masks. These masks are unique in that they are topped with one skull instead of five. Carrying a phurba in the right hand and skull cup in the left, the dancers move about in a circle swirling their implements through the air. Eventually they all kneel on the ground in the circle. A large torma is brought out and placed in front of the lead dancer. As a monk attendant cuts the torma into pieces, the dancers envision its transformation into an offering of ambrosia for divine beings. Once the torma pieces are distributed into the dancers’ skull cups, the dancers stand and complete their circling dance in an offering of the sublime nectar.
Ging Cham: The high energy and playful dance Ging Cham involves a cast of eight white ging and eight red ging. They are considered messengers of Padmasambhava. In Vajrayana, the white color represents the male aspect—method or action—and the red represents the female aspect—wisdom. The two qualities must be integrated to bring about enlightenment. The ging are dressed in pajama-like costumes in their respective colors, over which they wear a skirt made from streamers in colors representing the five elements (blue, yellow, red, green, white). They wear matching white or red semi-wrathful masks crowned with five skulls, and a flag extending upward from the top. Creating quite a racket, the dancers wear bell anklets that jingle with each step, and beat their hand-drums with hooked drumsticks. The opening section of the cham appears like a game as an initial white ging scampers out and teases a red ging to come out and engage. They play this cat-and-mouse game until all the ging emerge for a full throttle choreography of constantly changing floor patterns. According to Dorje Lopon, “Their coming together and going apart relates to how wisdom and method integrate with each other. The dance represents the workings of the subtle body’s channels, winds, and vital essences (Tib. tsa, lung, tigle)—energetic information that we all contain, but are not necessarily aware of.”
Guru Tshengye Cham: Although each of the previous cham was a complete experience in itself, the anticipated main event of the day, Guru Tshengye Cham (Eight Manifestations of the Guru), unfolded throughout the afternoon. Horn players heralded the magnificent procession, replete with an entourage of parasol and standard bearers, followed by monks and nuns costumed as heavenly beings, including the Guru’s Eight Manifestations. The party of celestials accompanied a large and dramatic float of Guru Rinpoche on wheels. They circled the courtyard as the fierce Dorje Drollo (performed by senior dancer Karma Tshering), in red robes and terrifying maroon mask with matching dreadlocks, danced in the center. In addition to being the most wrathful manifestation of Guru Rinpoche, he serves as a master of ceremonies as if conjuring up this fantastic visitation. Once the procession was completed, the heavenly visitors took their seats around the perimeter and a series of supplication and offering dances to Padmasambhava ensued.
Eight nuns dressed as dakinis gathered to face Guru Rinpoche and perform Kadrinchenma Cham. This supplication to the Guru and wisdom beings for blessings means “Great Gratitude,” and is similar in movement, message, and costume to Jinbeb. The danced movements of serene control merged with the soothing strains sung by the female umdzey (chant-master), forming a sublime and unified expression. Each verse ends as the dancers incline their heads forward, draping the five-colored streamers (attached to their damarus) across their uplifted arms like an offering as they take three steps backward.
Next, four pawo (heroes) danced an athletic Pawo Cham. Dorje Lopon explained that the pawo come from the unconventional approach of the mahasiddhas (tantric yogis), known for their “crazy wisdom.” They dance an expression of their uncontrollable happiness. This was followed by Pamo Cham (Dance of the Heroines) performed by five nuns, again dressed as dakinis, who play large hand-drums with a hooked drumstick as they dance and sing praises to Padmasambhava. The pamo alternate sections of singing in a tight huddle with sections of dancing and drumming. After each sung verse, they spread out and step, turn, and bend in various directions, flipping and beating the drum with each step. The dance is an offering of body (dance), speech (song), and mind (given with a full heart).
Finally, the eight forms of Guru Rinpoche each took turns dancing into the center of the dance ground, performing solos representing each manifestation. These dance solos are not pantomimed or dramatized, but are mainly distinguished through their striking masks, hand implements, and movement energy and quality. The peaceful manifestations dance with deliberate majesty, while the wrathful manifestations display movements with high energy and power.
The Eight Manifestations of the Guru (in order of appearance)
Guru Pema Jungney (Source of All-Accomplishment) wears a light skin-colored mask and holds a vajra (dorje scepter) in the right hand and a bell in the left. He embodies all the Guru’s manifestations and actions of pacifying, increasing, magnetizing and subjugating.
Guru Padmasambhava (Lotus Essence) wears a golden mask with a red and gold robe and tall scholar’s hat. He carries a skull-cup in his right hand and forms the protecting (abhaya) mudra with his left hand. This form refers to the Guru as a master scholar, who practiced, accomplished, and brought the Dharma to many lands.
Guru Loden Chogse (Proclaimer of Wisdom) is dressed in a white robe and wears a peaceful mask with a golden crown. He dances holding a damaru in his right hand and a tray of edible delights in the left. The Guru was recognized in this aspect when he easily mastered all the Buddha’s teachings (Sutrayana and Vajrayana) as an awareness holder in the sacred sites in India.
Guru Padma Gyalpo (Lotus King) dances in a red brocade robe and golden crown while sounding a damaru with his right hand and motioning sweeping gestures with a dharmachakra held in the left. These implements symbolize his control over the three realms of cyclic existence: desire, form, and formless. The Guru assumed this form in Oddiyana, where he remained as the crown prince for thirteen years—ruling and benefitting many beings—before leaving his royal position to follow a spiritual path.
Guru Nyima Ozer (Sunbeam) is costumed in a golden brocade robe with a golden bearded mask topped with a crown of five skulls. He carries a trident in his right hand and a lasso in his left. This designation arose from his time meditating and teaching the esoteric practices in India’s eight historic cremation grounds, where spiritual adepts would practice among the dead as a method to intensify their powers. During this chapter, the Guru developed legendary abilities such as causing the Sun to stand still, hence, the sunbeam reference.
Guru Shakya Sengye (Lion of the Shakya clan) appears dressed in a monk’s robe and a peaceful golden mask that resembles the face of Shakyamuni Buddha, with his hairstyle of tight black-blue curls. His right hand forms the earth-touching mudra (bhumisparsha) while he holds a monk’s begging bowl in his left. The Guru received this designation when, after having renounced the palace and practiced in the charnel grounds, he took monastic ordination and sought to deepen his Dharma practice.
Guru Sengye Dradog (Lion’s Roar) wears a dark blue brocade robe and a terrifying blue mask with four pointed fangs and a crown of five skulls. The right hand holds a vajra while the left hand remains empty. During a period of anti-Buddhist sentiment, the Guru went to Bodh Gaya, the site of the Buddha’s enlightenment, and overcame the challengers to the Dharma with concentration, intellectual debate, and miraculous powers. His dance is characterized by a series of sharp leaps evoking the fierce energy required to overcome one’s own deluded thinking.
Guru Dorje Drollo (Wild, Wrathful Vajra), the most wrathful emanation, wears a sumptuous red robe and terrifying dark red mask crowned and matching dreadlocks. He holds a vajra in the right hand and a phurba in the left. Legends recount that assuming this form, the Guru rode on the back of his consort-turned-tigress to Taktsang (the Tiger’s Nest Cave in western Bhutan) and subdued obstructive spirits along the way, converting them to guardian protectors of Buddhism. Dorje Drollo’s dance physically reflects this feat with slow, deliberate leaps that land in a held balance with one leg lifted.
After Dorje Drollo’s solo, Sengye Dradok returns to the dance and the two fierce manifestations perform together as all the members of the Guru’s entourage rise for a concluding procession and exit into the temple. Karma Tshering shared that this section requires seamless coordination between the two dancers and the umdzey.
Meanwhile, the eight Kadrinchenma dancers remain standing in place, showering splendorous sound on the scene with their damarus and bells until everyone has exited. Recalling the tearful scene from the Guru’s departure at Gunthang Pass, they ceremonially follow behind and assume a semi-circular formation facing the Guru float before it disappears. They perform a poignant reprise of Kadrinchenma Cham, this time to a new set of lyrics, which thank Padmasambhava for gracing everyone with his reassuring presence. Moving their formation toward the temple, one-by-one or two-by-two, they complete their dance phrase and exit. And with that, the much anticipated encounter with Guru Rinpoche dissolves into emptiness.
One feels a profound sense of quiet, even sadness. But not for long. No puja is complete without arousing auspiciousness (Tib. tashi) to keep the blessings and good energy circulating until next time. This is done through the cham called Shing Kyong, a high-energy dance of praise to this lion-headed protector of Guru Rinpoche’s teachings and the Kagyu school. Shing Kyong and his consort enter, followed by an endless stream of groups of four. They bound, turn, and jump wielding batons and flags to the driving beat of drums and cymbals. Dancing in a gigantic circle, they maintain their nonstop energy to dispel all evil and obstacles and ensure that the Buddha’s teachings will remain and flourish for a long, long time.
The lamas teach us that cham is the union of appearance and emptiness, and therefore reveals to us the nature of all phenomena. Citing the Hevajra Tantra, they tell us that these expressions of sacred body, speech, and mind purify the dancer’s mental continuum revealing their buddha-nature. And for the viewer, just seeing the dance implants the seed of liberation within their being. In this way, the dance itself becomes the guru—a mirror into impermanence and our innate buddha-nature.
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The National Commission for Scheduled Castes has said Karnataka has taken the decision to divert ₹ 14,730 crore from funds meant for scheduled castes and scheduled tribes to guarantee schemes.
The Karnataka deputy chief minister said there was nothing wrong with the move.
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