01.08.2024.UT NEWS.Untouchables News.Chennai.600026.by Si😉vaji and Team.9444917060.asivaji1962@gmail.com
Exclude ’creamy layer’ from SC, ST reservations, rules Supreme Court- The Supreme Court ruled that states must identify the 'creamy layer' within the SCs and STs and exclude them from quota benefits.
The Supreme Court ruled on Thursday, August 1, that states must identify ‘creamy layer’ in the Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) and exclude them from quota benefits. The Supreme Court also ruled by a majority judgment that sub-classification within the SC and STs reservation is permissible, overruling the earlier order in the EV Chinnaiah matter that sub-classification was not permissible as SC/STs form “homogenous classes”.
Besides Chief Justice Chandrachud, other judges on the bench were Justices BR Gavai, Vikram Nath, Bela M Trivedi, Pankaj Mithal, Manoj Misra, and Satish Chandra Sharma.
What is a ‘creamy layer’ within castes and tribes? ‘Creamy layer’ are a category of persons within reserved categories – scheduled castes and scheduled tribes in this case – that are economically and socially advanced.
Speaking on the ‘creamy layer' within the SCs and STs, Justice BR Gavai said there are categories within the scheduled castes and tribes that have been oppressed for centuries, holding that the state governments must identify them.
“State must evolve a policy to identify creamy layer among the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes category and exclude them from the fold of affirmative action," Justice Gavai was quoted as saying by Live Law. That, he said, was the only way to achieve equality.
Justice Gavai also held that the criteria for identifying the creamy layer among SCs/STs should differ from those used for the Other Backward Castes (OBCs).
Agreeing with Justice Gavai's observations, Justice Pankaj Mithal stated that reservation among SCs and STs has to be limited to the first generation. He said it should not be extended to the second generation if any member of the first generation has reached higher status through reservation.
“It is also commonly known that disparities and social discrimination, which is highly prevalent in the rural areas, start diminishing when one travels to the urban and metropolitan areas. I have no hesitation to hold that putting a child studying in St. Paul's High School and St. Stephen's College and a child studying in a small village in the backward and remote area of the country in the same bracket would obliviate the equality principle enshrined in the Constitution,” Justice Gavai stated.
He held, “Putting the children of the parents from the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes who on account of benefit of reservation have reached a high position and ceased to be socially, economically and educationally backward and the children of parents doing manual work in the villages in the same category would defeat the constitutional mandate.”
(With agency inputs)
Buddhism & Reincarnation.
Do you Buddhists believe in rebirth as an animal in the next life? Are you going to be a dog or a cow in the future? Does the soul transmigrate into the body of another person or some animal? What is the difference between transmigration and reincarnation? Is it the same as rebirth? Is karma the same as fate? These and a hundred similar questions are often put to me.
A gross misunderstanding of about Buddhism exists today, especially in the notion of reincarnation. The common misunderstanding is that a person has led countless previous lives, usually as an animal, but somehow in this life he is born as a human being and in the next life he will be reborn as an animal, depending on the kind of life he has lived.
This misunderstanding arises because people usually do not know-how to read the sutras or sacred writings. It is said that the Buddha left 84,000 teachings; the symbolic figure represents the diverse backgrounds characteristics, tastes, etc. of the people. The Buddha taught according to the mental and spiritual capacity of each individual. For the simple village folks living during the time of the Buddha, the doctrine of reincarnation was a powerful moral lesson. Fear of birth into the animal world must have frightened many people from acting like animals in this life. If we take this teaching literally today we are confused because we cannot understand it rationally.
Herein lies our problem. A parable, when taken literally, does not make sense to the modern mind. Therefore we must learn to differentiate the parables and myths from actuality. However, if we learn to go beyond or transcend the parables and myths, we will be able to understand the truth.
People will say "If such is the case why not speak directly so that we will be able to come to an immediate grasp of the truth?" This statement is understandable, but truth is often inexpressible. [Ed comment: we as human beings are limited in understanding "Buddha Knowledge". We cannot speak TRUTH, only words ABOUT Truth] Thus, writers and teachers have often resorted to the language of the imagination to lead the reader from a lower to a higher truth. The doctrine of reincarnation is often understood in this light.
What Reincarnation is Not
Reincarnation is not a simple physical birth of a person; for instance, John being reborn as a cat in the next life. In this case John possesses an immortal soul which transforms to the form of a cat after his death. This cycle is repeated over and over again. Or if he is lucky, he will be reborn as a human being. This notion of the transmigration of the soul definitely does not exist in Buddhism.
Karma
Karma is a Sanskrit word from the root "Kri" to do or to make and simply means "action." It operates in the universe as the continuous chain reaction of cause and effect. It is not only confined to causation in the physical sense but also it has moral implications. "A good cause, a good effect; a bad cause a bad effect" is a common saying. In this sense karma is a moral law.
Now human beings are constantly giving off physical and spiritual forces in all directions. In physics we learn that no energy is ever lost; only that it changes form. This is the common law of conservation of energy. Similarly, spiritual and mental action is never lost. It is transformed. Thus Karma is the law of the conservation of moral energy.
By actions, thoughts, and words, man is releasing spiritual energy to the universe and he is in turn affected by influences coming in his direction. Man is therefore the sender and receiver of all these influences. The entire circumstances surrounding him is his karma.
With each action-influence he sends out and at the same time, receives, he is changing. This changing personality and the world he lives in, constitute the totality of his karma.
Karma should not be confused with fate. Fate is the notion that man's life is preplanned for him by some external power, and he has no control over his destiny. Karma on the other hand, can be changed. Because man is a conscious being he can be aware of his karma and thus strive to change the course of events. In the Dhammapada we find the following words, "All that we are is a result of what we have thought, it is founded on our thoughts and made up of our thoughts."
What we are, then, is entirely dependent on what we think. Therefore, the nobility of man's character is dependent on his"good" thoughts, actions, and words. At the same time, if he embraces degrading thoughts, those thoughts invariably influence him into negative words and actions.
The World
Traditionally, Buddhism teaches the existence of the ten realms of being. At the top is Buddha and the scale descends as follows: Bodhisattva (an enlightened being destined to be a Buddha, but purposely remaining on earth to teach others), Pratyeka Buddha (a Buddha for himself), Sravka (direct disciple of Buddha), heavenly beings (superhuman [angels?]), human beings, Asura (fighting spirits), beasts, Preta (hungry ghosts), and depraved men (hellish beings).
Now, these ten realms may be viewed as unfixed, nonobjective worlds, as mental and spiritual states of mind. These states of mind are created by men's thoughts, actions, and words. In other words, psychological states. These ten realms are "mutually immanent and mutually inclusive, each one having in it the remaining nine realms." For example, the realm of human beings has all the other nine states (from hell to Buddhahood). Man is at the same time capable of real selfishness, creating his own hell, or is truly compassionate, reflecting the compassion of Amida Buddha. Buddhas too have the other nine realms in their minds, for how can a Buddha possibly save those in hell if he himself does not identify with their suffering and guide them to enlightenment.
The Lesson
We can learn a valuable lesson from the teaching of reincarnation.
In what realm do you now live? If you are hungry for power, love, and self-recognition, you live in the Preta world, or hungry ghosts. If you are motivated only by thirsts of the human organism, you are existing in the world of the beast.
Consider well then your motives and intentions. Remember that man is characteristically placed at the midpoint of the ten stages; he can either lower himself abruptly or gradually into hell or through discipline, cultivation and the awakening of faith rise to the Enlightened state of the Buddha.
Sabitha conspired to deny LoP position to a Dalit: Bhatti Vikramarka
Deputy Chief Minister Mallu Bhatti Vikramarka accused BRS MLA Sabitha Indra Reddy of sabotaging his continuation as the Leader of Opposition (LoP) in the previous Assembly by joining BRS after getting elected on Congress ticket.
R Ravikanth Reddy
Intervening in the discussion after Ms. Sabitha Indra Reddy took objection to Chief Minister A. Revanth Reddy’s remarks on her for defecting to the BRS, he claimed that she was part of the “BRS conspiracy to snatch the LoP status from a Dalit leader”.
“I am the first Dalit LoP ever appointed in the State’s history and you left the party to deny me that position despite pleading with you,” he said, adding that he should be hurt by her decision and not the other way around.
Seen in an attack mode, Mr. Vikramarka reminded that Congress was generous to offer her a ticket in 2004 elections, though she was never in the Congress. Later, she was made a Minister with important portfolios and after enjoying power for a decade during Congress rule, she left the party when it was down, he lamented.
Her son, Karthik Reddy, was given the Parliament ticket in 2014 from Chevella, which he lost. What else the Congress could have done to help her, he asked. It is ridiculous that she is feeling hurt for reminding all these, he said.
Courtesy : The Hindu
A Dalit girl’s struggles: Rajani Palamparambil’s inspiring autobiography now a university read
‘Aa Nellimaram Pullanu,’ the autobiography written by Rajani Palamparambil, has been approved as a textbook by Mahatma Gandhi University in Kottayam. This compelling account of Rajani’s life, a native of Kaduthuruthy, has been included in the BA Malayalam syllabus. The book, published in 2021, also marks Rajani’s debut as an author.
For many Malayalis, the gooseberry tree evokes sweet memories of school days, but for Rajani, it symbolizes a deep wound inside. Her autobiography recounts the mistreatment and hardships she endured as a Dalit girl during her student years.
Rajani, the youngest of six children, was born to parents who worked as dailywage labourers. She is currently employed temporarily as part of the digital resurvey project. Rajani turned to writing following the unexpected death of her husband. Expressing her joy over the inclusion of her book in the university syllabus, Rajani remarked, “I am happy that students will also learn that lives used to be this way too.”
Rajani studied up to the 10th standard at Kaduthuruthy Government High School. Due to her dark complexion, she was often ridiculed and called “Karumbi”. While students from forward castes usually received favourable treatment at the school, Rajani recalls that her Malayalam teachers appreciated and loved her because she excelled in the subject.
“My house, with its thatched roof, was nestled right in the middle of a paddy field. The mud-laden boundaries of the fields served as the pathway to my home. While poets may romanticize these scenic fields and boundaries (Varambu), we had to traverse the Varambu, which reeked of mud and was infested with venomous snakes and crabs. The fields would flood in June and July, making the journey to school even harder. We walked to school, constantly fearing the snakes along the way.”
“During the rainy seasons, as water entered our house, so did the snakes. My father would build a platform using areca palm, and we would position ourselves on that platform. Once the water receded, our house would be left full of mud,” Rajani describes her childhood.
Rajani pursued her degree at NSS College Changanassery and later joined CMS College, Kottayam, for an MA in Sociology. However, she was married off before completing the first year of the course and had to abandon her studies at that point. Three years after her daughter was born, Rajani earned a BEd degree. Tragically, her husband passed away sometime later. Following this, she started working in various fields, including as an SC promoter, in vacancies reported by the Employment Exchange, and as a cashier in a drug store.
Although Rajani passed the Kerala PSC examinations twice, she did not secure a government job as the list expired before her name was called. Now 46 years old, Rajani’s daughter, Aparna Mohan, has completed her MSW, while her son, Anand Mohan, has passed his plus two.
“I am so disappointed that in a state like Kerala, where people always blame those in reserved and scheduled categories for unduly taking over all rights, I have been unable to secure a job even after receiving so much education,” Rajani says.
Following her debut book, ‘Aa Nellimaram Pullanu,’ Rajani has also published another book titled ‘Penn Kanal Rekhakal.’ She is currently busy authoring an anthology of short stories
Courtesy : ONMANORAMA
Social Security Budget: A Forgotten Footnote
Social Security Budget: A Forgotten Footnote
Asmi Sharma
The government’s budgetary allocations and poor implementation of welfare policies paint a concerning picture of oversight and disregard.
The Economic Survey of India 2023-24 warns of an approaching demographic crisis, emphasising the immediate necessity for policy interventions to tackle the care requirements of India’s ageing population. The India Ageing Report 2023 cautions of similar issues. The report suggests that senior citizens are facing chronic illnesses, physical limitations, especially in rural areas.
Estimates indicate that by 2050, 20.8% of the population will be elderly, signalling a need for sustained long-term action. The biggest challenge for the government is to meet the welfare needs of crores of economically vulnerable individuals.
In the inaugural budget of the 18th Lok Sabha, the finance minister’s solitary mention of the word ‘welfare’ stood out as a clear signal that the Union Budget 2024-25 would be devoid of any substantial policy commitment or allocations to address these concerns.
Budget 2024-25 prioritises the demands of the organised sector and salaried classes while completely neglecting the economic and social security of millions of informal and unorganised sector workers. The Union government appears to prefer appeasing political allies through large expenditures rather than spend on the social sector. In this budget, Rs 15,000 crore is allocated for building Andhra Pradesh’s capital, Amravati, and Rs 20000 crore for building the Bodhgaya temple corridor and highways in Bihar which is more than the budget allocated to welfare schemes like National Social Assistance Programme (NSAP), PM POSHAN, Smarthya etc.
There were (low) expectations that the new government’s first budget would include allocations to meaningfully address these challenges. However, the decreased and stagnant spending on social security makes it evident that these issues continue to hold little importance for the government.
The India Ageing report finds that presently close to six crore elderly in India fall into the poorest wealth category and approximately 18.7% of the elderly live without any income. Despite this, the allocation to the NSAP, a core centrally sponsored scheme that provides non-contributory income support of Rs 200 to the elderly and Rs 300 to widows and persons with disabilities, has been increased by only Rs 16 crore.
The budget allocated to this critical social security scheme has declined to a mere 0.2% of the total budget outlay. As pension amounts and lists of beneficiaries remain unrevised, the allocation for the programme has remained constant at Rs 9,500 crore since 2016-17.
When adjusted to inflation, the allocations have seen a decline in real terms. With declining Union budgets, the fiscal burden of ensuring adequate pension amounts has shifted to the States. As a result, most States are now contributing 5 to 10 times more from their own budgets.
At a time when the country is reeling from an unemployment crisis, allocation for the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) is just Rs 86,000 crore. Despite the actual expenditure for FY 2022-23 being Rs 90,805 crore, the budget for FY 2023-24 was set at only Rs 60,000 crore. This was later revised to Rs 86,000 crore for FY 2023-24, which is the same as the budget estimate for FY 2024-25.
This is like adding a few more coins to a well and claiming it solves the drought issue. The People’s Action for Employment Guarantee (PAEG) suggests that Rs 2.72 lakh crore is required to fulfil the complete demand, highlighting the significant shortfall of the budget. PAEG calculated that Rs 2.72 lakh crore was required to meet the demand for 100 days of work for the 5.68 crore households in 2022-23.
With six crore households working in 2023-24, the MGNREGS budget is grossly inadequate to meet the demand. Currently, there are over 13 crore active workers enrolled in the programme. The Economic Survey of India acknowledges that the MGNREGS is being operated like a supply-based scheme, where employment is often unavailable when sought. Additionally, demand for work is not recorded on the portal when employment is provided. As a result, the actual demand for work exceeds what is shown on the Management Information System (MIS) portal, failing to reflect the true extent of rural distress.
The Budget for 2024-25 announced several schemes implemented through the Employees’ Provident Fund Organisation (EPFO) to support salaried employees and employers. One key measure is that the government will reimburse employers up to Rs 3,000 per month for two years towards their EPFO contributions for their employees. However, pension and economic security schemes for India’s 49.33 crore workers in the unorganised sector have not received the same level of attention.
The situation is not much better for contributory pension schemes either. The Atal Pension Yojana Scheme (APY) is a flagship contributory pension scheme of the Narendra Modi government for unorganised sector workers. For FY 2022-23, the actual expenditure incurred on APY was Rs 725 crore. During this period, the number of subscribers increased from four crore at the beginning of FY 2022-23 to 5.2 crore by the end of the financial year. Despite the number of subscribers rising to nearly 6.17 crore as of January 2024, the government’s contribution to the scheme has remained constant at Rs 512 crore since FY 2023-24.
Another contributory pension scheme of the Modi government, the Pradhan Mantri Shram Yogi Maan-Dhan (PM-SYM), saw a massive slash of Rs 173 crore. The scheme’s budget decreased from Rs 350 crore in 2023-24 to Rs 177 crore in 2024-25. The scheme was launched in 2019 with the objective of enrolling two crore workers per year. Since its implementation only 45 lakh workers have registered till date.
Despite demands of unorganised sector workers, they continue to be excluded from contributory schemes such as the EPFO and the Employees’ State Insurance Corporation (ESIC) which is designed specifically for the organised sector providing comprehensive social security benefits. Schemes for the unorganised sector, such as those integrated with the Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana, do not provide extensive social security. Instead, these schemes are merged with existing welfare programmes, which diminishes their focus on the specific needs of unorganised sector workers.
The budget speech also mentioned the development and integration of welfare schemes on the e-shram portal which was launched in August 2021 as a single platform for the registration of unorganised sector workers to facilitate their linking with various social security schemes. However, only 29.48 crore workers out of 49.33 total unorganised sector workers are registered on the platform.
Prior to the budget, the finance minister had stated that the main priority of the budget would be improving the “ease of living” for all citizens. The budget speech began by highlighting the intention of the government to focus on four key pillars — annadata (farmers), mahilayen (women), gareeb (poor) and yuva (youth). The failure to allocate substantial budgets to social security and welfare programmes undermine these stated priorities, resulting in significant financial gaps in schemes for support provided to crucial segments of the population. Despite having an opportunity to break from previous patterns, the Modi 3.0 government’s first budget remains disappointingly predictable.
As India’s economic ambitions soar, the government’s budgetary allocations and poor implementation of welfare policies paint a concerning picture of oversight and disregard. The significant reduction in important programmes indicate an ongoing neglect for the most at-risk individuals, keeping the advantages of economic growth just beyond the grasp of those who require them the most.
Asmi Sharma and Nancy Pathak are associated with Pension Parishad and Centre for Financial Accountability.
Courtesy: The Wire
BJP has attacked the rights of Dalits and backward classes |
BJP has attacked the rights of Dalits and backward classes |
Former minister and Jhajjar Congress MLA Geeta Bhukkal has accused the ruling BJP of attacking the rights of Dalits and backward classes. She has said that the basic ideology of BJP and RSS is anti-Dalit and anti-backward. That is why it is opposing the caste census. Geeta Bhukkal was talking to the media after meeting the Congress workers of the constituency at her residence.
She said that RSS had also opposed the constitution of Baba Saheb Bhimrao Ambedkar which gave reservation to Dalits and also the Mandal Commission which gave reservation to backward classes. Even today, the leaders and workers of RSS and BJP are running an anti-reservation agenda, because these people cannot see the empowerment of Dalits and backward classes. When Rahul Gandhi demanded caste census in the Parliament of the country, the panic of BJP leaders came in front of everyone. Along with this, the real face of BJP was exposed in front of the public.
Geeta Bhukkal said that today every section including Dalit, backward, poor general class and minority is supporting the caste census because it will tell who has what share in the population and who has what share in the government, politics and economy of the country. This will help in ensuring proper representation of all sections.
She also said that to end the reservation of backward classes in Haryana, BJP reduced the OBC creamy layer from 8 to 6 lakh.
This government has also closed five thousand schools teaching poor, farmer, SC and OBC children. Not only this, the present government has also stopped the Congress government’s scheme of giving scholarship and 100-yard plots to the children of deprived classes.
Courtesy: Dainik Tribune
Karnataka police open fire to arrest miscreants who chopped off Dalit man’s hand
On July 21, seven armed men came to the Dalit-dominated Malagalu village in Ramanagara near Bengaluru and attacked people, police said. Police arrested five of the accused, while Kaima and Kanna fled.
Karnataka police on Sunday arrested two miscreants, who were accused of attacking a Dalit man in Kanakapura in Nashik district earlier this month after allegedly chopping off his hand. They were arrested after police opened fire at Kagalipura on the outskirts of Bengaluru. Four of them, identified as Harsha Nee Kaima and Karunesh Nee Kanna, have been admitted to local hospitals.
On July 21, seven armed men attacked miscreants near Bengaluru. The gang is said to have chopped off the left hand of Aneesh Kumar, son of local Congress leader Vairamudi. Seven people, including two women, were injured in the attack.
The Kanakapura police have registered a case under Sections 118 (voluntarily causing hurt), 198 (unlawful assembly), 329 (criminal intimidation), 351 (criminal intimidation) and 76 (assault on woman with intent to outrage her modesty) of the Indian Penal Code and the Cretaceous and Striates Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Amendment Act.
The police suspect that the attack was carried out by a gang of outlaws. Kanakapura Assembly constituency MLA and graduate DK Shivakumar visited Aneesh Kumar in the hospital and directed the police to arrest the accused as soon as possible.
The police arrested five of the accused, while Kaima and Kanna escaped. The police took information about their arrest in Kaggalipura regarding their arrest. The assailants opened fire on the police in an attempt to escape and Inspector Mithun Shilpi prevented them from firing at them.
People of Dalit colony demonstrated demanding road construction
People of Dalit colony in ward 6 of Jagwan Panchayat of Bihar’s Madhbani block area did not get road facility even after 77 years of independence.
Bisfi. People of Dalit colony in ward 6 of Jagwan Panchayat of block area did not get road facility even after 77 years of independence. Due to which people of Dalit families are very upset. People of Dalit colony demonstrated regarding road problem. While raising slogans, they said that only people of Dalit caste reside in the ward. Till date no road has been built to go to the colony. Local people have built 25 feet road to go to the colony by doing voluntary labour.
Residents of the colony Nandu Ram, Ganita Devi, Sheela Devi, Sanju Devi etc. told that there is a lot of inconvenience in coming and going during marriage or other auspicious work. It is very difficult to go to the colony by bike. During rainy season, the Dalit colony is cut off from the Panchayat and block headquarters. One has to cross the water on foot. Bindeshwar Paswan, Vijay Paswan, Aghanu Baitha said that at the time of voting, the public representatives do give assurance of building the road. But after the voting, no public representative listens to the problems. The patient has to be carried on a cot for 1 kilometer to the main road. Local students Gudiya Kumari, Rakesh, Ritesh said that during the rainy season, due to waterlogging, the people of this colony are unable to go to school. The local people have demanded the district administration and public representatives to build the road immediately. Regarding this, the people of the colony came on the road and demonstrated for building the road.
Dalit bodies put up stiff resistance against bestowing SC status on converts
Published - August 01, 2024 07:41 pm IST - KOCHI
Former Chief Justice of India K.G. Balakrishnan, who heads the inquiry commission with commission member Sushma Yadav during a public hearing at the district collectorate on Thursday. | Photo Credit: Special Arrangement
Dalit organisations have overwhelmingly opposed bestowing Scheduled Caste status, and by extension reservation benefits, to Dalits converted to Christianity and Islam.
A majority of the organisations aired their stiff opposition at the public hearing of the inquiry commission headed by former Chief Justice of India K.G. Balakrishnan looking into whether Dalit converts to religions other than Sikhism or Buddhism should get SC status, at the collectorate on August 1 (Thursday). Apart from Justice Balakrishnan, who declined to address the media, commission members Ravindar Kumar Jain and Sushma Yadav were present.
Supreme Court SC, ST sub-quota order: Parties have tried to push this their own way for 50 years
Punjab first, followed by Haryana, Andhra, and later others, introduced sub-categories in quota to compensate those more unequal than others due to historical reasons
A seven-judge Supreme Court Bench has decided to strike down the EV Chinnaiah vs State of Andhra Pradesh judgment that barred sub-classification of Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) for reservation.மாநிலங்களில் மிகவும் பிற்படுத்தப்பட்ட சாதிகளை மேம்படுத்துவதற்கு, பட்டியல் சாதிகள் (எஸ்சி) மற்றும் பழங்குடியினர் (எஸ்டி) ஆகிய பிரிவுகளுக்குள் துணை வகைகளை உருவாக்குவதற்கு அரசியலமைப்பு ரீதியாக மாநிலங்களுக்கு அதிகாரம் உள்ளது என்று உச்ச நீதிமன்றம் வியாழக்கிழமை கூறியது. இருப்பினும், அரசியல் இந்த பிளவுகளுக்கு மிகவும் முன்னதாகவே பதிலளித்தது.
1975 இல் பஞ்சாபின் காங்கிரஸ் முதல்வராக கியானி ஜைல் சிங், 1994 இல் ஹரியானாவின் காங்கிரஸ் முதல்வராக பஜன் லால், 1997 இல் ஆந்திரப் பிரதேச முதல்வராக தெலுங்கு தேசம் கட்சியின் சந்திரபாபு நாயுடு , அனைவரும் எஸ்சி ஒதுக்கீட்டை துணைக் குழுக்களாகப் பிரித்தனர். தலித்துகளில் மிகவும் தாழ்த்தப்பட்டவர்கள். பின்னர், பீகார் முதல்வராக இருந்த நிதிஷ் குமார், மறைந்த ராம்விலாஸ் பாஸ்வானின் லோக் ஜனசக்தி கட்சியின் ஆதரவாளர்களாகக் கருதப்பட்ட துசாத்களைத் தவிர தலித்துகளை அடைய மகாதலித் பிரிவை உருவாக்கினார்.
Case filed in the case of molestation of a Dalit girl who had gone to the tubewell, accused arrested
Jalalpur Ambedkar Nagar. A case of molestation of a Dalit girl who had gone to the tubewell and forcing her by luring her with money has come to light. On the complaint, the police have started action by filing a case against the accused under various sections including POCSO and SC/ST Act.
The case is of a village in Katka police station area. A village resident complained to the police and said that my 15-year-old niece had gone to Kanhaiya Yadav’s tubewell of the same village to take out the pipe for irrigation of paddy on Thursday. Then the opponent caught her hand and pulled her inside the house and started forcing the girl, then she freed her hand and ran to her house. After some time, the opponent reached home and again caught her hand and started pulling her inside the house and started luring her with money.
But somehow she escaped from his clutches and told her mother who was staying in Ludhiana for treatment about the incident and also told the same to her uncle and aunt. For safety reasons, this information was given to Dial 112. Police brought the accused to the police station.
On the complaint of the victim’s uncle, police have started necessary action by registering a case against the accused Kanhaiya Yadav under POCSO, SC ST and other sections. Newly appointed SHO Ajay Pratap Yadav said that the case has been registered.
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