19.12.24...Untouchablity News.....अछूत समाचार.தீண்டாமை செய்திகள்.by Team சிவாஜி. शिवाजी .Shivaji.asivaji1962@gmail.com.9444917060.
Amit Shah’s Ambedkar Remark Keeps Parliament on Boil: Congress Says X Refused Modi Govt’s Video Removal Request
Protests against the remarks marked the beginning of the day at the parliament today as well.
New Delhi: The Congress party accused the Narendra Modi government of attempting to suppress criticism of Union home minister Amit Shah by ordering X (formerly Twitter), to remove a video of his recent remarks about Dr. B.R. Ambedkar in the Rajya Sabha on Wednesday (December 18).
The party claims X refused, citing freedom of expression principles.
Congress spokesperson Supriya Shrinate, speaking at a press conference before the start of the Thursday (December 19) parliamentary session, said X had informed Congress MPs, leaders, and other opposition members via email that the video would remain online as the video has not violated any law.
She displayed a printed copy of the purported email to reporters.
“Our country is celebrating its 75th year of independence, yet the Home Minister has made highly disrespectful remarks about Babasaheb Ambedkar,” Shrinate said.
“These offensive remarks demand an apology to the nation. However, instead of apologising, the Modi government and its entire machinery are busy protecting him. Prime Minister Narendra Modi himself has stepped in to shield Amit Shah, who insulted Babasaheb.”
Courtesy: The Wire
Chhattisgarh: Civilians of Particularly Vulnerable Tribe Killed in Abujhmad Maoist ‘Encounter’, Say Locals
Four tribal children was also allegedly shot at and are still undergoing treatment for serious injuries.
New Delhi: On December 11 and 12, security forces claimed to have killed seven Maoists in an encounter in the Kummam-Lekavda villages of Abujhmad, located on the border of Narayanpur and Bijapur districts in Chhattisgarh. However, local people and tribal activists have alleged that five of the deceased were not Maoists but ordinary village residents. At least four minor villagers have also been confirmed injured in this controversial operation.
All of those killed in this encounter are from the Madia tribal community, which is classified as a Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group (PVTG).
In a statement issued by the police on December 14, the names of the five deceased villagers were given as – Rainu, Somaru alias Motu, Somari, Gudsa, and Kamlesh alias Kohla. According to the police, their ‘designation’ was ‘PM’, which means Maoist in the local context. The police also claimed that there was a reward of Rs 2 lakh on each of them. As per the police statement, Rainu, Kohla, Somaru and Somari hailed from Kummam village while Gudsa was a resident of Diwalur village.
However, The Wire Hindi has received some videos of conversation with locals, in which they have claimed that four of the deceased are from Kummam village while one is from the Lekwada village.
According to the villagers, out of the seven killed, five – four men and one woman – were ordinary villagers. They were Masa, Motu, Gudsa, Kohla and Somari, they said.
According to data released by the Chhattisgarh Police, more than 220 Maoists have been killed in encounters so far in the Bastar region in 2024, which is the highest annual figure during the last several years. A BBC report quotes the Union home ministry as stating that 125 Maoists were killed in 2018, 79 in 2019, 44 in 2020, 48 in 2021, and 31 in 2022.
The Union government views these killings as successes, with Union home minister Amit Shah saying about two months ago that the government aims to eradicate Maoism by March 2026.
In a conversation with local activists, the relatives of the deceased said that in order to collect the bodies of their deceased relatives they had to walk for several hours from far-flung areas of Abujhmad to Bhairamgarh tehsil of Bijapur district. Bhairamgarh is where they met the activists. They said that police have still not handed them the bodies of their kin and families are still unaware of where the bodies have been kept.
Sudhani, the wife of one of the deceased, Masa (whose name is most likely recorded as Rainu in the police statement), said, “Threshing was going on for Kosara paddy. Some people had gone to the river to fetch water. My husband Masa was also with them. That’s when they shot and killed him. There were 10-15 of us at the field. The security forces completely surrounded us and did not let anyone leave. They asked us to stay there. The police seized our Aadhaar cards and also took Rs 10,000 from us.”
Minors injured
After getting the news of the incident, activist Soni Sori arrived at the Kummam village. While talking to The Wire Hindi, she claimed that six people are still in police custody and neither their names nor photographs have been released.
Soni Sori said that once at Kumman – only on December 14 – she had to rush four injured children, aged between 8 and 14 years, to Bhairamgarh Community Health Centre, where they received first aid. They were then referred to various hospitals. “There is neither any transport nor any government facility available in this far off forested area. We carried the injured to the health centre on cots,” she said.
A shrapnel-like object is stuck to the throat of Ramli Oyam (12), from Kumman. Sonu Oyam (8), another resident of Kummam village, has a deep wound on his head. Chaitram Oyam (14) from Lekwada village was shot in the buttocks. Raju Nandam, from Diwalur village, has bullet wounds in his hands and legs, according to locals. The medical reports of the injured suggest that they have been wounded by some ‘foreign particle’ but do not mention what.
Of these four injured, two are being treated in Dantewada and one in Jagdalpur, while Ramli Oyam has been referred to a hospital in Raipur. The X-ray confirming the presence of a bullet or shrapnel in Ramli’s neck can be seen below.
One-sided firing
Soni Sori said that on December 11, a large number of personnel from the security forces stationed in Dantewada, Bijapur and Narayanpur districts went to the forests around Kummam, Lekwada, Diwalur villages of Rekavai Panchayat. “People had gone to the fields in the morning. The firing started at around 8 am or 9 am. The villagers claim that it was not cross firing ]between Maoists and police], but that firing was only from one side,” she said.
The injured children were notably in the village till December 14, when tribal activists managed to finally bring them to Bhairamgarh. The police brought the bodies, but left the injured there, the activists allege, adding that there are many injured in the village even now. The activists were able to bring only the injured children. Meanwhile, some people are also reported missing.
“When I asked them to take the injured to the hospital, the villagers asked for a guarantee that they will not be put in jail,’ Soni Sori said.
The organisation Campaign for Peace and Justice has issued a statement stating that when the police press note was shown to the villagers, they were able to identify the dead as their relatives. Based on the evidence of activists like Soni Sori, the statement says that after the injured were taken to the hospital, the entire hospital premises were cordoned off by the police so that no one could meet the injured children.
Minors and villagers used as human shields, claims the police
Meanwhile, on the evening of December 17, the police issued a press note claiming that the Maoists used minors and villagers as human shields to save the life of “senior Naxal [a word used interchangeably with Maoist] cadre, Kartik.
The statement also said, “The villagers were brought along to carry the goods of the Naxalites and during the encounter, they fired on the security forces using those villagers as cover. In this four villagers were injured in the firing of the Naxalites.”
In a report published in the Indian Express on December 18, a senior police officer was quoted as saying: “Four minors were injured by shrapnel in the encounter. They were injured by the shrapnel of the barrel grenade launcher used by the Maoists. One of the girls suffered a neck injury, so she was referred to Raipur.”
Don’t target innocent citizens: T.S. Singhdeo
Senior Congress leader and former deputy chief minister of Chhattisgarh T.S. Singhdeo has expressed concern over the incident.
In a post shared on Instagram, he said, “Setting targets gives rise to such dangers…The Naxal problem needs to be resolved, but it cannot be done at the cost of civilian lives…Innocent civilians cannot be allowed to become collateral damage under any circumstances…It is extremely sad that the people who were seriously injured on the 11th could reach Raipur only yesterday.”
Allegations of fake encounter not new
Indeed, this is not the first time that villagers in the region have alleged that an encounter claimed by police to be real was staged. On February 25 in Kanker district, the police had claimed that three ‘Naxalites’ were killed on a hill between Bhomra-Hurtarai villages of Koylibeda police station area in an encounter with security personnel during an anti-Naxal operation.
However, local people and relatives of the deceased accused the police of carrying out a fake encounter.
The deceased were identified as Rameshwar Negi, a native of Marda village, and Suresh Teta and Anil Kumar Hidko of Parvi village of the area.
Similarly, in Chhattisgarh’s Bijapur district, security forces claimed to have killed 12 alleged Maoists in an encounter on May 10. The relatives of the deceased had alleged that this was a fake encounter and said that 10 out of the 12 deceased were residents of Pidia and Itawar villages and were farmers.
On February 7, 2019, in an alleged encounter in Tadballa of Abujhmad, the police claimed to have killed 10 Maoists. The villagers had called it a well-planned attack alleging that the bodies of the 10 youths killed were mutilated and that the dead girls had likely been sexually assaulted.
In May 2013, in Adsametta village of Bijapur, about 1,000 security forces personnel opened fire on tribal people celebrating the ‘Vijja Pandum’ festival. Eight tribal people were killed. The security forces had said that all of them were Maoists and they had taken this action in response to the firing by Maoists. But an investigation by a retired high court judge revealed that this encounter was fake and none of the dead were Maoists.
In another case, 17 people, including six minors, were killed by security forces in Sarkeguda of Bijapur district in June 2012. On the night of June 28, tribals had gathered for a festival. The security forces mistook it for a Maoist meeting and started firing. An investigation revealed that none of the dead were Maoists.
Courtesy: The Wire
Protests Intensify in Arunachal Pradesh Against Siang Upper Multipurpose Project
The main aim of the Project is ‘national security’ and at least 60% of villagers in the project-affected areas have ‘welcomed’ the Project, Ojing Tasing, state cabinet minister and an MLA from Siang district, told The Wire.
Bengaluru: “If we have to die we will die but we will protest against the dam,” says Kut Ejing in a video note. Ejing is the Gram Panchayat chairman of the village of Ramku in Geku, Upper Siang district in Arunachal Pradesh.
Emotions are on a high, and protests are intensifying against the Siang Upper Multipurpose Project, a nearly 12-gigawatt hydropower dam that is proposed to be built on the Siang river that flows through China and into the Upper Siang district in the northern part of Arunachal. The Siang later joins with other tributaries to form the Brahmaputra in Assam.
The recent protests in the Siang region began after the state directed last week that central and state armed forces would be deployed to implement the Project. Many rights and civic bodies in the area have written to officials regarding the overreach, which also includes several rights and legal violations such as of the Forest Right Act 2006. Villagers from across the districts of Siang, Upper Siang and East Siang, who will be affected by the project, also wrote to state and central officials that they would “not tolerate any attempts to coerce or force our consent regarding the dam”. Their main concerns revolve around displacement and the loss of agricultural lands and homes, the environmental impacts of the nearly 12 GW dam – which will be the biggest in India, if it is built – which is to be located in a seismically active area.
On December 15, villagers including from Reiw and Geku arrived at the village of Parong to take part in a peaceful march against the project. On December 16, protests continued in the village of Geku, local sources told The Wire.
However, Ojing Tasing, state cabinet minister of rural development and panchayati raj, co-operation and transport, and Member of the Legislative Assembly from Pangin constituency in Siang district told The Wire that it was not true that all project-affected villagers are against the project.
“At least 60% of the project-affected people have welcomed the Project,” he said. He added that extracting hydropower was only a by-product of the proposed project and that the main aim of the Siang Upper Multipurpose Project was “national security”, as such a dam would help regulate the flow of the Siang after China builds its 60-GW dam upstream of the river, ensure that the river has water through the year, and control floods.
Deployment of armed forces a “violation” of rights say locals
On December 9, the state government deployed Central Armed Police Forces “to implement” the Siang Upper Multipurpose Project”. The communication by the home secretary of Arunachal Pradesh also listed that state armed forces would be deployed in villages including Geku, Parong and Pasighat in the districts of Siang, Upper Siang and East Siang, where people will be affected by the project.
Thousands of villagers have since been taking out peaceful protest marches in these areas. On December 15, villagers from Reiw, Geku and Boleng arrived at the village of Parong to take part in a peaceful march.
On December 16, protests continued in Geku, where villagers also gathered at their local community hall to partake in it, Ebo Mili, a lawyer and environmental and human rights activist who was at Geku on the day told The Wire.
Locals have several concerns regarding the construction of the dam and the way it is being pushed ahead. On December 10, the Itanagar-based North East Human Rights (NEHR) wrote to the state CM and other officials, raising concerns regarding how this order violates human rights.
“This directive [by the state to deploy armed forces] not only raises questions about the transparency and ethics of the project but also represents a gross violation of both international and national laws safeguarding the rights of Indigenous Peoples,” the letter, accessed by The Wire, noted.
The letter said that the deployment of armed forces would constitute a violation of both the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP: its Article 32(2) states that indigenous people have the right to free, prior, and informed consent before approval of projects affecting their lands or territories), and of the International Labour Organization (ILO) conventions. The NEHR’s letter quotes that the deployment is a violation of Article 15 of Convention 169 of the ILO, which states that indigenous people must actively participate in the planning and implementation of projects affecting their lands and resources.
India, however, has not ratified this particular Convention of the ILO. India has ratified only 47 conventions and 1 protocol of the ILO so far. And while India voted in favour of the UNDRIP in 2007, the Declaration is still a legally non-binding resolution.
However, the deployment of armed forces in the Siang region also violates several national laws, the NEHR letter added. These include the Forest Rights Act 2006, the Environmental Protection Act 1986 and the Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act 2013, all of which require that consent of the affected people (and in the case of the FRA, the consent of the village council or gram sabha) is a requisite before initiating a project.
The NEHR has demanded, among others, that the deployment orders for armed forces in relation to the Siang Upper Multipurpose Project be immediately withdrawn, and free, prior and informed consent be obtained from the affected communities.
‘Will not tolerate attempts to coerce us’: Villagers
On December 10, villagers belonging to the Siang districts including East and Upper Siang also formally recorded their opposition to the proposed 12,500 megawatt Upper Siang Multipurpose Project in a letter sent to the Ministry of Home Affairs, and several officials of the government of Arunachal Pradesh (the chief minister, chief secretary, home minister and home secretary).
In the letter, accessed by The Wire, villagers have opposed – in very strong terms – what they call “illegal activities” pertaining to deploying armed forces in the Siang area to conduct a “Pre-Feasibility Survey” and the construction of the Siang Upper Multipurpose Project.
This is being done “under the guise of National Security”, they wrote. They have also accused the deputy commissioner of Siang of “misusing the signatures of Gram Sabha to qualify consent for the dam project” and thereby violating the Forest Rights Act of 2006.
“We challenge the claims made by the pro-dam lobby that the majority of Siang project-affected people support the dam,” the villagers wrote in the letter. “If this is indeed the case, we request that a referendum be conducted, including involvement of a foreign third party as a witness signatory, wherein only the project-affected votes will be counted and decided. Furthermore, we demand that any decision regarding the deployment of armed forces (CAPF) in the Siang region be made with the consent of the majority of project-affected families. We will not tolerate any attempts to coerce or force our consent regarding the dam.”
The villagers have also demanded that all paramilitary and military forces be immediately withdrawn from the Siang region. Local sources told The Wire that the deployment has not occurred yet.
“We are peacefully protesting and willing to talk to the government but the CAPF should be withdrawn. It is unconstitutional and unethical to forcefully conduct PFR [Pre-Feasibility Report for the Project] against the will of the land owners and concerned people,” Bhanu Tatak, legal advisor to the Siang Indigenous Farmer’s Forum (SIFF), told The Wire.
Brewing protests and concerns: The Siang Upper Multipurpose Project
In 2022, the government-owned NHPC Limited was given the responsibility to develop a Detailed Project Report and a Pre-Feasibility Report for the Siang Upper Multipurpose Project, first officially proposed by the NITI Aayog according to The Hindu.
The Arunachal Times reported in 2017 that the then CEO of NITI Aayog, Amitabh Kant, had said that the state would also benefit economically from the power generated by the Project, then listed at Rs. 2,400 crores per year. The Project was also among the “other notable programmes that need to be completed” (along with the Ken-Betwa river linking project which scientists and conservationists have also opposed as a “disastrous” scheme) as per the NITI Aayog’s document titled “Strategy for New India @ 75” released in 2018.
As per some estimates quoted by Business Standard, the latest version of the Project would generate nearly 12,000 MW of electricity and would cost Rs 1 trillion to implement.
However, local communities say they have been raising their concerns against the project for more than a decade now. In 2014, the SIFF filed a public interest litigation in the Itanagar permanent bench of the Gauhati high court regarding the potential Siang Project. The court disposed of the petition ruling that the state government should consult local communities who would be affected by the project. However, locals unexpectedly discovered that surveys were being conducted in the wee hours of a December morning in 2022. The video footage of this was accessed by The Wire.
Since then, elderly women in Parong village have been guarding the area in their village taking turns, Mili told The Wire. Subsequently, the SIFF also submitted a letter to the UN Responsible South Asia Business and Human Rights Forum saying that the NHPC was “forcefully conducting survey activities during the night”. In August this year, hundreds of villagers took part in a peaceful protest at Ditte Dime, one of the three proposed sites of the Project, reported The Hindu. On October 5, another protest took place at Geku, a village in Upper Siang, The Arunachal Times reported.
According to the Annual Report 2023-24 of NHPC Ltd, the PFRs for the project considering three sites – Uggeng (11,600 MW), Ditte Dime (11,200 MW) and Parong (11,200 MW) – have already been prepared by the NHPC and submitted to the Ministry of Jal Shakti in December 2022. However, a technical committee constituted by the Indian government suggested that further geological investigations were required to decide on the project site (among the three potential locations), and it recommended that drilling work be undertaken at all the three sites as suggested by the Geological Survey of India. Though the NHPC received a letter of award for drilling work for all three sites in May 2023 “the work could not be started due to law and order issue in the project site area”.
Villagers in Geku in Upper Siang district take out a peaceful protest against the Siang Upper Multipurpose Project. Their demands are clear: no armed forces, no dam, no survey. Photo: Ebo Mili
One of the main reasons that the Indian government is pushing for the Siang Upper Multipurpose Project is to counter China’s gigantic 60 GW Motong hydropower station on the Yarlung Tsangpo (what the Siang is called in China where it arises), in the Tibet Autonomous Region. According to some estimates, the completion of this dam could result in an 80% decrease in water flow to India, through the Siang. In October this year, the union government even put the Siang Upper Multipurpose Project on fast-track to counter this threat, as per the Deccan Chronicle.
Ojing Tasing, state cabinet minister of rural development and panchayati raj, co-operation and transport – and incidentally, Member of the Legislative Assembly from Pangin constituency in Siang district – told The Wire that the main aim of the Siang Upper Multipurpose Project was “national security”, as such a dam would help regulate the flow of the Siang after China builds its 60GW dam upstream of the river. It would also help prevent floods, such as the one that occurred in June 2000 in the Siang Valley, thus protecting people, Tasing said.
Though the Indian government has said that the dam has to be built for “national security”, China has already constructed three operational dams upstream of the Siang river (the Yarlung Tsangpo in China), the letter from Siang’s villagers to state officials on December 10 this year noted. Despite this, there have been “no disturbances to the flow of the Siang river into Arunachal,” the letter argued, because of “the regulatory nature of the Hydrological Data Sharing Treaty MOU [Memorandum of Understanding]” between India and China.
As per the Union Ministry of Jal Shakti, India entered into a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) in 2002 with China for five years under the “provision of hydrological information on Yaluzangbu/Brahmaputra River during flood season” provided by China to India. As per this arrangement, China would provide hydrological information (such as water Level, discharge and rainfall) to Indian authorities on a regular basis during the monsoon season (from May 15 to October 15 every year). It has been renewed in 2008, 2013 and 2018. Though the MoU expired in June last year, the MoU is in the process of “renewal through diplomatic channels”, per the Ministry. However, this is not a water sharing, but a data sharing agreement, Tasing told The Wire, repeating the need for the Project so as to ensure water flow in the Siang after China builds its humongous dam. Moreover, the water of the Siang, though coffee-brown in summer, used to be turquoise in winter, Tasing told The Wire.
“However, now it is brown all the time, due to turbidity,” he said, alluding to the impacts of China’s dam construction activities upstream.
He added that extracting hydropower was only a by-product of the proposed project and that the main aim was national security and safety of the people living downstream of the Siang.
The villagers’ letter to the state on December 10 had also stated that even if China constructed the 60 GW dam and the entire water of the river were to be diverted – which they said is “highly unlikely” – 70% of the waters within Siang at Arunachal are replenished by its tributaries such as the Yamne, Simang and Siyom. Their letter also highlighted that the Siang Upper Multipurpose Project is to be located in a seismically active zone.
“[The] Siang region’s land comprises loose sedimentary rocks (the weakest rocks in geology) and is situated in a seismic zone V, rendering the feasibility of dams invalid in any sense,” the letter said.
All of northeast India falls under Seismic Zone V, the most seismically active region in India, as per the National Centre for Seismology under Ministry of Earth Sciences. This is one of the many concerns about the Project, Ebo Mili, lawyer and activist told The Wire. However, the immediate biggest threat is not only displacement of people (the Project will submerge lands and homes belonging to the Adi tribal community in the area, as per Scroll), but also the threat of a Glacial Lake Outburst Flood – such as the one that occurred in Teesta River last year in Sikkim – Mili said. According to him, there are several glacial lakes, including some flagged as “Category A” – of most risk of GLOFs – across the three districts of Siang, Upper Siang and East Siang.
A study in 2020 found that there are 94 glacial lakes in Upper Siang district alone, across a total of 4.1 square kilometres.
“The government did conduct a study on the glacial lakes, but it was funded by the dam developers, so I do not think it will contain the true facts,” Mili said.
To be or not to be
Tasing, a BJP MLA, insists that it is not true that all project-affected villagers are against the project.
“At least 60% of the project-affected people have welcomed the Project,” he told The Wire over a call on December 17. “Certain people from outside the district are engaging in the protests,” he said. When asked who these “people from outside” are, he said he couldn’t tell this reporter. Tasing, incidentally, used to lead anti-dam protests. The Hindu quoted a SIFF memorandum which said that he “forgot the cause” when he was elected to power.
On December 15, talking to the media, Tasing had said that the “anti-dam people” are few in number, but the majority were quiet. “So the world thinks that the entire village is against the dam,” he had said. “I can show you documents to show how many people from which villages have signed and given us permission.”
“I heard what the minister said…This is a lie that everyone has accepted the dam,” said Ejing, gram panchayat chairman of Ramku village in Siang district’s Geku, who won the post on a BJP ticket. The stands of people like Ejing, even across party lines, is very clear: they will not allow a dam that will submerge their lands and destroy their agricultural fields.
“I may be with the BJP but I still oppose the dam,” Ejing said in a video press note. “With submergence there will only be losses and losses…we won’t have places to stay, areas to farm…These government people have not kept any meeting with the locals about the dam, one meeting that they did hold, they did not permit anyone to speak.”
He added that locals would “not allow” the central forces in the area.
“We have not done anything for them to send central forces. We are protesting only for our lands. We cannot lose our lands. Till our last breath, we will continue to protest. Even if we lose our lives in the process, our lands shouldn’t be lost.”
Courtesy: The Wire
Pandemonium in Karnataka assembly over alleged remarks on Dalit icon BR Ambedkar
BELAGAVI: Chaos erupted in the Karnataka legislative assembly on Thursday after Congress legislators accused Union home minister Amit Shah of making controversial remarks about B R Ambedkar, the architect of the Indian Constitution.
The ruckus began during a discussion on maternal deaths in Ballari and other parts of the state when opposition leader R Ashoka was addressing the House. Congress MLA H C Balakrishna interrupted Ashoka, expressing his intention to move a resolution regarding the alleged comments attributed to Shah.
This led to a dramatic escalation, with several Congress MLAs standing up, holding photographs of Ambedkar, and raising slogans against the BJP. The legislators demanded an explanation and urged the govt to condemn the alleged remarks.
Speaker U T Khader tried to restore order, repeatedly urging members to let the proceedings continue, but his efforts were in vain. BJP legislators countered the Congress’s allegations, accusing the opposition of trying to derail the discussion on maternal health.
Amid the uproar, Congress MLAs argued that Shah’s remarks were an insult to Ambedkar’s legacy and called for the assembly to take a united stand against such statements. The BJP dismissed the claims, stating there was no evidence of Shah making any such comments.
As tempers flared, the session was adjourned temporarily to allow the members to cool down. Speaking to the media later, Congress leaders reiterated their demand for a resolution condemning Shah’s alleged remarks, while BJP leaders accused the opposition of politicising unrelated issues.
The session is expected to end today, with the Speaker hoping for a calmer atmosphere to discuss legislative business in the second half after lunch.
Courtesy : TOI
The Mooknayak Impact: NCPCR Takes Cognizance of Kerala School Caste Discrimination Case, Asks Idukki Collector to File Action Taken Report in 7 Days
On Wednesday, a counseling session was conducted for Pranav’s classmates at the school, while a separate team visited Pranav’s home to counsel him in the afternoon.
New Delhi- The National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) has taken cognizance of a case where a six-year-old Dalit boy, Pranav Sijoy, was allegedly forced to clean the vomit of a sick classmate at St. Benedicts L.P. School, Sleevamala.
The NCPCR has issued a notice to the District Collector of Idukki under Section 13 of the CPCR Act, 2005, seeking an Action Taken Report within seven days.
The letter issued by Dharmendra Bhandari, principal private secretary, NCPCR read: The Commission is in receipt of a complaint wherein it has been alleged that minor son of the complainant studying in II Standard at St. Benedicts L.P. School, Sleevamalalavas forced to clean vomiting in the class on 13.11.2024. It has been further alleged that one of the classmate vomited in the class due to ill health and the teacher forced the minor to clean it, when the complainant’s son refused to do so, the teacher shouted at him. In view of the allegations stated in the complaint, the Commission has taken cognizance under Section 13(1)(j) of CPCR Act, 2005.
The Commission has directed the DM to inquire into the matter and submit an Action Taken Report along with other relevant documents within 7 days.
Fighting for Her 6-Year-Old Son’s Rights, Dalit Mother Urges NCPCR to Restrict Child Labour in Kerala Schools
The incident, which occurred on November 13, gained national attention after The Mooknayak published a series of investigative reports exposing the systemic apathy and inaction by the school management. Despite the school’s own admission that children were made to perform cleaning tasks, no corrective measures were initially taken.
The issue first came to light when Dr. Rehna Raveendran, an assistant professor at Allahabad University, shared a post about the incident. This post was subsequently taken up by The Mooknayak, which highlighted the incident through its in-depth reporting. Following the prominent coverage in The Mooknayak, other media outlets also picked up the story, amplifying the demand for justice for the Dalit child.
Shailendra Pandya, a child rights expert from Rajasthan, played a pivotal role in escalating the matter by advising the child’s mother, Priyanka Soman, to file a formal complaint with the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR). Acting on this complaint, the NCPCR took cognizance of the case and issued a notice to the District Collector of Idukki, directing an Action Taken Report within seven days.
What Happened So Far?
Priyanka, a data entry operator, recounted the traumatic experience of her son, Pranav, who was coerced by his teacher, Maria, into cleaning the mess despite his refusal. Priyanka alleged that the incident was rooted in caste prejudice, as her son was singled out for the degrading task. “The teacher’s actions left my child humiliated and scared to return to school,” she said. The parents sought TC from the school and got Pranav admitted in a government school, 12 kms away from their home.
After raising the issue with Child Line, the education department, and local authorities, Priyanka was met with resistance. She accused the school of manipulating statements and downplaying the caste angle to protect their reputation. Despite children’s statements corroborating the allegations, local officials and police seemed reluctant to take decisive action.
Priyanka’s interaction with the investigating officer further revealed systemic apathy. “The officer suggested that such practices are common in schools,” she recounted. “I reminded him that just because something was a norm in the past, it doesn’t justify its existence today, especially when laws prohibit such discrimination.”
Priyanka has demanded that schools employ dedicated cleaning staff to prevent children from being subjected to such tasks. She has also urged authorities to examine CCTV footage to uncover the truth and ensure transparency in the investigation.
Kerala Teacher Forces 6-Year-Old Dalit Student to Clean Classmate’s Vomit, Sparks Outrage
Meanwhile, on Sunday, Bahujan organizations, including the Bhim Army, Bahujan Samaj Party, and the Cherama Sambava Development Society (CSDS), organized a mashaal rally from Vattakanipara to Kuthungal town. They condemned the caste-based discrimination at St. Benedict’s L.P. School. The protesters raised slogans demanding stringent action against the school authorities, particularly the teacher involved in the incident.
On Wednesday, following orders from the District Magistrate, a counseling session was conducted for Pranav’s classmates at the school, while a separate team visited Pranav’s home to counsel him in the afternoon.
However, Pranav’s mother, expressed concerns over the integrity of the investigation. “From the hints dropped by the team that visited us, I feel the report is likely to be manipulated. To downplay the caste angle, they might present it as though all children were involved in cleaning the vomit, rather than acknowledging that Pranav alone was forced to do it,” she said, reiterating her fears of injustice in the case.
Courtesy: The Mooknayak
A Step Forward: Democratizing India’s Reservation Policy
The caste system has long been one of India’s most entrenched social challenges. At the lowest rung of this hierarchy lie the Dalits, classified constitutionally as Scheduled Castes (SCs). Yet even within this group, stark disparities persist, with certain sub-castes, like the Madigas, historically left behind despite decades of affirmative action policies aimed at uplifting the marginalized.
In a groundbreaking ruling, India’s highest court recently affirmed that states have the authority to sub-classify Scheduled Castes, enabling targeted reservations for the most marginalized among them. This decision marks a pivotal moment in India’s ongoing effort to address inequalities that persist even within the Dalit community itself.
Historically, Dalit subcastes like the Madigas have faced entrenched exclusion, even within their own community. Traditionally associated with professions such as manual scavenging and leather work, Madigas and similar subcastes have struggled for representation in education, jobs, and political life. Movements like the Madiga Dandora, spearheaded by organizations like the Madiga Reservation Porata Samithi (MRPS), have been advocating for equitable distribution of SC reservations for decades.
The challenges faced by the Madigas reflect a broader issue: several commissions, including the Ramachandra Raju Commission (1996) and the Justice Usha Mehta Commission (2007), have documented the need for sub-categorization. Their findings underscore that a one-size-fits-all approach to reservations fails to address the specific needs of the most disadvantaged sub-castes. Despite constitutional provisions under Articles 15(4) and 16(4), which empower governments to enact affirmative action for marginalized communities, these provisions have not adequately benefited the most disadvantaged within SC groups.
At the time of India’s independence, all Dalits faced extreme marginalization. Over the decades, reservations have enabled upward mobility for some, but others remain trapped in generational poverty. Sub-categorization seeks to address this imbalance by focusing resources on those who have yet to benefit from affirmative action. For instance, data show that more than fifty sub-categories within SCs are still relegated to menial, degrading professions, with many continuing to suffer discrimination even within Dalit communities.
It is a harsh reality that despite the ban on manual scavenging, this practice persists, often claiming the lives of the most marginalized. Every year, numerous Dalits drown in human excreta while performing these dangerous jobs. Sub-categorization could ensure that resources are directed to these vulnerable groups, helping them escape a life of indignity and hazard. The Supreme Court’s observation that Dalit groups are far from homogeneous reinforces the need for nuanced policy interventions to address disparities not only in socioeconomic status but also in political representation and access to education.
The Indian Constitution provides strong legal backing for this initiative. Articles 15(4) and 16(4) explicitly allow for special measures to uplift marginalized groups. Additionally, Article 46 of the Directive Principles of State Policy advocates for promoting the educational and economic interests of weaker sections, including SCs, Scheduled Tribes (STs), and Other Backward Classes (OBCs). These constitutional provisions provide the framework for reforms that address deeply rooted inequalities.
Moving forward, policymakers should also consider gender-based reservations within SC sub-castes to uplift the most marginalized women. By mainstreaming gender equity alongside caste-based reforms, India can amplify the impact of its affirmative action policies. Addressing intersectionality—the overlapping issues of caste, class, and gender—could pave the way for more inclusive and effective social justice mechanisms.
Predictably, political reactions to the Supreme Court’s decision have been mixed, with some parties opposing the move for electoral reasons. Yet for the most marginalized, this reform represents a vital opportunity to climb the socio-economic ladder. The sub-categorization movement, pioneered in states like Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, has already inspired similar demands from other communities across India. These movements highlight the widespread desire for more targeted and equitable policies.
However, implementing these reforms will not be without challenges. Introducing a “creamy layer”—a concept used in OBC reservations to exclude wealthier beneficiaries—within SC reservations is controversial. Many argue that despite improved economic status, caste-based discrimination continues to affect all Dalits. Reservations for SCs were initially based on caste hierarchy and exclusion, not class, and any changes must carefully balance these historical considerations with modern realities.
Sub-categorization is a progressive step toward democratizing India’s reservation policy. By directing benefits to those who need them most, this policy can help uplift the most marginalized and ensure their inclusion in the country’s rapidly globalizing economy. As India aspires to become a more progressive and equitable society, these reforms represent a critical juncture.
Failing to act risks leaving a significant portion of India’s population behind, perpetuating cycles of poverty and exclusion. The democratization of reservations is not just a constitutional mandate but a moral imperative. By embracing targeted reforms, India can take a significant step toward building a more equitable society—one that finally delivers justice to those historically denied it, enabling them to fully participate in the nation’s growth and development.
Courtesy: Int Policy Digest
‘Nothing new’: Ambedkar’s grandson reacts to Amit Shah’s remarks
NEW DELHI: Babasaheb Ambedkar’s grandson, Prakash Ambedkar, on Wednesday criticised Union home minister Amit Shah for his remarks on the architect of the Indian Constitution, describing them as reflective of the BJP’s “same old mentality.” His comments came amidst an ongoing political row, with opposition parties demanding a resignation from Shah, accusing him of insulting BR Ambedkar.
Speaking to reporters in Pune, Prakash Ambedkar, who heads the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi (VBA), alleged that Shah’s remarks reveal the BJP’s underlying disdain for Ambedkar’s contributions. “Before the BJP came into existence, its forerunners Jan Sangh and RSS had opposed Babasaheb while the Constitution was being adopted,” he said. He added, “There is nothing new in the statement. They are not able to execute their old plans. Not because of Congress, but because of Babasaheb Ambedkar and they will continue to sulk.”
He also demanded Rs 1 crore compensation for the family of Somnath Suryawanshi, who died in judicial custody following violence in Parbhani city over the desecration of a Constitution replica.
The controversy erupted after Shah, during a Rajya Sabha debate, remarked, “It has become a fashion to repeatedly invoke Ambedkar’s name. If they had taken God’s name as often, they would have earned a place in heaven.”
The comments sparked outrage, with several MPs from the INDIA bloc staging protests in Parliament and the Congress demanding a public apology. Congress general secretary Jairam Ramesh shared a video snippet of Shah’s remarks, accusing the BJP of belittling Ambedkar’s legacy.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi, however, defended Shah, accusing the Congress of distorting his remarks. Modi claimed Shah’s comments exposed the Congress’ “anti-Ambedkar history,” alleging that the party had previously worked to undermine Ambedkar, including denying him the Bharat Ratna and opposing his electoral bids. “Congress can try as they want, but people know the truth about their legacy,” Modi stated.
Congress leaders, including Rahul Gandhi and Mallikarjun Kharge, dismissed Modi’s defence, accusing the BJP of systematically undermining Ambedkar’s ideology. “They are against the Constitution and Ambedkar’s vision,” Gandhi said, warning that the BJP’s actions are aimed at erasing Ambedkar’s contributions.
Courtesy : TOI
How Microfinance and Data Capture Pushed Tamil Nadu’s Most Disadvantaged Into Debt Distress
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Debt to microfinance providers resulted in widespread distress in northeastern Tamil Nadu, where we conducted research through the time of the COVID-19 pandemic. We found that the situation was most severe in hamlets with Adi Dravidar, Arundatiyar, and Dalit Christian majority populations.
The study started in January 2020. By July 2022, several women from these historically oppressed caste groups told us about their spiralling debt to banks and non-banking financial companies (NBFCs) that issue microfinance loans. Microfinance providers issue collateral-free loans to sets of five women who function as joint liability groups, with each responsible for the dues of any member who defaults. Microfinance providers charged these women up to 24% interest per annum on the loans they issued. They continued to levy this interest through the state-mandated moratorium and for any delays beyond.
Debts had naturally grown to unmanageable levels. Many of the women we spoke to lamented the harsh consequences that they faced. Ambigai, an Adi Dravidar agricultural daily wage worker in an arid village called Manathur, told us: “The microfinance loan officers are threatening us, saying that they will call the police and file cases against us, that they will seal our houses and prevent us from entering them, that they will lock our Aadhaar cards. Not only will we be denied loans from other companies and banks, the rice and dal we get every month from the ration shop will also be blocked.”
She was not alone; hundreds of others who had taken these loans said a loan provider had warned them of similar penalties.
A locked house in the brick kiln. Photo: Chinar Shah.
Who borrows from microfinance providers?
Microfinance aims to empower women to start their own businesses. Yet, contrary to the portrayal of microfinance borrowers as entrepreneurs, many loan recipients are debt-bonded daily wage workers. In our study region, it was women in landless households from historically lowered castes who borrowed from microfinance providers. The majority of them either did agricultural daily wage work in the village or migrated to work in brick kilns and sugarcane fields (Figure 1). They used microfinance loans to meet their basic needs. The high interest that the women paid came not from profitable small businesses, but from their low and uncertain incomes, and often, from additional borrowing.
Our quantitative surveys with 406 households in 2021-2022 show that close to 70% of lowered caste households and 40% of women from intermediate caste households had taken microfinance loans, compared with only 16% of dominant caste households (Figure 2).
The borrowers used the loans to buy food and pay for healthcare, dedicating 51% and 29% of the loans in part to these uses. Almost half, 45%, of the loans were also used in part to pay off past debts (Figure 3). This proportion rises to almost 80% for women belonging to lowered caste groups.
Another indicator of financial stress is the debt-to-income ratio. It stood at 179% on average, and is higher for lowered caste and landless households, at 210% and 190%. This means that household debt was twice as much as annual income, while debts are short-term and must be repaid within the year for the most part. The disaggregation by gender is alarming. The debt service ratio is 13 for men, meaning that for every 100 they earn, they must repay 13, and for women it is 115. While women can call on men in the household for help to pay loans, they still bear the mental, physical, and sometimes sexual burden of repayment obligations.
How did the situation get so bad?
Women struggled to repay their loans, often borrowing from moneylenders to be able to do so. Even before the pandemic, the women we spoke to said that they faced sleepless nights as microfinance loan collection day approached. They said they would regularly borrow from moneylenders to make their repayments. They had no option but to pay on the stipulated day irrespective of circumstances. Women emphasised the extent of non-negotiability saying that loan officers would insist on repayment even if there was a death in the family. Amudha Mary, a Dalit Christian woman from Selvanagar told us: “They collect their money over the corpse, saying ‘first you pay this and then you cry’.”
When the COVID-19 pandemic began, microfinance operations came to a complete standstill in India. The state issued a mandate requiring lenders to offer a moratorium that allowed borrowers the option not to make loan repayments for five months. This offered relief in the short term. Some households reported eating better than before despite the lockdowns, since they weren’t required to make microfinance repayments. However, lenders were allowed to levy interest at the regular rate of 24% per annum on the principal outstanding on the loans. Debt thus multiplied during a period when incomes came to a standstill. At first, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) had permitted microfinance providers to charge interest on the interest outstanding to them as well as on the principal. The Supreme Court later reversed this decision, and microfinance providers refunded the compound interest collected.
After the moratorium ended lenders rescheduled loans, but with opaque terms which were not shared with the borrowers. The borrowers said they had no idea how the amount due each month was being calculated or how many instalments they finally would have to pay. In the weeks before the second surge in COVID-19, when it had seemed like normalcy was returning in India, microfinance providers had started netting off loans. They offered larger loans to borrowers and deducted previous dues at the time of disbursal. Those who had availed themselves of this then discovered in a short while that they had much higher debt and microfinance providers did not offer a moratorium when lockdowns were enforced again.
Spiralling debt after the pandemic
Microfinance companies instructed loan officers to continue permitting delays on a case-by-case basis in order to prevent mass default. At the same time, they stressed to clients that interest would be levied for any delay. Women who had borrowed from microfinance providers explained that they had no choice but to agree to this. For instance, soon after the moratorium ended, Parvati, a Dalit woman from the colony in Pudur, said: “I told them to charge as much interest as they want, I will pay it later. I have no money at all now.” By the end of 2021, many borrowers to whom we spoke had missed some monthly payments. Borrowers who belonged to dominant and intermediate caste groups were more likely to own land and livestock, and they had been able to repay loans with income from cattle rearing and by borrowing from other sources.
Borrowers who belonged to lowered caste groups and landless households, who migrated to brick kilns and had missed work seasons for two years, were unable to pay their dues.
A woman shows her microfinance loan repayment record. Photo: Nithya Joseph.
By the end of 2021, for many women, the interest pending on unpaid loans exceeded the principal loan amount and ran into thousands of rupees, the equivalent of income they would earn over several months. In early 2022, Parvati said, “I had Rs 11,000 outstanding in March of 2020. The loan officer came yesterday and told me that now I owe Rs 19,000 in interest alone. There is no way at all for me to get so much money. I am sitting here waiting to find a way out.”
Loan officers from several microfinance institutions working in the area confirmed that their branches faced overwhelming defaults. The majority of their pre-pandemic clients had stopped paying dues despite repeated visits by them. Microfinance providers had also sub-contracted collections to companies who employed loan recovery agents. Loan officers and recovery agents reminded borrowers that companies could use the credit bureau infrastructures to blacklist any defaulters, barring them from all sources of formal credit. Many women told us that loan officers told them: “Don’t pay us, but remember you won’t be able to get a loan from a single other source.”
The gendered financial exclusion as a result of the credit bureau and JAM infrastructure linkage.
Indeed, the registration of loans on the credit bureau and the Jan Dhan-Aadhaar-Mobile (JAM) linkage have made it impossible for clients to negotiate relief without severe repercussions. Microfinance providers can blacklist defaulters using their biometric identification, barring them from all formal loans until they clear their dues, effectively holding them hostage till they are repaid. Microfinance providers had been instructed to stop collecting Aadhaar data in 2018 and to delete records of numbers they had previously collected. However, reports have shown how the credit bureaus to whom they had submitted the data were able to match women to their Aadhaar and send the data back to the microfinance providers. Some women borrowed at even higher interest rates from other sources to repay loans to microfinance providers; others returned to borrowing exclusively from moneylenders.
MFI automatic deduction notification by SMS. Photo: Chinar Shah
Meenakshi, a widowed female agricultural wage worker from a village called Pudur, stated: “A few months ago I tried to get a loan from another microfinance company, but they checked their system and said that they can’t lend to me until I repay the amount outstanding on my loan and come to them with an NOC [no-objection certificate]… I had to pay my daughter’s school fees, so I went to a money lender and borrowed from him at 4% interest per month.”
This cycle of gendered financial exclusion of the most vulnerable was ubiquitous.
Till the end of 2021, the management of these companies had instructed loan officers not to enforce the joint liability clause when women struggled to pay their own dues, knowing from past experience that this could trigger resistance. By mid-2022, they were using the credit bureau linkage to hold women collectively accountable. A woman called Vasuprabha explained microfinance companies club five to six groups together and call them a centre. These centres, comprising up to 30 members, were being held jointly liable. “Earlier they put OD (overdue) only for one person,” she said in April of 2022, “now they are putting centre-OD; if even one person hasn’t repaid, no one can borrow from any company.”
Supporting lending institutions and not the poor during the pandemic
Microfinance providers received the support of the state in the form of low interest loans and credit guarantees during the pandemic. Microfinance lenders were offered loans at the repo rate of 4% per year against securities. The government assured banks that they would cover up to 75% of any defaults on loans that microfinance providers had taken from them to on-lend to their clients. At the same time the Union government cash and food aid to poor households during the pandemic was paltry. Cash transfers of Rs 500 were offered to one woman in each household for the first three months of the pandemic, while incomes were disrupted for two years. Five kilograms of additional grain was provided free to poor households for the duration of the pandemic along with the subsidised food rations already being offered. Households had to borrow to meet all other basic needs – or went without them.
A member of our team conducts the Depleted by Debt quantitative survey. Photo: Chitra S.
Microfinance sector reforms dismantled protections for poor women
In March of 2022, the RBI announced a revised regulatory framework for the microfinance sector that incorporated many changes that microfinance providers had demanded. The RBI agreed to many of their requests, announcing a revised regulatory framework for the sector In March 2022. The changes included removal of the cap on interest rates, an increase in the lending limit, and permission for risk-based pricing. This effectively meant removal of protections put in place after the microfinance crises in 2009-2010 when aggressive lending had spurred a crisis of over-indebtedness. Following the reforms, the microfinance sector has seen rapid growth. The higher interest rates charged to clients made it easier for them to attract them. The raised lending limit meant that they could lend more to each client. Microfinance providers have expanded operations in new regions, which have higher poverty levels and more economic uncertainty. Following these changes, the RBI repeatedly expressed concern that microfinance providers are charging interest at usurious rates and raised alarm that the rapid growth is causing defaults and borrower distress. Recently, regulators have declared that the sector is now facing a crisis caused by the reforms.
Self-help group bank linkage for equitable financial inclusion
Another mode for issuing small loans to women, called the self-help group bank linkage programme, preceded microfinance lending in India. In this model, groups of women come together agreeing to pool savings each month and make loans to each other from the corpus of funds. They share the interest earned. When they are able to show effective functioning, banks sanction them loans at an interest rate of around 12% per annum. This is the same rate charged to other borrowers and half the rate of microfinance loans. Self-help groups continue to operate across the country; but this programme now competes with microfinance providers for bank funds. In India the majority of capital for microfinance loans come from public and private sector banks. Starting in 2011, banks have been permitted to count microfinance loans as part of their priority sector lending targets. Banks meet these targets by issuing loans to microfinance providers to on-lend to their clients, entering into co-lending agreements, or even acquiring MFIs. The higher interest charged to clients and higher collections efficiency from door-to-door visits by loan officers make microfinance loans more profitable than self-help group loans.
In our study region, as elsewhere, women from dominant caste households were much more likely to be members of self-help groups (Figure 4).
While the Union government aid promised to self-help groups at the onset of the pandemic was not provided to them, self-help group members were able to take loans from within the group and from the bank to invest in agriculture, livestock, and small enterprise. Self-help group members were generally more able to negotiate delays and concessions following the pandemic. This was both on internal loans and on loans from banks. Self-help group loans are not registered on the credit bureau, and bank managers have more flexibility in granting waivers. Adi Dravidar, Arundatiyar, and Dalit Christian women were much less likely to be members of self-help groups, and so most didn’t have the option of accessing this credit. Even the few self-help groups with lowered caste group members that did exist were being denied new loans from private sector banks after the pandemic began. This was because of defaults on microfinance loans by others in their joint liability group. The same banks engage in joint liability microfinance provision and self-help group lending, and they could use data from one part of their operations to make decisions about the other.
Microfinance borrowers doing construction wage work. Photo: Sowparnika G.
A pandemic-accelerated process
For the past 20 years, we have been exploring the profound transformation of village economies as members of the Observatory of Rural Dynamics and Social Inequalities in Southern India. We have followed the increasing expansion of financial markets. We have seen how debt compensates for insufficient and irregular incomes from wage labour as well as inadequate social transfers, subsidising private capital and compensating for a failing welfare state. The pandemic accelerated this process.
The state supported microfinance providers during the pandemic at the cost of poor women. The reforms to the microfinance sector enforced by the RBI in 2022 allowed changes that are counter to the interests of the women who take these loans. Microfinance loans have become more expensive, and the revised lending limit means there is more danger of pushing borrowers into unmanageable levels of debt. Strengthening mainstream bank lending to self-help groups would have been a way for policymakers to aid pandemic recovery through equitable financial inclusion. Even now, the priority for financial inclusion in India should be to include more landless women from lower caste groups, who are employed in precarious work, in the self-help group bank linkage programme. This would grant women access to lower interest loans that offer more flexibility in times of crisis and be less likely to cause debt distress.
Nithya Joseph, Venkatasubramanian Govindan, Isabelle Guérin, and Sébastien Michiels are scholars at the French Institute Pondicherry.
Eurasia Review
A Journal of Analysis and News
India's Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar "Baba Saheb". Photo Credit: Wikimedia Commons
Ambedkar’s Conversion To Buddhism Was No Political Stunt – OpEd
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, author of the Indian Constitution, converted to Buddhism in 1956 along with 500,000 of his followers after 49 years of wide study, intense debates and socio-political activism, says Harvard scholar Christopher Queen.
Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar, the icon of Indian Dalits (or the Untouchable Depressed Castes) and the chairman of the Indian Constitution Drafting Committee, converted to Buddhism from Hinduism along with 500,000 of his followers just before his death in 1956.
The ceremony, held in Nagpur in Maharashtra, was a humongous display of public protest against caste discrimination that was, and still is, rampant in India.
According to a few of his biographers, Ambedkar’s decision to formally leave the Hindu fold stemmed from his failure to make the Dalits an effective political community in post-independence democratic India. His “Independent Labour Party” had failed to make the grade in elections held in the early 1950s. Conversion was therefore an act of political desperation and not a religious or spiritual one, critics said.
Earlier they had charged that his advocacy of Buddhism was a “gimmick to lobby for political reforms.”
But Christopher Queen, Buddhist scholar and Lecturer at Harvard University, argues in his latest paper, that Ambedkar’s conversion was stemmed from a spiritual cum political quest. In fact, it stemmed from a socio-political and spiritual need to find an alternative to the unequal, caste-ridden, Hindu religion.
Queen says that conversion was the culmination of decades of wide study, intense debate, and socio-political activism undertaken by Ambedkar over five decades (Reference: Christopher Queen Buddhist Roots of Ambedkar’s Judicial Philosophy in CASTE: A Global Journal on Social ExclusionVol. 5 No. 2 pp. 287-301/ April 2024).
According to Queen, Ambedkar’s tryst with Buddhism began way back in 1907, almost half a century before his formal conversion. Soon after he passed out of high school, a famous Marathi social reformer and writer, Krushnaji Arjun Keluskar, gifted him a copy of his own biography of the Buddha. The Marathi language book opened a whole new world to young Ambedkar. He was spellbound on learning of the existence of democratic republics in Buddha’s time and Buddha’s democratic constitution for his Sangha.
Ambedkar became a voracious reader on philosophy, religion and history, over the years. He picked up Ph.Ds in Economics from both Colombia and the London School of Economics and also bagged a law degree from the UK. His residence Rajgrihain Mumbai had 50,000 books at the time of his death, Queen says.
“There were hundreds of volumes on Buddhist history and literature, including volumes of Max Muller’s Sacred Books of the East, of Theravada scriptures in Rhys Davids’ Pali Text Society translation series, volumes of The Maha Bodhi and other journals, and endless scholarly studies of comparative religion, social studies, philosophy, and history.”
“Most significantly, Ambedkar had marked many of his books with coloured pencils, sometimes profusely, underlining passages he felt were important and filling the margins with notations that would help him classify and sort the material in the future.”
Buddha’s Democracy
When independent India was drafting its Constitution and the form of government it should have was being debated, Ambedkar plumbed for parliamentary democracy which he said existed in Buddha’s time and that the Buddhist model was ideal, being without inequality, hierarchy and violence.
“There was a time when India was studded with republics, and even where there were monarchies, they were either elected or limited. They were never absolute. A study of the Buddhist Bhikshu Sanghas discloses that not only were there Parliaments – as the Sanghas were nothing but Parliaments – but the Sanghas knew and observed all the rules of Parliamentary Procedure known in modern times.”
“They had rules regarding seating arrangements, rules regarding Motions, Resolutions, Quorum, Whip, Counting of Votes, Voting by Ballot, Censure Motion, etc., Although these rules of Parliamentary Procedure were applied by the Buddha to the meetings of the Sanghas, he must have borrowed them from the rules of the Political Assemblies functioning in the country in his time,” Ambedkar said.
This was validated by Kancha Ilaiah, a political scientist at Osmania University in Hyderabad, and an activist in the Dalit civil liberties movement. Ilaiah says that “at a critical stage in Indian history, when the free tribes were being ruthlessly exterminated or brought within the orbit of expanding State power, people were experiencing the rise of new values on the ruins of tribal equality.” The reference was to the advent of Buddhism.
Ilaiah identifies verses advocating frequent, regular, and harmonious meetings of the tribal assembly and guidelines for quorum, motion, voting by voice and secret ballet, the forming of committees when consensus is not possible, and barring the re-litigation of matters that were duly resolved in the past-res judicata in modern law.
As A.L. Basham author of Wonder that was India, said in 1954: “The Buddha himself, though a friend of kings, seems to have had a deep affection for the old republican organization, and in a remarkable passage is said to have warned the Vajjians shortly before his death, that their security depended on maintaining their traditions and holding regular and well attended (assemblies).”
The Vajjians were a prosperous and happy community that ruled the Mithila region of northern Bihar.
Drawing from Buddhism, Ambedkar warned the Constituent Assembly that was drafting the Indian Constitution about hero-worship of powerful personalities derived from India’s love of holy men. He also warned against the false belief that the principles of liberty, equality, and fraternity can be treated as separate things.
Having learnt about the centrality of equality in running a democratic state from Buddhist history, Ambedkar told the members: “India is a land of massive inequality in which liberty and freedom cannot exist without equality and fraternity.”
He warned Indians that political independence will not bring prosperity while immorality governs the country.
“To end these troubles, India must embrace Buddhism, the only religion based on ethical principles,” he said. He went on pledged to devote the rest of his life to the revival and spread of the Dhamma
Ambedkar published an article in the English-language Buddhist journal, The Maha Bodhi, entitled “The Buddha and the Future of His Religion” in which he declared that Hinduism was sitting on a “volcano about to explode”. The way to avoid the catastrophe would be to address the problems of the downtrodden, he added.
“Like the overthrow of paganism by Christianity in Roman times, India’s backward classes will banish Brahmanism and embrace a religion that offers mental and moral relief from the scourge of caste. But the steps to conversion will require a new Buddhist Bible, reform of the Bhikkhu Sanghas from idleness to service, and the establishment of Buddhist missions throughout the land,” he said.
Visited Sri Lanka
Ambedkar went to Colombo to attend the first meeting of the World Fellowship of Buddhists. He visited Viharas and observed the practices there up close, and spoke at the Young Men’s Buddhist Association. There he implored Buddhists to spread Buddhism around the world.
An Agitator
Ambedkar was no cloistered scholar. In the early days he hadfought for water rights for the Dalits in Mahad in Maharashtra. In March 1927, Dalits took a ritual sip from the public water supply and were beaten by angry caste Hindus. In December the Dalits returned to burn a copy of the Manusmriti,the Hindu code justifying violence against outcastes. The Mahad battle ended in the courts, where Dalit access to public water was upheld but only years later.
In 1933 he told Mahatma Gandhi that he could not honestly call himself a Hindu. He wrote from London that he was determined to leave Hinduism and was inclined to Buddhism. In 1935, Ambedkar delivered his historic speech in Yeola in Maharashtra, vowing not to die a Hindu. A year later, addressing a conference of Mahar caste leaders, he ended with the words of the Buddha, “Be ye lamps unto yourselves. Look not for refuge to anyone else.”
In February 1940 he told a reporter that “untouchability” was originally imposed on Buddhists for their refusal to practice the Hindu Dharma.
Minister: We made dalits enter sanctum sanctorum
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