10.08.24.UT NEWS.CHENNAI.26.
From AI, poetry, Dalit feminism and hyperlocal languages– literature festival has something for everyone
The three-day Book Brahma Literature Festival brought together some of the biggest names in South Indian literature, providing enthusiasts an opportunity to engage and listen in on their ideas.
Bengaluru: The first day of the Book Brahma Literature Festival 2024 saw hundreds of literature enthusiasts throng St John’s Auditorium in the southern part of the city to witness littérateurs’ tackle various topics, from AI and poetry to dalit feminism and hyperlocal languages.
The three-day festival brought together some of the biggest names in South Indian literature, providing enthusiasts an opportunity to engage and listen in on their ideas
Among the many engaging panels was one discussing whether AI would end classics and change the literary landscape or whether AI could reproduce something like the classics. Panellists were both skeptical and anxious — journalist and writer Deepa Ganesh posed questions about about AI’s potential for harm, while Rajendra Chenni, critic, Krishnamurthy Hanur, folklorist and novelist and Poornima Malagimani, novelist, were sceptical about AI’s potential to replace writers wholesale.
Poet and lyricist Jayant Kaikini stressed upon looking at cinema music as a different and specialised skill that is integral to everyday life. Interspersed with the discussions were the melodious film tunes by famed playback singer Nagachandrika Bhat, lines borrowed from poetry or previous literature.
Dalit activists and writers Challapalli Swaroopa Rani and Joopaka Subhadra spoke about their experiences being Dalit women writers and how the feminist movement popularised in the country is not inclusive of Dalit, adivasi and minority communities’ narratives. In Swaroopa Rani’s opinion, second and third generation Dalit writers are distancing themselves from identifying as Dalit, thus not producing stories with lived experiences.
A session exploring the linguistic diversity in Karnataka had Byari writer Mohammad Ali Kammeradi speak about the history and obstacles the language has faced. He noted that the word Byari was used as a slur until 1986, when a Byari organisation was set up to give the community some legitimacy and dignity. Konkani embodies ‘Vasudaiva Kutumbakam’ as it is spoken by Hindus, Muslims and Christians, according to journalist and writer Raymond Dcunha Thakode.
The last session for the day was a conversation between Perumal Murugan, P Gopalakrishnan and Paavannan, most of which was in Tamil and translated to English by Paavannan. The conversation explored Murugan’s inspiration to write, his first poetry on the All India Radio, and a comparison of the themes explored in his novels.
Cheemanahalli Ramesha Babu was awarded in absentia for his work ‘Mamparu’, published by Neelima Prakashana.
Courtesy : DH
Maharashtra Man Allegedly Locks Dalit Woman Sarpanch in Panchayat Office
A man in Maharashtra’s Latur district allegedly locked a Dalit woman sarpanch inside a gram panchayat office following her refusal to sign certain documents. Villagers later rescued her, and a case was registered under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act.
Aman in Maharashtra’s Latur district faces charges after allegedly locking a Dalit woman sarpanch inside the gram panchayat office. The incident occurred in Shivankhed village, Chakur tehsil, police reported Friday.
The accused, Suraj Baliram Sake, sought the signature of village sarpanch Bainabai Salunke on particular documents. Upon her refusal, he purportedly locked her inside the office. She was later freed by the local villagers, according to a police official.
A case has been registered under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, and an investigation is ongoing, the official added.
(With inputs from agencies.)
Courtesy : Devdiscourse.
Cabinet counters SC, rejects creamy layer in Dalit quota
NEW DELHI: Modi govt has rejected the recent Supreme Court ruling asking for exclusion of ‘creamy layer’ among Dalits from the purview of quotas, saying that doing so would be unconstitutional.
“Recently, the Supreme Court gave a judgment on the issue of reservation. The SC has made some suggestions about SC/ST reservation in it. Today, under the leadership of PM Narendra Modi, wide discussions were held on this issue. And the well-thought-through opinion of the cabinet is that NDA govt is committed and dedicated towards the provisions of the Constitution of Babasaheb Ambedkar.
And as per provisions of Babasaheb Ambedkar, there is no provision of creamy layer in SC/ST reservation. Cabinet’s decision is that SC/ST reservation should be according to Babasaheb’s Constitution,” I&B minister Ashwini Vaishnaw said in what marked a swift rebuttal of the SC’s landmark verdict.
Quota case
Significantly, Modi had signalled his govt’s intent hours before the cabinet got down to discuss the issue by telling SC/ST MPs belonging to BJP that the apex court’s verdict was only recommendatory and that govt was alive to their “genuine” concerns about it.
The top court had held that exclusion of creamy layer, a reference to those whose previous generation had benefited from the SC quota, would help reservation benefits reach the truly disadvantaged instead of being monopolised by better-off sections among Dalits.
Don’t implement SC/ST creamy layer ruling of top court, 100 MPs urge PM
The Cabinet on Friday asserted that there was no provision for a creamy layer in reservation for SCs and STs in the Constitution given by B R Ambedkar. The decision came in the wake of the recent SC ruling.
The Aug 1 SC ruling on creamy layer came from the sole Dalit judge on the bench, Justice B R Gavai, with others — CJI D Y Chandrachud and Justices Vikram Nath, Pankaj Mithal, Manoj Misra and S C Sharma, concurring.
However, the idea that the concept of ‘creamy layer’, so far limited to OBCs, needed to be extended to Dalits as well ran afoul of the dominant opinion. Dalit politicians, intellectuals & activists argued that likening OBCs to Dalits was a folly because of differences between the two categories and, also, that advancement in economic status of SCs did not erase the stigma or reduce the discrimination — the principal reason for bringing them under the cover of protective discrimination.
“Met a delegation of SC/ST MPs today. Reiterated our commitment and resolve for welfare and empowerment of SC/ST communities,” Modi wrote on X. His remarks also reflected that the govt was looking into concerns expressed by community leaders regarding the apex court ruling.
The delegation of more than 100 MPs, including ministers Kiren Rijiju, Sarbananda Sonowal, Arjun Ram Meghwal, Kamlesh Paswan, Birendra Kumar and senior functionaries like Faggan Singh Kulaste called on PM Modi and handed him a memorandum, expressing concern over the SC ruling. They urged that this decision should not be enforced.
BJP MP Sikander Kumar said the PM had promised the govt would take MPs’ concerns into account. Kulaste said the PM supported their stance.
Courtesy : TOI
Dalits turn away from Congress over SC/ST funds diverted for guarantees
This anger against the Siddaramaiah government is likely to be more visible in the coming days.
Devaraj B Hirehalli
BENGALURU: Even as Chief Minister Siddaramaiah received overwhelming support at the Congress party’s ‘Janandolana’ in Mysuru on Friday, a section of Dalit ideologues stayed away, in protest against the party’s Dalit MLAs for keeping mum over Scheduled Castes Sub Plan/ Tribal Sub Plan (SCSP/TSP) grants of about Rs 25,000 crore being allegedly diverted to fund the guarantee schemes.
This anger against the Siddaramaiah government is likely to be more visible in the coming days. “It is just the beginning and we will continue to gherao the MLAs for not speaking against the diversion of grants meant for SC/STs. We are not Congress party workers to take part in their Janandolana,” DSS leader Mavalli Shankar told TNIE.
Led by Shankar and noted writer Kotiganahalli Ramaiah, members of a section of Dalit organisations staged protests outside the residences of Dalit MLAs S N Narayanaswamy of Bangarapet and Roopakala Shashidhar of KGF in Kolar district.
During Siddaramaiah’s 75th birthday, celebrated as ‘Siddaramotsava’ in Davanagere in 2022, scores of Dalits had taken part and thrown their weight behind the leader of AHINDA — Kannada acronym for minorities, backward classes and Dalits — and endorsed his leadership.
But over time, Siddaramaiah appears to have lost the sympathy of a section of Dalits due to various factors, including his alleged political animosity with AICC president Mallikarjuna Kharge who had sacrificed the opposition leader’s post for him in 2009, observed a Dalit leader. In order to blunt the aversion of a section of Dalits, the CM has declared that he will abide by the classification of SC quota, following the Supreme Court’s recent judgement that state governments can take a decision on their own in this regard.
Interestingly, on Thursday, BJP state president BY Vijayendra held a meeting with some Dalit organisations under the leadership of Karnataka Legislative Council’s leader of opposition Chalavadi Narayanaswamy, and took them into confidence. It is part of the strategy to mobilise more Dalit members for the BJP-JDS padayatra that concludes in Mysuru on Saturday.
Courtesy : TNIE
kin suspect torture; Magisterial probe ordered
The family members allege that Appu was tortured, either in custody or in prison, which led to his death.
Krithika Srinivasan
VILLUPURAM: A 31-year-old Dalit man died a few hours after being remanded in judicial custody at Villupuram sub-jail on Friday, leaving family members in shock and triggering suspicion of death due to alleged custodial torture. A judicial magistrate inquiry under Section 196 of BNSS (inquiry by magistrate into cause of death) has been ordered.
According to his family members, a few auto drivers saw N Arputharaj alias Appu being brought by Villupuram West Police to the police station early on Thursday. The police, however, claimed that he was arrested around 1 pm and produced before judicial magistrate II V Rathika on Thursday night and was sent to the sub-jail at Vedampattu. Hours after he was taken to the prison, Arputharaj was brought dead to the Villupuram Government Hospital around 7am on Friday.
“He was taken into custody by the police on Thursday morning but we were not informed about it. Police recorded that he was arrested in the noon, but that too was not informed to us. Our relatives who are auto drivers told us that police took him into custody though several of them told the cops that he was sick” said T Sumathi (36), his sister.
The family members allege that Appu was tortured, either in custody or in prison, which led to his death.
“There were bruises all over his body, particularly on his shoulders. His face was swollen and his hands and elbows looked unusual. We suspect that he was brutally beaten by the police after he was arrested on Thursday morning. Even the JM did not check him before passing the remand orders. It is clearly a custodial death and the state government must take action to ensure justice for Appu,” said N Gandhi (34), his another sister.
Villupuram Superintendent of Police Deepak Siwach told TNIE, “Arputharaj was arrested based on a court warrant for a case of trespassing and criminal intimidation booked in 2016. He was arrested and remanded as per judicial proceedings. Fourteen hours after imprisonment, he fell sick. He was taken to the GH but was declared brought dead. A judicial magistrate inquiry under Section 196 of BNSS has been initiated. The JM will investigate the matter.”
Courtesy: The New Indian Express
» SC verdict on subclassification of caste-based reservation will worsen reality of the Dalit community. Here’s why.
SC verdict on subclassification of caste-based reservation will worsen reality of the Dalit community. Here’s why.
It is bizarre that in a country riddled with the most flagrant and inhuman inequalities, only the alleged inequality within the most vulnerable group — the Dalit community — is being targeted for correction, but by splitting the SC/ST reservation quotas, the judgment will only benefit vested interests seeking leverage in the fragmentation of these groups
Written by Abdul Khaliq
Updated: August 10, 2024
article 46
Article 46 of the Constitution categorically enjoins upon the state the imperative “to promote with special care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people and in particular of the SCs and STs and protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation.”
The Supreme Court verdict permitting sub-classification within the same class of Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes and also calling for the creamy layer among Dalits to be taken out of the purview of reservation is deeply flawed. It may be used to dilute affirmative action and pave the way to do away with reservation. Let me explain.
The judgment is deeply problematic and ignores grim social realities. For a large swathe of Dalits in the country whose lives are “poor, nasty, brutish and short”, the issue of reservation has no meaning. Trapped in the daily struggle for survival, they neither have the wherewithal nor the luxury of educating themselves enough to benefit from reservation. Giving them a slice of the hypothetical reservation quota will not change their lives in any way. The brutal fact is that an infinitesimal percentage of Dalits is eligible to compete for the reservation quota.
In the last 10 years, there has been a fog of secrecy around the filling of posts of SCs/STs in various government ministries. According to a report submitted to Parliament in March 2021, 50 per cent of the posts reserved for OBCs, SCs and STs across 10 Union ministries were lying vacant. Similarly, faculty positions for SCs and STs remain unoccupied in prestigious higher education institutions, including central universities, IITs and IIMs. Importantly, one of the reasons cited for these vacancies is the absence of suitable candidates. Using this as a pretext, the UGC recently issued guidelines outlining the circumstances in which reserved posts could be “dereserved” but hurriedly retracted it when there was a public outcry. The Supreme Court has ignored these crucial facts while passing a judgment that, in the name of distributive justice, will only exacerbate the problem of filling up SC/ST vacancies.
The argument that the creamy-layer concept is applicable to OBCs and hence should logically be extended to Dalit communities is akin to equating chalk with cheese. The OBCs, as a group, are in a different stratosphere, way above the SCs/STs on the economic ladder, and more particularly, in social standing. Today, the Dalit, stuck at the bottom of our iniquitous social hierarchy, would gladly exchange places with a member of any other group. Eliminating the creamy layer from the purview of reservation will only make matters worse for Dalits.
It is bizarre that in a country riddled with the most flagrant and inhuman inequalities, only the alleged inequality within the most vulnerable group — the Dalit community — is being targeted for correction. Splitting of the SC/ST reservation quotas will only benefit vested interests seeking leverage in the fragmentation of these groups. It will shatter whatever solidarity exists among the SCs. The Supreme Court has, in effect, decreed that the long-suffering victims of the caste system should themselves be compartmentalised into different subsets, creating another hierarchy and caste system. This will drive a wedge between the different sub-groups.
Festive offer
Caste is still deeply embedded in our culture. The Court verdict ignores the complexities and rationale behind reservation for SCs/STs. The raison d’etre for granting reservation is not merely economic backwardness or inadequate representation in the “services of the State” as seemingly imputed by the Court (poverty exists across castes and communities) but untouchability and its unremitting grip on our society.
So ingrained is caste that the Dalit, irrespective of economic advancement or a government job, is still socially handicapped on account of his origins, the so-called “creamy layer” included. It makes no sense to disrupt the fragile homogeneity among Dalits by discriminating between them based on tenuous criteria to be drawn up by the state to “establish that the inadequacy of representation of a caste/group is because of its backwardness”. The highest court has cautioned that the criteria should not be based on “whims and political expediency”. But these are precisely the factors that will determine them.
The judgment’s language befuddles the issue, stressing the need to determine if a particular class is a “homogeneous integrated class” or not before deciding on the grant of sub-classification. By adjudicating without adequate justification that the “Scheduled Castes are a socially heterogeneous class”, the Court has overlooked the crucial, commonly shared social stigma of “camouflaged untouchability” that still plagues Dalits irrespective of their economic status. This crippling handicap was the primary justification for our founding fathers to mandate reservation for SCs in the first place.
The judgment violates Article 341 of the Constitution, which authorises the President to issue the notification specifying the caste categories deemed to be Scheduled Castes. Article 341(2) allows Parliament to amend by law such notification to include or exclude any caste or group within any caste, with the crystal clear caveat that “save as aforesaid, a notification issued under the said clause shall not be varied by any subsequent notification.” By permitting the states to tamper with and modify the notification and by allowing sub-classification and “varied” treatment within the same class of Scheduled Castes notified under Article 341, the judgment is unquestionably unconstitutional.
Article 46 of the Constitution categorically enjoins upon the state the imperative “to promote with special care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people and in particular of the SCs and STs and protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation.” This is an absolute condition enshrined in the Constitution.
Courtesy: The Indian Express
Woman, 2 others get jail for gang rape of Dalit girl in ’16
Amroha: An additional district and sessions judge sentenced a man to life imprisonment and two others, including a woman, to 20 years of rigorous imprisonment under the SC/ ST Act for their involvement in kidnapping and gang rape of a Dalit girl in 2016 in a village in UP’s Amroha Dehat.
The court has also imposed a collective fine of Rs 1.2 lakh on the three convicts. The incident took place on the night of July 10, 2016, when the main convict, accompanied by a neighbour, visited the survivor’s house, on the pretext of asking for water. When the survivor, then 19 years old, opened the door, convicts gagged her and forced her into a car where two men were present.
The convicts then drove the girl to a sugarcane field near the Kailsa border, where they threatened her with a knife and a licensed revolver. The following morning, a woman living near the sugarcane field, took the survivor to her house and held her hostage. The convicts then raped her again at the woman’s house. The woman even applied mehndi (henna) on the survivor’s hands and arranged for her to be sold to a man from Punjab for Rs 3 lakh. Special public prosecutor Manoj Kumar Saxena said the survivor was scheduled to be sent with the man from Punjab on July 12.
However, under pressure from the convict’s family, he brought her back from the woman’s house, beat her in front of her family, and threatened to kill them all if they reported the crime.
Despite the survivor’s police complaint, no action was taken initially. Only when SP intervened, a case was registered against the five accused. They were subsequently arrested and jailed but were released on bail in 2017, after which court proceedings began. Based on evidence presented, additional district and sessions special judge (SC/ST Act) Hemlata Tyagi convicted three individuals.
Woman gets 20-year rigorous imprisonment for 2016 kidnap, gang-rape of Dalit girl in UP villageA man was sentenced to life imprisonment, and two others to 20 years each under the SC/ST Act for kidnapping and gang-raping a Dalit girl in Amroha in 2016. Despite her police complaint, no action was initially taken until SP intervened. The court also imposed a fine of Rs 1.2 lakh on the convicts.112385237
CM: DySP probing rape accused making calls from jail to survivorsFollowing a report that rape accused were calling survivors from jail to coerce them to withdraw cases, Goa CM Pramod Sawant announced a crackdown, including the installation of mobile jammers in the central jail. He emphasized that mobile phone use would be entirely stopped and pledged stricter security.112355905
Gurgaon: Foreigner among two convicted in drug caseA Gurgaon court sentenced a Polish man and his accomplice to 12 years in prison for illegally possessing over 4.5kg of opium. Patryk Dziwinski, found without valid travel documents, was arrested with 345g of opium, while his accomplice Qazi was caught after fleeing. Both were charged under the NDPS and Foreigner Acts with fines imposed.112209841
Courtesy : TOI
Man, 70, gets life term for raping minor Dalit girl in Aligarh
Agra: A special Pocso court in Aligarh on Wednesday awarded life imprisonment to a 70-year-old labourer and imposed a fine of Rs 35,000 on him for raping an 11-year-old Dalit girl. The verdict was delivered by additional district judge (Pocso), Surendra Mohan Sahay, within a span of five months.
According to additional district govt counsel (ADGC) Mahesh Singh, the incident took place on Dec 28 last year. When the girl was playing outside her house, the man lured her with money and took her to a hut where she was violated. Later, the survivor reached home and narrated the ordeal to her aunt, who took her to the hospital.
“Based on a complaint filed by the girl’s father, who works as a labourer, a case was registered under relevant sections of SC/ST Act, Pocso Act, and IPC sections 376 (punishment for rape) and 506 (punishment for criminal intimidation) and the accused was sent to jail. The trial started in March and based on testimonies, the girl’s medical report and evidence, the man was found guilty and sentenced to life,” the ADGC said. Mohammad Dilshad
Man gets 20 years jail in Pocso case for sexually assaulting minor girlA 27-year-old man, P Sai Manoj Kumar, from Kottavalasa, has been sentenced to 20 years of rigorous imprisonment for sexually assaulting a minor girl in 2020. Kumar befriended the girl through social media, promised to marry her, but later refused. This led the victim to lodge a complaint, resulting in his conviction.112297155
Delhi court sentences juvenile to life for rape and murder of 5-year-old girl in rare caseA Delhi court sentenced a man, who was 16 at the time, to life imprisonment for the 2017 rape and murder of a five-year-old girl. The court decided to try him as an adult due to the brutality of the crime. The convict has shown no remorse, and there are concerns about his potential for reformation.112360743
18-year-old Delhi woman raped in Aligarh hotel after job lureAn 18-year-old Dalit woman from Delhi was allegedly raped after being lured to an Aligarh hotel with a job offer. The man, using the name ‘Saurabh’, drugged her and assaulted her. The woman contacted her aunt, who took her to the police. Authorities have launched a search for the suspect and are conducting further investigations.112293594
Courtesy : TOI
Get breaking news alerts, subscribe now
SC verdict on subclassification of caste-based reservation will worsen reality of the Dalit community. Here’s why
It is bizarre that in a country riddled with the most flagrant and inhuman inequalities, only the alleged inequality within the most vulnerable group — the Dalit community — is being targeted for correction, but by splitting the SC/ST reservation quotas, the judgment will only benefit vested interests seeking leverage in the fragmentation of these groups
Article 46 of the Constitution categorically enjoins upon the state the imperative “to promote with special care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people and in particular of the SCs and STs and protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation.”பட்டியலிடப்பட்ட சாதிகள்/பட்டியலிடப்பட்ட பழங்குடியினர் என்ற ஒரே வகுப்பினருக்குள் துணை வகைப்பாட்டை அனுமதிக்கும் உச்ச நீதிமன்றத் தீர்ப்பு மற்றும் தலித்துகள் மத்தியில் உள்ள கிரீமி லேயரை இடஒதுக்கீட்டின் வரம்பிலிருந்து வெளியேற்ற வேண்டும் என்ற உச்ச நீதிமன்றத் தீர்ப்பு மிகவும் தவறானது. உறுதியான செயலை நீர்த்துப்போகச் செய்வதற்கும், இடஒதுக்கீட்டை அகற்றுவதற்கும் இது பயன்படும். விளக்குகிறேன்.
தீர்ப்பு மிகவும் சிக்கலானது மற்றும் கடுமையான சமூக உண்மைகளை புறக்கணிக்கிறது. "ஏழை, கேவலமான, மிருகத்தனமான மற்றும் குட்டையான" வாழ்கையில் வாழும் தலித்துகளில் பெரும்பகுதியினருக்கு, இடஒதுக்கீடு பிரச்சினையில் எந்த அர்த்தமும் இல்லை. அன்றாடப் பிழைப்புப் போராட்டத்தில் சிக்கித் தவிக்கும் இவர்களுக்கு இடஒதுக்கீட்டால் பயன்பெறும் அளவுக்கு கல்வி கற்கும் வசதியும் இல்லை. அவர்களுக்கு அனுமான இட ஒதுக்கீட்டின் ஒரு பகுதியைக் கொடுப்பது அவர்களின் வாழ்க்கையை எந்த வகையிலும் மாற்றாது. தலித்துகளில் எண்ணற்ற சதவீதம் இடஒதுக்கீடு ஒதுக்கீட்டில் போட்டியிட தகுதியுடையவர்கள் என்பதுதான் மிருகத்தனமான உண்மை.
கடந்த 10 ஆண்டுகளில், பல்வேறு அரசு அமைச்சகங்களில் எஸ்சி/எஸ்டி பணியிடங்களை நிரப்புவதில் ரகசியம் காக்கப்படுகிறது. மார்ச் 2021 இல் பாராளுமன்றத்தில் சமர்ப்பிக்கப்பட்ட அறிக்கையின்படி, 10 யூனியன் அமைச்சகங்களில் OBC, SC மற்றும் ST களுக்கு ஒதுக்கப்பட்ட பதவிகளில் 50 சதவீத இடங்கள் காலியாக உள்ளன. இதேபோல், மத்திய பல்கலைக்கழகங்கள், ஐஐடிகள் மற்றும் ஐஐஎம்கள் உள்ளிட்ட மதிப்புமிக்க உயர்கல்வி நிறுவனங்களில் எஸ்சி மற்றும் எஸ்டிகளுக்கான ஆசிரியப் பதவிகள் காலியாக உள்ளன. முக்கியமாக, இந்தப் பணியிடங்களுக்கான காரணங்களில் ஒன்று பொருத்தமான விண்ணப்பதாரர்கள் இல்லாதது ஆகும். இதை ஒரு சாக்குப்போக்காகப் பயன்படுத்தி, UGC சமீபத்தில் இடஒதுக்கீடு பதவிகள் "தகுதியாக" இருக்கக்கூடிய சூழ்நிலைகளை கோடிட்டுக் காட்டும் வழிகாட்டுதல்களை வெளியிட்டது, ஆனால் பொதுமக்களின் எதிர்ப்பு எழுந்தபோது அதை அவசரமாக திரும்பப் பெற்றது. பகிர்ந்தளிக்கும் நீதி என்ற பெயரில், எஸ்சி/எஸ்டி பணியிடங்களை நிரப்புவதில் உள்ள சிக்கலை மேலும் அதிகப்படுத்தும் என்ற தீர்ப்பை வழங்கும் போது, உச்ச நீதிமன்றம் இந்த முக்கியமான உண்மைகளை புறக்கணித்துள்ளது.
The argument that the creamy-layer concept is applicable to OBCs and hence should logically be extended to Dalit communities is akin to equating chalk with cheese. The OBCs, as a group, are in a different stratosphere, way above the SCs/STs on the economic ladder, and more particularly, in social standing. Today, the Dalit, stuck at the bottom of our iniquitous social hierarchy, would gladly exchange places with a member of any other group. Eliminating the creamy layer from the purview of reservation will only make matters worse for Dalits.
It is bizarre that in a country riddled with the most flagrant and inhuman inequalities, only the alleged inequality within the most vulnerable group — the Dalit community — is being targeted for correction. Splitting of the SC/ST reservation quotas will only benefit vested interests seeking leverage in the fragmentation of these groups. It will shatter whatever solidarity exists among the SCs. The Supreme Court has, in effect, decreed that the long-suffering victims of the caste system should themselves be compartmentalised into different subsets, creating another hierarchy and caste system. This will drive a wedge between the different sub-groups.
Caste is still deeply embedded in our culture. The Court verdict ignores the complexities and rationale behind reservation for SCs/STs. The raison d’etre for granting reservation is not merely economic backwardness or inadequate representation in the “services of the State” as seemingly imputed by the Court (poverty exists across castes and communities) but untouchability and its unremitting grip on our society.
So ingrained is caste that the Dalit, irrespective of economic advancement or a government job, is still socially handicapped on account of his origins, the so-called “creamy layer” included. It makes no sense to disrupt the fragile homogeneity among Dalits by discriminating between them based on tenuous criteria to be drawn up by the state to “establish that the inadequacy of representation of a caste/group is because of its backwardness”. The highest court has cautioned that the criteria should not be based on “whims and political expediency”. But these are precisely the factors that will determine them.
The judgment’s language befuddles the issue, stressing the need to determine if a particular class is a “homogeneous integrated class” or not before deciding on the grant of sub-classification. By adjudicating without adequate justification that the “Scheduled Castes are a socially heterogeneous class”, the Court has overlooked the crucial, commonly shared social stigma of “camouflaged untouchability” that still plagues Dalits irrespective of their economic status. This crippling handicap was the primary justification for our founding fathers to mandate reservation for SCs in the first place.
இந்தத் தீர்ப்பு அரசியலமைப்பின் 341 வது பிரிவை மீறுகிறது, இது பட்டியலிடப்பட்ட சாதிகளாகக் கருதப்படும் சாதி வகைகளைக் குறிப்பிடும் அறிவிப்பை வெளியிட ஜனாதிபதிக்கு அதிகாரம் அளிக்கிறது. சட்டப்பிரிவு 341(2) பார்லிமென்ட் அத்தகைய அறிவிப்பை சட்டத்தின் மூலம் திருத்துவதற்கு அனுமதிக்கிறது, எந்தவொரு சாதியினருக்கும் அல்லது குழுவிற்குள் எந்தவொரு சாதியையும் அல்லது குழுவையும் சேர்க்க அல்லது விலக்குவதற்கு, தெளிவான எச்சரிக்கையுடன், "மேற்கூறியதைத் தவிர, அந்த உட்பிரிவின் கீழ் வெளியிடப்பட்ட அறிவிப்புகள் பின்னர் எந்த வகையிலும் மாறுபடாது. அறிவிப்பு." அறிவிப்பை மாற்றியமைக்க மாநிலங்களை அனுமதிப்பதன் மூலமும், பிரிவு 341ன் கீழ் அறிவிக்கப்பட்ட அதே வகுப்பினருக்குள் துணை வகைப்பாடு மற்றும் "மாறுபட்ட" சிகிச்சையை அனுமதிப்பதன் மூலமும், தீர்ப்பு சந்தேகத்திற்கு இடமின்றி அரசியலமைப்பிற்கு முரணானது.
அரசியலமைப்பின் 46வது பிரிவு, "நலிந்த பிரிவினரின் கல்வி மற்றும் பொருளாதார நலன்களை குறிப்பாக எஸ்சி மற்றும் எஸ்டிகளின் கல்வி மற்றும் பொருளாதார நலன்களை சிறப்பு கவனத்துடன் ஊக்குவிப்பது மற்றும் சமூக அநீதி மற்றும் அனைத்து வகையான சுரண்டல்களிலிருந்தும் அவர்களைப் பாதுகாப்பது" என்று அரசை திட்டவட்டமாக அறிவுறுத்துகிறது. ” இது அரசியலமைப்பில் குறிப்பிடப்பட்டுள்ள முழுமையான நிபந்தனையாகும்.
எழுத்தாளர், முன்னாள் அரசு ஊழியர், LJP (RV) பொதுச் செயலாளர் ஆவார்
Dalit business owners experience income gap of 16% when compared to other disadvantaged groups, finds study
‘Dalit business owners face unique stigma-related disadvantages that cannot be equated with other forms of identity-based challenges, such as gender, race, or ethnicity’
Published - August 09, 2024 09:57 pm IST - Bengaluru
A file photo of the Indian Institute of Management Bangalore. | Photo Credit: AFP
Dalit business owners in India face a significant income gap of around 16% when compared to other structurally disadvantaged groups with similar attributes, according to a study.
‘It’s not who you know, but who you are: Explaining income gaps of stigmatized-caste business owners in India’, published in PLOS One journal on Wednesday, was authored by Prateek Raj, a faculty of the Indian Institute of Management Bangalore’s (IIMB) Department of Strategy, along with Thomas. J. Roulet from Judge Business School and King’s College, University of Cambridge, and Hari Bapuji from Department of Management and Marketing, University of Melbourne.
The study uses data from the India Human Development Survey (IHDS) of 2011, a nationally representative survey that was a collaborative project between three universities in the U.S. and the National Council of Applied Economic Research (NCAER) of India. IHDS had surveyed 42,000 households in different demographic groups across 373 districts in India.
Caste and income disparity
The paper is the culmination of Prof. Raj’s research into caste and income disparity, which he began in 2019. The study examined if caste identities have a direct impact on business incomes and found that even when compared with business owners of other disadvantaged groups like OBCs, STs, and Muslims, Dalits, who are institutionally stigmatised, have higher income gaps.
The study describes “institutional stigma” involving negative public perceptions about and adverse expectations from social groups who get devalued in a particular social context.
“Dalit business owners face unique stigma-related disadvantages that cannot be equated with other forms of identity-based challenges, such as gender, race, or ethnicity,” Prof. Raj said.
The study also notes that even with higher levels of social capital, the income gap for Dalit business owners not only persists, but rather increases when compared with other groups. The size of the social capital of the households was indicated by the number of personal acquaintances they had across professions of 10 categories (including elected officers, government employees, doctors and teachers).
The study showed that a standard deviation increase in social capital resulted in a 17.3% increase in business income for households from non-stigmatised communities, but a similar increase in social capital results in only a 6% increase in business income for Dalit households.
The authors have argued that this phenomenon is rooted in the deep-seated stigma attached to Dalit identity, hindering their ability to fully leverage social networks for business success.
Human capital matters
However, human capital (for which educational level is usually an indicator) benefits both Dalits and other marginalised communities comparably. One standard deviation increase in human capital showed an increase of 16.1% in business income for both groups.
“Education, unlike social capital, is associated with higher income for Dalits just as much as non-Dalits. This implies that if the education of Dalits was at par with others, it would be associated with higher incomes. Education helps everyone, unlike social capital. Higher social capital is not associated with higher income for Dalits, unlike others,” Prof. Raj told The Hindu.
Comments
Post a Comment