24.07.24.UT NEWS.Untouchables News..Chennai.26.by Team Sivaji.
Dalit Youth in Madhya Pradesh’s Khajuraho Accuses Police Of Abusing Him For Overtaking Vehicle
The victim, in his complaint dated July 20, alleged that he had overtaken vehicles of personnel belonging to the police and electricity departments on July 18 while heading home on a motorcycle after which he was forcibly dragged to the police station by the concerned authorities and severely beaten.
Chhatarpur: A Dalit sanitary worker registered a complaint alleging that he was thrashed and abused by police personnel on July 18 in Khajuraho town of Madhya Pradesh for overtaking their official vehicles, an officer said on Tuesday.
The victim, Rohit Valmiki, said in his complaint, dated July 20, that while riding his motorcycle home, he had overtaken vehicles of the police and electricity department personnels, which caused the attack.
Valmiki said that he was picked up against his will from his residence and dragged to the police station by the irate police officers seated in the car. He has also accused the police officers of stripping him naked and severely beating him.
The frustrated youth even attempted suicide after returning home, he said. Higher-ranking police officers decided taking action against the accused police officers after the matter was reported to them.
Chhatarpur Superintendent of Police (SP), Agam Jain said, “The Sub Divisional Officer of Police (SDOP) is investigating. All accused police personnel have been removed from the police station for the time being so that they cannot influence the investigation. Statements of the concerned persons are recorded. We will take strict action after investigation,” he added.
However, the Khajuraho SDOP has not yet given any official statement regarding the matter.
Courtesy : ETV Bharat
DELHI.NATION.DALIT NEWS
Casteist Slurs on JNU Walls: The Deep-Rooted Casteism in Indian Universities
Phrases ‘Dalit leave the country’, ‘Chamar leave the country’, ‘Brahmin-Bania Long Live’, ‘Hindu Long Live’ and ‘RSS Long Live’ scrawled on the walls of Jawaharlal Nehru University expose the toxic underbelly of India’s prestigious universities.
Avichal Warke
The recent incident at Kaveri Hostel, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), where casteist slurs were scrawled on the walls, reveals the deep-seated hatred towards Dalits and Adivasis and highlights the mental sickness of casteism. This attack is not merely an attempt to humiliate the marginalised but is an assertion of caste supremacy propagated by Brahminical and Hindu scriptures. Phrases like “Dalit leave the country,” “Chamar leave the country,” “Brahmin-Bania Long Live,” “Hindu Long Live,” and “RSS Long Live” expose the toxic underbelly of caste-based discrimination that persists even in prestigious institutions like JNU, situated in the national capital.
The Brahminical casteist mindset that issues threats against Dalits to leave the country within the JNU campus cannot be seen in isolation. In fact, the disdain intensifies when Dalits assert their independent Ambedkarite voice, not conforming to the discourse of the Right, Left, and Centrist parties. In a multi-party system, wherever they contest, they are termed as ‘vote cutters’ or ‘B-Team,’ allegedly aiding the BJP/RSS to win. However, this criticism falls silent when the same data implicates Savarna-Dwij-led parties. The upper-caste-led media is complicit in permeating this narrative. According to an Oxfam-Newslaundry report (2019) on Indian newsrooms, over 70% of panelists for debate shows and 72% of bylined articles are drawn from upper castes.
Such incidents shatter the illusion of progressiveness often associated with JNU and other higher education institutions, reflecting broader societal prejudices. Discrimination is starkly evident in practices like the viva voce, where SCs, STs, and OBCs are frequently given abysmally low marks out of 30, perpetuating a system that marginalises these students.
According to the 2016-17 annual report by the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR), Dalit students in universities face systemic biases and are often subjected to various forms of discrimination.
Deepshikha Sharma and Rama Devi, in their blog “Democracy Denied: The Fraught Realities of Higher Education for Dalits in India,” highlight the alarming statistics of suicides committed by Dalit students on Indian campuses. They further note that derogatory references like ‘sarkari damads’ (government sons-in-law), ‘sarkari Brahmins’ (government Brahmins — the Hindu upper caste), or ‘quota students’ repeatedly remind and humiliate Dalits for their caste.
This incident at JNU is part of a larger disturbing trend of increasing atrocities and hatred against people from marginalised backgrounds across the country, including ‘institutional murders’ at prestigious universities like IITs, IIMs, and medical colleges. It underscores the hostile environment faced by students from marginalised sections, highlighting the physical and psychological trauma they endure. The tragic suicide of Rohith Vemula, a Dalit PhD scholar at the University of Hyderabad in 2016, is a stark reminder of the severe impact of institutionalised casteism on students’ mental health and well-being.
This utterly disturbing incident can be further understood as part of a broader schema of ghettoisation on campuses, perpetuating the social exclusion of Dalit students. This connects with the unequal distribution of resources – including hostel accommodations, dining, and sanitation facilities – as highlighted by Professor N. Sukumar (2023) in his book Caste Discrimination and Exclusion in Indian Universities. He brings out an incident similar to this one, where an AIIMS medical student’s poster in a hostel warned SC students by saying “F**k off from this wing.” The present incident only testifies that hatred against Dalits in university spaces has increased, as they are now being shunned not only from public spaces but from their own country.
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, in his struggle for the inclusion of Depressed Classes, emphasised that while political life treats every man as equal with one vote, social and economic life does not. This contradiction continues to deny true equality, and this incident is a stark reminder of that reality for many. Ambedkar’s seminal work, Annihilation of Caste, argues that caste is not merely a division of labour but a division of labourers, which has entrenched inequality in Indian society. The exclusionary practices rooted in this sense of inequality are also reflected in the lack of representation of these communities in decision-making bodies.
These incidents leave deep scars, but the memory of our emancipators’ struggles inspires us to continue fighting for our rights and dignity. While the administration often responds to such incidents by proposing the installation of CCTV cameras throughout the campus, it is essential to understand that the issue is not merely one of law and order. As Dr. B.R. Ambedkar rightly pointed out, “Caste is a state of mind. It is a disease of the mind,” and addressing it requires dedicated institutional measures within university spaces. CCTV cameras, rather than ensuring safety, can be misused to target individuals who protest and suppress dissent, further oppressing the already marginalised.
The solution lies not in surveillance but in fostering an inclusive and equitable academic environment. This requires a comprehensive approach, including sensitisation programmes for students and staff, strict anti-discrimination policies, and support systems for marginalised students. The University Grants Commission (UGC) has issued guidelines to ensure the safety and inclusivity of campuses, but their implementation remains inconsistent.
There must be a strict demand for the punishment of the perpetrators and the establishment of a safe campus environment for Dalits, Adivasis, and OBCs. The fight is for a just and inclusive society, where every individual, irrespective of caste, can live with dignity and equality. True progress can only be achieved when the voices of the marginalised are heard and their rights are upheld within every sphere of society, including our educational institutions. The recent incident at JNU serves as a stark reminder of the ongoing battle against casteism and the need for an unwavering commitment to equality and justice.
Avichal Warke is a doctoral researcher at the Centre for Political Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University. His research delves into social networking platforms as arenas of discrimination, particularly through the analysis of casteist slurs.
Courtesy : The Wire
Shahu Patole challenges food, caste norms in ‘Dalit Kitchens of Marathwada’
CHENNAI : Anna He Apoorna Brahma”, declares Shahu Patole in the title of his thought-provoking book, challenging the conventional wisdom, ‘Anna He Poorna Brahma’ — that food is the complete truth. Food is an incomplete reality. At least in India where food habits and caste cannot be separated. “Just as caste is cemented at birth, so is diet,” writes Shahu. His work in Marathi was recently translated by Bhushan Korgaonkar as ‘Dalit Kitchens of Marathwada’. Published by HarperCollins Publishers India, it delves into the nuances of Dalit food culture in Maharashtra, particularly focusing on Mahar and Mang castes.
Diya Maria George
“Food culture has become a part of politics, and democratically elected governments are also participating in it,” shares Shahu. The author confronts prevailing stereotypes surrounding vegetarianism in India, stating that dietary choices have been historically weaponised to reinforce social divisions. He says, “I proudly declare that I am a pure non-vegetarian Hindu following our traditions and culture.
Things that are imposed or copied often need publicity and propaganda — vegetarianism. Non-vegetarian people never have to publicise the importance of being non-vegetarian, as it’s an integral part of our food culture.” His approach is deeply personal, rooted in his upbringing and memories. “Everything I have mentioned in the book is based on my lived experience,” he reflects, emphasising the authenticity and firsthand nature of his accounts.
The blue colour book cover, illustrated by Shrujana Niranjini Shridhar, intricately weaves together elements discussed within its pages — from the essential ingredients like meat, onion, and garlic, to the scenes of women preparing meals and children savouring them. It’s a visual preface that encapsulates the essence of the narrative within.
About her intention behind the design, Shrujana explains, “I wanted to normalise ingredients like the cogulated blood or the meat since there have been so many attempts to demonise meat-eating cultures. I knew that along with the food, the people who make and eat this food complete are the most important of the culture.”
The book also documents daily practices, ingredients, farming, fuels, utensils, measurements, wedding traditions and meals, specific parts of animals used for cooking, folktales, postnatal diets, food prepared for funerals, the 1972 famine and its impact on the rural food culture of Marathwada. Emphasising that preserving all this information is necessary, he writes in the book, “Because of my ‘sin’ of writing this book I don’t know in which form I will be born in the next birth. However, may such ‘literary sins’ continue to be committed relentessly.”
Excerpts from an interview with Shahu Patole
What was the primary idea behind writing this book?
I felt compelled to write this book because I couldn’t find any references or direct mentions of our food culture in any old or new religious or social literature. The Bhagavad Gita, the Dnyaneshwari, and the literature of Vaishnav saints talk about three categories of diet: Sattvic, Rajasic, and Tamasic. Our food is categorised as Tamasic, but it is not described in detail anywhere. So, I decided to explore its roots. Although this is not my area of expertise, I started looking for answers to these questions. The reader will be the best judge of whether I have been successful in this endeavour.
You have mentioned in the book that your siblings didn’t like you writing the book in great detail. How challenging was that?
It wasn’t just my siblings; many of my relatives and community members didn’t like what I wrote in this book. They still don’t. However, my siblings have now started to understand the intention and perspective behind it, so they have begun to support it. I never faced any significant challenges because I never wrote anything untrue. Also, I am quite capable of engaging in intellectual arguments with anyone.
Your book was first published in 2015 in Marathi. Why did it take so long for the translation to be published?
All three publishers of my Marathi book are Brahmins. They knew it was risky but they still went ahead and published my book. This could only happen in the progressive state of Maharashtra. Everyone knows who owns or heads the top positions in the leading publishing houses of India and which castes and classes they belong to. The answer to your question lies in this data.
You also talk about other castes, subcastes, the disappearance of castes like Kure Mang and independent code languages. Do you think they also wanted to protect their recipes?
Vedas were transmitted from one generation to another through oral tradition. The same thing happened with Dalit food culture. When the British established their control over our country, they brought the education system, industrialisation, law, order, and administration. This began to shake the centuries-old Indian village economy. The British also introduced foreign food items, but still, the non-vegetarian components and some of the main ingredients in our plates continued to exist. Over time, some of the dishes disappeared gradually and organically, and a few new ones were added due to social changes. The same thing happened with our code languages. Additionally, our languages never had a script, which may also be one of the reasons for their disappearance.
What are you currently working on?
I have three other books published in Marathi. One is about my memoirs of the Bharat Jodo cycle rally started by Baba Amte. Another is about my experiences living in Nagaland for work, and the last one is a collection of articles. I am currently writing a book on Manipur, and another collection of articles is on its way to being published.
Excerpts from an interview with Bhushan Korgaonkar
The book has a rich vocabulary of farming and cooking. How difficult was it to translate?
It was challenging in many ways. Firstly, I wasn’t well versed with the food culture of this region as I was born and raised in Mumbai. My parents are from Konkan and Goa, so even my vacations or other travels rarely took me to Marathwada. Secondly, I had never seen the equipment, processes, and customs described in the book. To overcome these difficulties, I spent time with Shahu and his family in his village, observed most things firsthand and then started working on the book.
You mention a curated session where Shahu Patole shared his food experiences, and actor Nandita Patkar read excerpts from the book. Could you elaborate on this event?
When I read the book, I realised how important and unique it is. We occasionally curate sessions at Kala Studio at Khar and Piroja Studio at Vile Parle in Mumbai, where we invite artistes from different walks of life to share their experiences. I thought that this book must be brought to our sessions and discussed. So, I curated a 90-minute session where actor Nandita Patkar read out excerpts from the book, and I interviewed Shahu Patole about his experiences. He also sang a few songs, and the session saw a full house. We were also invited by Asakta in Pune to repeat this session as part of their activities. I am happy to share that talks are ongoing with a studio in Bandra, Mumbai, and we may repeat this session soon with Nandita and Shahu in English, Hindi and Marathi.
As a translator and a reader, what made the book different for you?
As a translator, the part I enjoyed the most was working on the rooted Marathi proverbs, sayings, and a folk song. It was difficult to convey these elements in a different culture, but I tried my best to maintain the essence and the lyricality. I have received some positive feedback about this, so I am happy that people are admiring it.
What I liked about the book was the sense of humour. Yes, it is about poverty, deprivation and social injustice. The writer also mentions how people from this community used humour in tamasha and other art forms to crack jokes about their own condition. This resilience and ability to find humour in difficult situations stood out to me and added a unique dimension to the book.
Any additional thoughts?
I believe more writers should come forward and start writing about their memoirs, especially those from marginalised communities. We often read and hear success stories and inspirational tales from the ‘haves’, but the experiences and perspectives of those from marginalised backgrounds are equally important and can provide valuable insights into our past, present, and the ideal way forward.
Moholachi poli (honeycomb)
Ingredients
Honeycomb containing larvae and eggs
Oil or fat
Onions, chopped
Red chilli powder
Salt
Method
Cut the honeycomb into small pieces.
Heat a little oil in a pan and fry onions till brown.
Add chilli powder and salt, mix.
Add the honeycomb pieces, sauté a little. Cover and reduce heat to low.
Let it cook for a while. Serve.
Lakuti/Lakushi
It is a dish prepared from blood (of large animals as well as goat and sheep). When the cooked blood cools down, these thick chunks are broken and mashed gently by hand. Lakuti can be eaten by itself or along with bhakri or chapati.
Ingredients
Oil or animal fat
Onions, chopped (finely or roughly per taste)
Yesur powder
Green chilli paste or crushed green chillies or red chilli powder
Mashed cooked blood
Green coriander leaves, chopped (optional)
Method
Place a heavy-bottomed pan or a tava on the fire.
Add fat or edible oil.
Add chopped onions and fry till brown.
Add yesur and mix well. Do not let it darken or burn.
Add chillies and mix thoroughly.
Immediately after that, before the masala turns dark, add the mashed blood and sauté.
Cook for five minutes, garnish with green coriander and serve.
Courtesy : TNIE.
PRESS RELEASE
Safai Karmacharis disappointed with Budget.2024.
Delhi, 24th July 2024
The Union Budget for the year 2024-2025, placed by the Finance Minister in Parliament on Tuesday, has completely deceived Safai Karmachari community. There is no mention of persons engaged in manual scavenging, in entire Budget. Even the scheme meant for the rehabilitation of manual scavengers (SRMS) has been outrageously scrapped. This disappointing budget has once again demonstrated the clear apathy of union government towards Safai Karmacharis, especially the manual scavengers.
It is a fact that manual scavenging is still blatantly and illegally practised in many parts of country, specifically in states like UP, MP, Bihar, J&K. Providing no budget for the rehabilitation of manual scavengers simply means that this government has no intention to eradicate manual scavenging, and it has even refused to recognise manual scavengers as human beings. This government has no respect for human life and human dignity.
Turning a blind eye, Ramdas Athawale, Union Minister for Social Justice and Empowerment, has been giving false statements about non-existence of manual scavenging.
Even today his statement in the Parliament implied that there is no instance of manual scavenging in the country, which ironically contradicts the results of survey of NITI Aayog itself. This inhuman and apathetic attitude of concerned minister is resulting into non-allocation of any budget for welfare of manual scavengers. He has not just done this deliberately, but also displayed his inhuman approach even while sitting in the office of Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment.
On the other hand, the situation on the ground is completely opposite. Manual scavengers are even afraid to reveal their identity to state. In many instances, state governments with the help of Police are threatening the manual scavengers with arrest, if they continue to do manual scavenging. In such situation, they are not revealing identities necessary to provide a self-declaration. This gives governments an opportunity to absolve themselves of any responsibility for rehabilitation of manual scavengers or provide them with alternative dignified livelihood.
The Safai Karmachari community demands that the Prime Minister should come out with a white paper on work done by government for manual scavengers in last 10 years. He should also announce a special package for liberation and rehabilitation of manual scavengers.
Bezwada Wilson
National Convener,
Safai Karmachari Andolan
9311234793
National Convenor
Safai Karmchari Andolan,
36 / 13 Ground Floor, East Patel Nagar
New Delhi - 110 008
Mob - 9311234793 , Ph-01125863166
www.safaikarmchariandolan.org
e-mail skandolan@gmail.com
Teacher ‘tortures’ Dalit Boy who refused to pluck fruit
The Basic Education Officer in Bareilly suspended the accused teacher
Published - July 23, 2024 10:54 pm IST - Lucknow
A teacher at a primary school in Kuladia locality in Bareilly district was suspended on July 23 for allegedly beating a class four student hailing from the Dalit community who refused to pluck fruits for her inside the school. The Basic Education Officer in Bareilly suspended the accused teacher, Rani Gangwar who allegedly locked the pupil inside a classroom and beat him.
A First Information Report (FIR) has been registered under section 352 (intentional insult with intent to provoke breach of peace) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) along with Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, and other sections.
'உங்களை கண்டு நாங்கள் ஏன் பயப்பட வேண்டும்': பகுஜன் சமாஜ் கட்சி தலைவர் கொலை தொடர்பாக தமிழக கட்சிகளுக்கு பா.ரஞ்சித் சவால்
அவரது திரைப்படங்களில் தலித் அடையாளத்தை எடுத்துரைத்த திரைப்படத் தயாரிப்பாளர், ஆம்ஸ்ட்ராங்கின் கொலையைத் தாண்டி, தலித் இழப்பு மற்றும் அதிகாரமின்மைக்குப் பின்னால் உள்ள ஆழமான, அமைப்பு ரீதியான பிரச்சினைகளை பலர் ஒப்புக்கொண்டதை தட்டிக் கேட்கிறார்.
கொல்லப்பட்ட தமிழக பிஎஸ்பி தலைவர் கே ஆம்ஸ்ட்ராங் (இடது) மற்றும் பா ரஞ்சித் (எக்ஸ்பிரஸ் கோப்பு புகைப்படங்கள்)மாநில பிஎஸ்பி தலைவர் கே ஆம்ஸ்ட்ராங் கொலையை "கும்பல் போட்டியுடன்" தொடர்புபடுத்த தமிழக காவல்துறை முயன்று, இதுவரை பல குற்றவாளிகளை கைது செய்துள்ள நிலையில், தலித் ஆர்வலர்கள் பலர் இந்த சம்பவத்தை பயன்படுத்தி "பாரபட்சம் மற்றும் அநீதி" என்ற பிரச்சினையை முன்னிலைப்படுத்தியுள்ளனர். சமூக மற்றும் அரசியல் துறைகளில் உள்ள பட்டியல் சாதியினர் (SCs).
சனிக்கிழமையன்று, முன்னணி திரைப்படத் தயாரிப்பாளரும் தலித் ஆர்வலருமான பா.ரஞ்சித், ஆம்ஸ்ட்ராங் கொலைக்கு எதிர்ப்புத் தெரிவிக்கும் வகையில் சென்னையில் "நீதிக்கான பேரணியை" ஏற்பாடு செய்தார். SCகளுக்கு போதுமான அரசியல் இடத்தை "மறுத்த" ஆளும் திமுக உட்பட முக்கிய கட்சிகள் மீது கடுமையான தாக்குதலைத் தொடுத்தார். கபாலி (2016) மற்றும் ரஜினிகாந்த் நடித்த காலா (2018) உள்ளிட்ட சில முக்கிய படங்களை ரஞ்சித் தயாரித்துள்ளார் - இவை வலுவான அரசியல் செய்திகளால் குறிக்கப்படுகின்றன.
ஒரு முக்கிய தலித் முகமான ஆம்ஸ்ட்ராங்கிற்கு நெருக்கமான ரஞ்சித்தின் நீலம் கலாச்சார மையம் இந்த பேரணியை ஏற்பாடு செய்தது. கூட்டத்தில் உரையாற்றிய ரஞ்சித், "அண்ணா (மூத்த சகோதரர் ஆம்ஸ்ட்ராங்) சென்னை நகரத்தில் ஒரு சக்திவாய்ந்த தலைவர்" என்றும், "அவரது கொலைக்குப் பின்னால் பெரிய சதி இருக்கலாம்" என்றும் கூறினார். ஆம்ஸ்ட்ராங் கொல்லப்பட்டது குறித்து விரிவான போலீஸ் விசாரணை நடத்த வேண்டும் என்று அவர் கோரினார்.
காவல்துறையின் கூற்றுப்படி, சரணடைந்த ஆம்ஸ்ட்ராங் ஆசாமிகளின் வாக்குமூலங்கள், "வரலாற்றுத் தாள் ஆற்காடு சுரேஷின் கொலைக்குப் பழிவாங்கும் நடவடிக்கையாக அவர் கொல்லப்பட்டார்" என்பதைக் குறிக்கிறது, அவர் தலித் சமூகத்தைச் சேர்ந்தவர்.
The police verified the identities of these assailants with the faces of those caught in the CCTV footage recovered from the crime scene, stating that one of them was Suresh’s brother Ponnai V Baalu. The police investigation found that Suresh and Armstrong had a rivalry as both were involved in solving disputes on behalf of various parties in connection with a major financial scam allegedly involving Aarudhra Gold Trading that defrauded over one lakh depositors of a total of Rs 2,438 crore between September 2020 and May 2022.
Even as the police probe has officially ruled out political and communal motives in Armstrong’s murder, several Dalits groups have not accepted its version. Armstrong was hacked to death outside his under-construction house in Chennai’s Perambur on July 5.
In his fiery speech at the rally that struck a chord with the gathering, Ranjith said that since the days of the Justice Party – the pre-Independence ideological forerunner of the present-day Dravidian parties – “Dalits have been denied everything”. “We are the children of Ambedkar, Ayodhidas Panditar, John Rathinam, Rettamalai Srinivasan, Meenammal, and even MC Rajah, who left Justice Party after being ignored. Why should we fear? Are you feeding us? Did you give us jobs? Why should we be afraid of you? Madras has more than 40% Dalits. This is a warning,” Ranjith said, reminding the ruling DMK and the principal Opposition AIADMK of their “Dalit vote bank”.
Ranjith said Armstrong fought against the discriminatory practices of Hinduism and promoted Buddhism, building the Buddhist temples. “His recent overt Buddhist life, especially after his child’s birth, may also be a reason for his murder. The Chennai city mayor (R Priya from the DMK) could get her post because of Dalit reservation. Remember that,” Ranjith said, charging that even the DMK’s SC leaders and legislators “do not stand up for Dalit leaders like Armstrong, even after his death”.
“How many MPs are you preventing from admiring Dalit leaders? How many honour killings have occurred? How many years have we suffered due to caste? Be it DMK or AIADMK, when our leaders are murdered, if you can’t even condole their death, aren’t you slaves? We are not slaves. We are the children of Ambedkar. We will not resort to violence, but we will show our significance through our votes,” Ranjith said.
Ahead of the rally, VCK chief and DMK ally Thol Thirumavalavan, the MP and prominent Dalit leader, appealed to his supporters not to attend Ranjith’s event, charging that the latter’s call for the Dalit unity “helped the cause of Dalits’ opponents”.
Addressing Thirumavalavan in his speech, Ranjith said: “Thiruma, we will never stand against you. You are our voice. We will never abandon you. But remember, there is nothing wrong with new voices. When I started Neelam Centre, Armstrong never questioned me. He encouraged it. We need many voices, many leaders, to raise our voice. Thirumavalavan need not worry – we will never stand against you, regardless of political parties.”
Ranjith also said Dalits have been “running from pillar to post for justice” for many decades. “We went from Congress to Justice Party, then to DMK, then to AIADMK, and back to DMK. We have always been voting for DMK or AIADMK. But what have you done for us? When our leader dies, you ensure he is buried outside Chennai. If we demand a memorial for him in Chennai, can you get it done? To all political parties, including Communists, we are not represented adequately. Your Dalit MLAs and MPs never stood for us. Why not? Disqualify them. Do not treat our problems like those of other communities. Our issues are different. We will continue to make efforts to make you understand about our problems. Come out of your ignorance about us,” he said.
Underscoring Tamil Nadu’s long struggle for social justice, several experts point out that reservation and government welfare schemes have uplifted and empowered various vulnerable communities like Dalits significantly over the decades, but maintain that “a large section of them continues to be deprived of real inclusion, true representation, and equitable access to resources”.
They note that in rural belts of Tamil Nadu any Dalit assertion faces “fierce backlash, especially from backward communities, leading to high rate of violence against them”. Despite accounting for over 21% of the state’s population, Dalits hold few leadership roles in major parties. While a Dalit party like the VCK is a DMK ally, the BJP is also trying to woo the Dalit vote base, which has been traditionally courted by the Dravidian parties.
A section of the Dalit leaders and thinkers says while Armstrong’s murder might have been caused by a “gang rivalry” as claimed by police, it flagged a “deeper, systemic issue about the Dalit deprivation and disempowerment”.
Some of them make the point that “Several aspiring Dalit leaders like Armstrong are pushed into engaging with the dark aspects of the political economy, which undermines their political ambitions, trapping them in a cycle that prevents their growth within or outside the mainstream parties”.
Armstrong had a law degree and helped many Dalit youths to become lawyers. But he faced deprivations in his early life, going on to face at least eight criminal cases, including three cases of attempted murder, before emerging as an established political leader.
எழுத்தாளரும், தமிழ்நாடு சாக்கிய அருந்ததியர் சங்கத் தலைவருமான எம்.மதிவண்ணன், திமுக “சில அம்சங்களைச் சரி செய்ய வேண்டும்” ஆனால் ரஞ்சித் கட்சி மீது தாக்குதல் நடத்தியது “ஆச்சரியமானது” என்றார். “நம்முடைய அடிப்படை அமைப்பு சாதிவெறியாகவும், தலைவர்கள் பிராமணர்களாகவோ அல்லது பிராமணர்களுக்கு ஆதரவாகவோ இருந்தபோது, தமிழகத்தில் இதை உடைத்தது 1930களில் நீதிக்கட்சிதான். திருமாவளவன் போன்ற ஒரு தலித் தலைவரைப் பார்க்கும்போது, அவர் ஒரு தமிழ்ப் பியூரிட்டனில் இருந்து இப்போது ஜனநாயகத் தலைவராக பரிணமித்துள்ளார். மறுபுறம் ஆம்ஸ்ட்ராங் ஒரு உள்ளூர் தலைவராக இருந்தார், மேலும் அவர் யாருக்கும் அரசியல் அச்சுறுத்தலாக இருக்கவில்லை. அவர் தனது பாதிக்கப்படக்கூடிய நிலையில் இருந்து கணினியைப் பயன்படுத்த முயன்றார், துரதிர்ஷ்டவசமாக கொலை செய்யப்பட்டார்," என்று அவர் கூறினார்.
“ஆம்ஸ்ட்ராங் அரசியல் காரணங்களுக்காகவோ அல்லது அவரது சாதிக்காகவோ கொல்லப்படவில்லை என்பது இப்போது நிரூபிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது. இந்த இரண்டு அம்சங்களும் தெளிவாக இருக்கும் போது, ஆம்ஸ்ட்ராங் கொலையை அரசியல் ரீதியாக எடுத்துச் சொல்லும் ரஞ்சித்தின் நகர்வு கவனிக்கப்பட வேண்டிய ஒன்று” என்று மதிவண்ணன் கூறினார்.
- Madhya Pradesh diverts SC/ST funds for cows, religious sites
A state finance department official said that while this is exceptional, the fact is that people from SC and ST communities will also benefit from the spend.
Madhya Pradesh is diverting some of the funds meant for welfare of scheduled castes (SC) and scheduled tribes (ST) under a fully centrally funded sub-plan, for developing religious sites, museums and for funding cow welfare, this year, according to documents reviewed by HT and government officials familiar with the matter.
A state finance department official said that while this is exceptional, the fact is that people from SC and ST communities will also benefit from the spend. State finance minister Jagdish Devda declined to comment on the diversion.
According to documents reviewed by HT, of ₹252 crore meant for cow welfare (Gau Samvardhan and Pashi Samvardhan), ₹95.76 crore has been allocated from SC/ST sub-plan. The cow welfare fund has increased from about ₹90 crore last year.
For redevelopment of six religious sites, almost half of the money allocated for the current financial years is from the SC/ST sub-plan. The government in the budget presented in July announced ₹109 crore for developing Shri Devi Mahalok, Salkanpur in Sehore, Saint Shri Ravidas Mahalok, Sagar, Shri Ram Raja Mahalok Orchha, Shri Ramchandra Vanvasi-Mahalok, Chitrakut and for a memorial of former prime minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee in Gwalior.
Madhya Pradesh is the second state after Karnataka to divert funds from the SC/ST sub-plan for other schemes. Karnataka decided to take ₹14,000 crore from the sub-plan for funding its welfare scheme, following which the National Commission for Scheduled Castes had issued a show cause notice to the state chief secretary seeking an explanation.
The ST sub-plan was introduced in 1974 and SC sub-plan in 1979-80 to implement provisions of Article 46 of the Constitution that provides for states to care for promotion of education and economic interests of the weaker sections. Under the scheme, the Central provides 100% special assistance to states to fund their SC/ST sub-plans.
The finance department official cited above added: “The use of the amount of SC/ST sub-plan in general sub-plan is an exception. The situation of using it in infrastructure works arises only in special cases and those belonging to SC and ST communities will also get direct/indirect benefit of infrastructure works. Under the budgetary system, there is no prohibition on transferring the SC/ST sub-plan money for general sub-plan as per requirement.”
A tribal department officer, requesting anonymity, said, “The religious corridors and museum will have shops where people of all categories including SC/ST will get employment opportunity. The artwork will be done in the corridors to promote tribal tradition. The allocated budget will be used for the same.”
However,experts said the diversion of the SC/ST sub-plan is misuse of the Central scheme.
Tribal affairs expert Vinesh Jha, who has worked with tribals in three states, said it’s a violation of guidelines laid by the erstwhile Planning Commission for the sub-plan.
“The guidelines for SCSP (Scheduled Caste Sub-Plan) and TSP (Tribal Sub-Plan) in the Eleventh Five Year Plan were framed by the Planning Commission. According to it, the department should place the funds earmarked for SCSP and TSP under a separate minor head to ensure their non-diversion to any other scheme and include only those schemes under SCSP and TSP which ensure direct benefits to individuals or families belonging to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. These are meant for area-oriented schemes which directly benefit hamlets/villages which have more than 40 % Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes population,” added Jha.
Using SC/ST sub plan (sub scheme) for the construction of temples, museum and cow shelters is not justifiable and permissible, he added
Supporting Jha, another tribal activist Vikram Achaliya said, “Conservation of cows can’t contribute anything in the development of SC/ST people. Everybody knows the cow shelters run on no profit and no loss basis. Even if they open the cow shelters in SC/ST populated area, it has nothing to do with welfare of SC/ST population, so it is a direct misuse of funds by the government .”
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https://www.verdictum.in/columns/eighth-amendment-and-the-evolution-of-reservation-policies-addressing-historical-injustice-and-ensuring-equitable-representation-1545091
- Friday, July 24, 2024
“I Don’t Know Who He Is”, DMK Minister Sekar Babu When Reporters Asked Him About Director Pa. Ranjith’s Criticism Over DMK On Armstrong’s Murder
The verbal exchanges between the members of the DMK and Kollywood director Pa. Ranjith, known for his advocacy of Dravidian ideology, have intensified amid growing tensions, especially in light of the recent murder of Bahujan Samaj Party leader K Armstrong. Pa. Ranjith has sharply criticized the DMK for failing to protect marginalized communities, particularly Scheduled Castes, and has called for a CBI investigation due to perceived delays in the state government’s efforts to apprehend the main perpetrators. Minister P.K. Sekar Babu, responding to Ranjith’s criticism, dismissed it by stating he doesn’t know who Ranjith is, brushing aside the filmmaker’s concerns.
The murder of Armstrong, the BSP state president, has sparked significant political unrest in Tamil Nadu, where there have been several recent political killings. Against this backdrop, on 20 July 2024, the Neelam Cultural Centre orchestrated the #MarchforJustice Rally, commencing from the Ramada Hotel to Rajarathinam Stadium and concluding at the Neelam Cultural Centre. The rally aimed to draw attention to the murder of BSP State President Armstrong and put forth the following decisive demands:
- Conduct a fair investigation into the murder of BSP State President Armstrong and punish the real culprits. If the investigation is not proceeding correctly, establish a special commission chaired by a sitting High Court judge.
- Investigate the background of the Arudra company fraud to expose the involvement of various members in the murder and uncover the truth, as recent investigations indicate significant financial transactions.
- Provide adequate protection to Dalit leaders and activists in Tamil Nadu, given the dire need highlighted by the attack on a political figure of great stature, the state president of a national party, and a leader admired by the masses.
- Prevent the police from conducting extrajudicial encounters with accused individuals who have been arrested or have surrendered, as seen in the case of Thiruvengadam. Trace the chain of command involved in the murder of Bahujan Samaj Party State President Armstrong and ensure that all perpetrators are brought to justice without prejudice.
- Take appropriate legal action against individuals and groups producing defamatory content against Armstrong on social media and media platforms following his successful defamation case before his death.
- Establish a committee of Dalit representatives and intellectuals to investigate the recent violence against Dalits in Tamil Nadu and take appropriate action based on the committee’s report.
- The Union Government should immediately set up a parliamentary committee to investigate the ongoing violence against Dalits in Tamil Nadu.
- Address the lack of notable progress in trials of caste atrocity cases despite the creation of the Tamil Nadu Adi Dravidian and Tribal Commission by the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam government. Ensure the commission’s activities are conducted firmly and promptly.
These demands largely critique the perceived inefficiencies of the DMK government and underscore concerns over the propagation of Dravidianist ideologies against Armstrong.
Also, Pa. Ranjith, speaking at the March for Justice Rally, openly derided DMK ministers as subservient and questioned scheduled caste representatives for their absence at the funeral of another marginalized leader. He challenged whether their reluctance stemmed from fear of losing their positions, emphasizing that the scheduled caste population in Chennai constitutes 40%, asserting their pivotal role in determining electoral outcomes.
Pa. Ranjith said, “You can scare us all you want. We are not slaves who joined the party as cadres and won MLA. There are women here, ‘You’re not Mayor because you are in DMK. You’ve been made Mayor because there is a word called Reservation. Kayalvizhi Selvaraj should understand why she was appointed Minister for Adi Dravidar Welfare because of reservation. The reservation that was bought by Ambedkar you’ve all earned it, How many MPs, MLAs are there, can you not visit Armstrong’s funeral, what are you afraid of? Can’t you all get together? When will you get rid of this fear? Is your party controlling you? If you don’t speak or fight for the Dalits, then why should you stand in reservation and win.”
Previously, Kollywood director Pa. Ranjith criticized the DMK through his official X account, stating, “We buried the body of brother Mr Armstrong, the state president of Bahujan Samaj Party, who was the victim of a cowardly and brutal murder, without any fuss or tension nor causing any law and order problem. In this life after him, we will carry out the politics of Babasaheb Dr Ambedkar with more determination, even in his brother’s absence. That will be our debt of gratitude to our brother, Mr. Armstrong. Jai Bhim!”“Here are a few questions regarding this for the DMK-led Tamil Nadu government and those who are spreading hatred on social media:
- The murder took place very close to Sembiyam Police Station in Chennai. With this, we can understand the fear of the killers about the law and order in Tamil Nadu. So, what action plan will you create to restore law and order and prevent such an incident from happening again?
- The police department has announced that they have done this to avenge the murder of Arcot Suresh based on the confessions given by the assailants who confessed to the murder and surrendered. The police are only interested in closing the case based on what the surrenderers say. Who planned this? Who directed them? Has the police department concluded that there is no other background for this? What is the police’s position regarding Arudra being behind this? Why are you so indifferent by allowing to surf so many news stories that you don’t know what’s true and what’s false? Why does the media refuse to question this?
- When will the government address the recent threat to Dalit people and Dalit leaders? How will their safety be ensured? If this government has created an environment where it is effortless to kill the great leader who was the bulwark of the Dalit people in the capital, it is scary to think of other rural towns in Tamil Nadu. The Tamil Nadu government should let us know its plans to eliminate this tension and threat.
- It seems that it was deliberately prevented from burying our brother’s body in Perambur. At the end of the almost two-day drama, we were unwillingly forced to bury him in Pottur, a suburban village outside Chennai. Even though the DMK government has the power, it has resorted to the court and said that this area is not included in the law and order system. Still, this government is doing a massive act of deceit by not allowing him to bury his body in Perampur, where he lived. Undoubtedly, the question of whether this government cares about Dalit people and Dalit leaders will arise.
- The most important reason for the DMK government to come to power was the votes of the substantial Dalit population, which is history. Aren’t you aware that Dalits are the biggest supporters of your regime? Or are you knowingly indifferent? I cast my vote to put you in power. It is with that in mind that I pose these questions. Is social justice just for votes?
- The social justice guards and some media were creating an alternative story on the websites, not knowing how to deal with the law and order problem that arose due to our brother’s murder, writing judgments on the person that ‘He is a rowdy’, ‘how can killing a rowdy be seen as a law and order problem’, a doer of extortion’, ‘involved in many criminal cases’. What or Who is behind speaking such conjectures before the horror of the murder subsides?
- Dominant class! You call rowdyism when we rise for the sake of our self-respect. You can satisfy yourself by creating such stories against the one who gave away lakhs of books to all comers, who himself would bring liberation to human society, and who promoted Buddhism in the Babasaheb way. However, as each of us knows, words cannot describe the upsurge we have received from those who rise against oppression like Brother Armstrong.
In conclusion, I have been fascinated by the love of my brother since my childhood. After I came to the screen, he was always concerned about my growth and safety, keeping me in the safety loop. He devoted himself uncompromisingly to the political path of Babasaheb Ambedkar. I consider losing my brother as the most significant setback in my life. His words and thoughts will guide me (us) to fix this. Jay bhim!”
Following this, Minister Sekar Babu addressed the press after conducting a field survey near the Stanley Hospital flyover, where he was questioned about comments made by Director Pa. Ranjith regarding support for the DMK. When reporters asked about Ranjith’s remarks, Mayor Priya intervened to clarify the question. In response, Sekar Babu stated that he did not recognize the name “Ranjith” as a director and suggested that he might know him if he were a politician. Minister Sekar Babu said, “I don’t know who he is. I may know him if he were a politician.” This remark has sparked criticism on social media platforms.
UT News...
He will not know good people.He knows only.....
Forum condemns termination of 300 teachers of tribal welfare schools
Published - July 23, 2024 07:00 pm IST - MADURAI
Activists and associations condemned the termination of 300 teachers who were working in Adi Dravidar and Tribal Welfare Schools in Tamil Nadu. They also demanded the immediate reemployment of the teachers as the education of the students was being affected.
.........THIS IS DRAVIDIAN MODEL RULE........
