20.12.24...Untouchablity News.....अछूत समाचार.தீண்டாமை செய்திகள்.by Team சிவாஜி. शिवाजी .Shivaji.asivaji1962@gmail.com.9444917060.
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Dear friends.
You know pretty well that every year during 31st of December , we used to distribute bed sheets / bed spreads/mosquito nets to the very poor people among the Sc.St and OBC.
If you can donate, please inform us over whatsapp and we will collect it from you.
Each cotton bedsheet cost is Rs 147.00.Mosquito net costs Rs 200 and wollen bedsheets Rs.300...If you want to contribute/donate please send it by Gpay,phonepay..to 9444917060.Sivaji.Help the poor SC.STs..Obcs.and you can distribute the same by yoúr hand....
Thank you,
Sivaji and Team .
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1....*_🎈Power thoughts🎈_*
🎠✨The way to be rid of waste thoughts is to maintain a powerful thought.
🏡Expression:🏡
When the intellect is accomplished with powerful thoughts, waste thoughts cannot enter. Only when the intellect remains empty that there is place for waste thoughts to enter. To be busy with elevated thoughts is to keep the mind free from waste. All it needs is to turn on the switch of one powerful thought, then wastage finishes. This is just like a switch which brings light and finishes darkness. Then there is no wastage in words and actions too.
🏡Experience:🏡
When I make the practice of keeping a single elevated thought in my intellect, I am able to be free from the bondage of wastage. I find that a lot of time and energy of mine is saved. Even when there is an external situation of conflict, chaos and confusion, there is no internal chaos and there is only power in my thoughts. So I make decisions easily and quickly and I enjoy all the situations that come my way.
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*_✨🔅Role Of Women In Transforming The world_*
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🔅✨👩🏽⚖️Women are blessed with many beautiful qualities and powers which make them special in the world. Every one loves their specialties very much and uses them in the creation of a new world of purity, peace, love and joy. There are many reasons why they experience success in this task of creating a new world and bring a new morning in the world, full of light. Let us see them and imbibe these good qualities... -
1. 🌹Unconditional Love - A woman is a source of selfless love, given without any expectations and conditions. Every soul in the world which has lost its happiness and inner beauty, revives itself and blossoms fresh when it receives this love and prepares itself for a new world.
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5. 🌹Blissful and Peaceful. Women was chosen for purifying the world and nature because they are full of peace and bliss through a connection with all and these energies flow through them to every soul and every living and physical thing in the world and give it a new shape.
6. 🌹Innocence - Women are full of innocence and are a reflection of loving innocence. They win over all heart through their love for Him and share the love with others, which inspires them to come close to each other and experience the same, which brings about positive transformation in them.
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✨🔅The meditation centres the largest spiritual organisation in the world being administered primarily by women of all ages, religions, castes and from all different spheres of life. It was created by buddha with the objective of creating a new world with the help of wisdom and meditation.
Vijayendra accuses Congress of insulting Ambedkar; urges Siddaramaiah to resign for Dalit CM
Posted On December 20, 2024
The Karnataka state president said the Congress was misinterpreting the words of Union Home Minister Amit Shah on Dr Ambedkar by editing the video to project him in a bad light.
BENGALURU: Karnataka BJP president and Shikaripura MLA BY Vijayendra on Thursday suggested Chief Minister Siddaramaiah to stop “misusing the name of Dr BR Ambedkar” and pave the way for a Dalit to become the state’s CM.
“Siddaramaiah, who is mired in corruption, should have resigned as CM three months ago. You did not do that. Time has not yet passed. If you are really honest, resign and allow a Dalit to become the CM. Stop hatching political conspiracies and misuse the name of Babasaheb Ambedkar as the people of the country will not forgive you,” Vijayendra said.
Addressing the media upon his return from New Delhi, Vijayendra hit out at the Congress, accusing it of insulting Dr BR Ambedkar.
He said the Congress was misinterpreting the words of Union Home Minister Amit Shah on Dr Ambedkar by editing the video to project him in a bad light.
“If there is any party that has insulted Babasaheb Ambedkar, it is the Congress. You have defeated him in the Lok Sabha elections and hence have no right to speak about Dr Ambedkar,” he said.
BY Vijayendra clarified that during his meeting with PM Narendra Modi, he did not discuss the issue of celebrating former CM BS Yediyurappa’s birthday in a big manner as wished by his supporters.
“Prime Minister Modi listened to me calmly for about 15 minutes despite his work pressure… he gave some suggestions from the organisational point of view,” he said. Vijayendra was scheduled to meet Union Home Minister Amit Shah but could not as the latter was busy in tackling the controversy that erupted following his recent statement on Dr BR Ambedkar, informed sources said.
Rahul Gandhi’s switch from white to blue t-shirt and the Ambedkar connection
Posted On December 20, 2024
NEW DELHI: A day of protest, scuffle and chaos is what Parliament witnessed on Thursday as the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Congress accused each other of “goondaism” and diversion tactics.
Amid all this, Rahul Gandhi took centre stage, as the BJP accused him of pushing its MPs and “showing arrogance.”
Even with all the drama that unfolded throughout the day, Rahul Gandhi choice of clothes and the message were not lost.
As the Congress leader started protesting against Amit Shah’s recent “anti-Ambedkar” remark in Rajya Sabha, Rahul Gandhi joined his MPs in a blue t-shirt. In recent years, since ‘Bharat Jodo Yatra’, Rahul Gandhi has been seen donning a plain white polo everywhere, including Parliament.
On his 54th birthday, Rahul had also launched a ‘white t-shirt’ campaign and revealed why he always wore the same colour.
“I am often asked why I always wear a ‘white t-shirt’ – this t-shirt symbolises transparency, solidity and simplicity for me,” he had said.
On Thursday, however, Rahul switched to blue colour, considered close to Dr. BR Ambedkar and Dalit identity.
The colour blue gained political significance when Ambedkar established the Scheduled Castes Federation in 1942, adopting a blue flag featuring Ashok Chakra. This flag was later retained by the Republican Party of India, founded by Ambedkar in 1956. Over time, blue became closely associated with Dalit identity and activism.
Political parties like the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and the ASP, which champion Dalit welfare, have embraced blue in their branding, further solidifying its role in Dalit politics.
The colour was also considered to be personal favourite of Ambedkar.
“Blue was his favourite colour and he mostly used it in his personal life too,” Lalji Nirmal of Ambedkar Mahasabha had told PTI in 2018.
“Blue, in another shade, is also the colour of the sky, which shows vastness and that was the vision of Baba Saheb,” he said. The same has been adopted by the BSP as its colour and has since came to be associated with Dalit emancipation, he stressed. “The statues of Baba Saheb are always seen in a blue coat with the Constitution in one hand and the finger of the other pointing out as a symbol of moving ahead,” Dalit activist SR Darapuri had pointed out.
The is why statues of Ambedkar are always seen in a blue coat with the Constitution in hand.
Both Rahul Gandhi and Priyanka on Thursday donned blue as they lead the protest against Amit Shah’s remarks.
In the recent Parliament session, Priyanka Gandhi Vadra has also used the opportunity to raise and protest against issues using her bags.
On Monday, Priyanka was seen with a bag that had ‘Palestine’ written on it. The next day, she came to Parliament with a bag with ‘Bangladesh’ emblazoned on it.
Courtesy : TOI
CPI, Dalit forums demand apology from Amit Shah for remarks on Ambedkar
Such comments warrant condemnation from all democratic individuals, as well as from intellectuals and members of secular and socialist movements, says CPI district secretary
Published - December 19, 2024 07:07 pm IST - RAYACHOTI
Leaders of the Communist Party of India (CPI) and representatives from various Dalit organisations on Thursday demanded Union Home Minister Amit Shah to issue an immediate apology following his ‘remarks’ on Dr. B.R. Ambedkar during a debate in the Rajya Sabha commemorating the 75th anniversary of the Constitution.
The leaders claim that the Union Minister’s comments have offended the sentiments of the Indian populace. A protest was organised at the Tahsildar office, led by the CPI Annamayya district unit. During this event, the leaders expressed their condemnation of the remarks attributed to Mr. Amit Shah.
DCRE Report Confirms Caste Discrimination at IIM Bangalore; FIR Ordered Against Director and Faculty
The case centers on Professor Gopal Das, an IIT Kharagpur graduate and globally recognized scholar in marketing, who joined IIM Bangalore in April 2018 as an Associate Professor. Despite being a member of the Dalit community, Professor Das did not avail himself of reservation benefits.
In its report, the DCRE confirmed caste bias at IIM Bangalore, highlighting non-compliance with statutory requirements to establish grievance redressal mechanisms for Scheduled Caste (SC) and Scheduled Tribe (ST) members.Asif Nisar
Bangalore- A detailed investigation by the Directorate of Civil Rights Enforcement (DCRE) has confirmed allegations of caste-based discrimination and constitutional violations against the Director, Dean (Faculty), and six other faculty members of the Indian Institute of Management (IIM) Bangalore.
The investigation report (No. 86/HP/DCRE/2024) , submitted to the Karnataka Social Welfare Department on November 26, mark a significant development in a case that has brought to light systemic issues of caste discrimination in one of India’s premier educational institutions.
Despite the Social Welfare Commissioner's directive on December 9 to register an FIR against the accused, the City Police Commissioner has yet to take action, and the Mico Layout Police Station has failed to register the FIR, raising concerns over administrative inaction.
The case centers on Professor Gopal Das, an IIT Kharagpur graduate and globally recognized scholar in marketing, who joined IIM Bangalore in April 2018 as an Associate Professor.Despite being a member of the Dalit community, Professor Das did not avail himself of reservation benefits.
He has since been a top performer at the institute, earning recognition as one of Stanford University’s top 2% professors for five consecutive years. However, despite his stellar academic record, Das alleged that he faced systemic harassment and denial of opportunities due to his caste.
The complaint was first brought to light in January 2024 when Professor Das met the President of India, Draupadi Murmu, during her visit to IIM Bangalore. In his interaction, and later through a formal letter, Das detailed the discriminatory practices he faced. These included being excluded from institutional activities, forced to withdraw elective courses and PhD programs, and restricted from accessing institutional resources. Das also reported that his caste was publicly disclosed through mass emails, subjecting him to humiliation and targeted harassment. He alleged that he was referred to as belonging to a “lower caste,” an affront to his dignity and rights.
Following Professor Das’s complaint, the President’s office directed the Karnataka Chief Secretary to initiate a formal investigation. The Civil Rights Enforcement Directorate began its probe in March 2024, uncovering evidence of systemic caste-based discrimination.
However, Das claimed that the inquiry itself led to intensified harassment from the institute’s administration. In a letter dated May 15, 2024, to the Principal Secretary of the Social Welfare Department, Das asserted that the retaliatory actions included a show-cause notice accusing him of unauthorized media communication.
The DCRE investigation, detailed in report number 86/HP/DCRE/2024, substantiated the allegations against the accused. Key charges include:
Public Revelation of Caste: Deliberate disclosure of Professor Das's caste via mass email by Dr. Rishikesha T. Krishnan, Director, and Dr. Dinesh Kumar, Dean (Faculty).
Denial of Equal Opportunities: Systematic denial of workplace opportunities and exclusion from institutional activities.
Failure to Address Grievances: Non-compliance with statutory requirements to establish grievance redressal mechanisms for Scheduled Caste (SC) and Scheduled Tribe (ST) members.
The findings were submitted to the Principal Secretary of the Social Welfare Department on November 26, 2024. Subsequently, the Social Welfare Commissioner directed the Bangalore Police Commissioner to register an FIR against the accused on December 9 (No. Sakani/CS-1/CR-4/2024-25). However, no FIR has been registered by the Mico Layout Police Station, raising concerns about administrative inaction.
The ADGP of DCRE submitted the IIM Bangalore caste atrocity investigation report confirming that the caste atrocities were committed by the Director, Dean (Faculty) and six other faculty members.
Legal Proceedings
In a parallel development, all the accused, including board chairman Dr. Devi Prasad Shetty, approached the Karnataka High Court seeking a stay on the DCRE investigation.
Renowned activist Anil Wagde shared that Dr. Shetty was also questioned during the DCRE investigation. However, before the inquiry could conclude, he obtained a stay order from the Karnataka High Court.
While the High Court denied the stay for most accused, it granted temporary relief to Dr. Shetty (WP: 19036 of 2024). The Advocate General of Karnataka is reportedly working to vacate this stay, signaling potential legal consequences for all implicated individuals.
Activists and members of the academic community have called for institutional reforms, including the establishment of robust grievance redressal mechanisms to protect the rights of marginalized groups.
Nagsen Sonare, National President of BANAE, told The Mooknayak that he had written to Bangalore Police Commissioner B. Dayananda over a week ago, urging the registration of an FIR against the IIM Bangalore Director, Dean, and other faculty members as directed by the Social Welfare Department following the DCRE inquiry. However, no action has been taken yet.
The Karnataka government is under pressure to expedite the legal process and ensure accountability. With the ADGP’s findings corroborating Professor Das’s allegations, stakeholders await the Police Commissioner’s action and further developments in the High Court.
When approached by The Mooknayak, Commissioner B. Dayananda refrained from responding to text messages or email seeking an update on the matter. The lack of communication from the IPS officer has further fueled criticism of the police department's handling of the case.
This case, involving allegations of caste-based discrimination at one of India’s premier institutions, continues to draw national attention as calls for justice grow louder. BANAE and other organizations have vowed to intensify their efforts until accountability is ensured.
IIMB issued a press statement where the Institute reaffirmed its commitment to inclusivity, diversity, and equal opportunity, emphasizing that the institution has always upheld constitutional values and maintained a discrimination-free atmosphere.
Update: IIM Bangalore Refutes Discrimination Allegations by Dr. Gopal Das in Press Statement
The IIM-B has strongly denied allegations of caste-based discrimination leveled against it by Dr. Gopal Das, Associate Professor at the institute. After The Mooknayak report was published, IIMB issued a press statement and shared on its social media handles where the Institute reaffirmed its commitment to inclusivity, diversity, and equal opportunity, emphasizing that the institution has always upheld constitutional values and maintained a discrimination-free atmosphere.
IIMB clarified that Dr. Das’s allegations emerged only after his promotion application was put on hold due to complaints of harassment filed by doctoral students. The institute revealed that an internal inquiry, which included a reputed academic from the SC community, found merit in the students’ grievances. Following this, IIMB’s Diversity and Inclusion Grievance Redressal Committee (DIGRC) examined Dr. Das’s allegations of harassment and discrimination and deemed them unfounded.
The statement highlighted the institute’s long-standing practices of fostering diversity and inclusion through initiatives like its Diversity and Inclusion Cell and adherence to constitutional mandates on reservations for SC, ST, OBC, and EWS students in its academic programs.
IIMB stated that since Dr. Das’s recruitment in 2018, the institute had extended substantial support, including appointing him as an Associate Professor based on his qualifications, offering competitive incentives, and entrusting him with key positions such as Chairperson of the Institutional Review Board. He was also involved in committees like Career Development Services and Diversity & Inclusion, and allowed to teach courses of his choice.
IIMB acknowledged an ongoing investigation by the Directorate of Civil Rights Enforcement (DCRE) but noted it has not received a copy of the investigation report.
" It is to be noted that the entire evidence of the above has been provided by IIMB to the DCRE. However, from the news reports suggesting that the Institute has been indicted, it appears that the same has not been considered by the DCRE. IIMB remains committed to fostering an inclusive academic community and will continue to uphold its legacy of excellence and integrity, and will take appropriate action in consultation with legal experts", the statement read.
Home / India News / Over 400,000 backlog vacancies for SC,ST, OBC filled since 2016: Govt
Over 400,000 backlog vacancies for SC,ST, OBC filled since 2016: Govt
As per the data furnished by the ministries/departments, more than 400,000 backlog reserved vacancies in respect of SC/ST and OBC candidates have been filled up since 2016
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He said that the ministries/departments of the central government have been directed, from time to time, to fill up the vacant posts. | File Photo: PTI
More than four lakh backlog vacancies reserved for Scheduled Caste (SC), Scheduled Tribe (ST) and Other Backward Class (OBC) candidates in, have been filled since 2016, Union Minister Jitendra Singh said on Thursday.
"Occurrence and filling of vacancies, including the backlog reserved vacancies, is a continuous process," he said in a written reply to the Rajya Sabha.
Instructions have been issued to all ministries/departments of the central government to constitute an in-house committee for identification of backlog reserved vacancies, to study the root cause of such vacancies, to initiate measures to remove the factors causing such vacancies and to fill them up including through special recruitment drives, said Singh, the Minister of State for Personnel.
"As per the data furnished by the ministries/departments, more than 400,000 backlog reserved vacancies in respect of SC/ST and OBC candidates have been filled up since 2016," he said.
The minister said each ministry/department of the central government is required to designate an officer of the rank of Deputy Secretary and above, as Liaison Officer, to ensure due compliance of the orders and instructions pertaining to reservation.
Further, each ministry/department is required to set up a special reservation cell under the direct control of the Liaison Officer to assist her/him in discharge of duties, he said.
The details of vacancies are however maintained by the respective government organisations under the concerned ministry/department, the minister said.
"Ministries/departments of the central government have been directed, from time to time, to fill up the vacant posts in a time bound manner," Singh said.
(Only the headline and picture of this report may have been reworked by the Business Standard staff; the rest of the content is auto-generated from a syndicated feed.)
What has gone unnoticed in the outrage is that Shah misconstrued, and also lied about, Ambedkar and his opinions on two vital counts that shouldered his entire argument against the Congress.
Opposition leaders protest in parliament with Ambedkar's images. In the foreground is Amit Shah. Photos: X/@INCIndia and Instagram/AmitShahOfficial.
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New Delhi: Facing fire over his flippant remarks in parliament about Dr. B.R. Ambedkar and the resurgence of his anti-caste advocacy in contemporary politics, Amit Shah accused the Congress of “distorting and twisting” his statements, and circulating “mischievous” videos. The Union home minister also refused to resign from his position, even as opposition forces have amped up the volume of protests, putting prime minister Narendra Modi in the dock, and urging him to fire Shah from his cabinet.
For an idea of Shah’s understanding of the controversy, let us take a look at what the Bharatiya Janata Party veteran said and the spirit in which he made those remarks.
“Abhi ek fashion ho gaya hai – Ambedkar, Ambedkar, Ambedkar, Ambedkar, Ambedkar, Ambedkar. Itna naam agar bhagwan ka lete to saat janmon tak swarg mil jata (It has become a fashion to say Ambedkar, Ambedkar, Ambedkar, Ambedkar, Ambedkar, Ambedkar’. If they took god’s name so many times, they would have got a place in heaven),” he said in his Rajya Sabha speech.
Shah’s tone and tenor was one of aggression. But while this register is a hit in campaign speeches, in trying to highlight Congress’s alleged neglect of social justice while paying lip service to Ambedkar, he stretched the rhetoric a little too far. In the moment, at the Rajya Sabha, Shah appeared to have little awareness of the fact that his statement would trigger such a ruckus over the way he himself ended up belittling the anti-caste icon.
However, what has gone unnoticed is that Shah misconstrued, and also lied about, Ambedkar and his opinions on two vital counts that shouldered his entire argument against the Congress.
Immediately after making his remark that invoking Ambedkar’s name has become fashionable in current times, Shah cited three reasons on why Ambedkar left the cabinet of India’s first prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru. He said Ambedkar was opposed to Article 370, Nehru’s foreign policy, and his failure to fulfil promises made to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
That Ambedkar was opposed to Article 370 is far from the truth. The Sangh Parivar has been peddling the lie ever since the Modi government ended the constitutional autonomy of Jammu and Kashmir in 2019. The Indian vice president of the time, M. Venkaiah Naidu, too, used a fake quote by Ambedkar in an opinion piece published in The Hindu to assert the untruth in the public domain.
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Naidu cited a conversation between Ambedkar and Kashmiri leader Sheikh Abdullah from S.N. Busi’s 2016 book Dr. B.R. Ambedkar: Framing of Indian Constitution to argue that removing Article 370 was a matter of social justice.
“Mr Abdullah, you want that India should defend Kashmir. You wish India should protect your borders, she should build roads in your area, she should supply you food grains, and Kashmir should get equal status as India, but you don’t want India and any citizen of India to have any rights in Kashmir and Government of India should have only limited powers. To give consent to this proposal would be a treacherous thing against the interests of India, and I, as the Law Minister of India, will never do. I cannot betray the interests of my country,” the citation read.
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A fact-check by The Wire at the time had showed that the original source of the quote was an article written by RSS leader Balraj Madhok in Organiser, the organisation’s mouthpiece.
“The quote (that Naidu uses) is mentioned in Volume 4, page 472 of my book. I took it from an article titled ‘Article 370 – With Role of Dr BR Ambedkar in Shaping Peaceful Jammu and Kashmir State’ by an engineer, H.R. Bhonsa. Bhonsa’s article appeared in Dalit Vision, dated 20 February 2013,” Busi told The Wire.
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“Bhonsa had picked the quote from Balraj Madhok’s article published in (the RSS mouthpiece) Organiser, in its Deepawali edition of 14 November 2004,” Busi added.
Madhok, like all Hindu nationalists of the time, was a vocal opponent of Article 370. Busi said that he may have had a “political agenda” in mind while writing the article.
The same untruth was also advanced by the then Union parliamentary affairs minister Arjun Ram Meghwal in an Indian Express op-ed on August 20, 2019 – also by citing Busi.
Contrastingly, a closer look at Ambedkar’s writings compiled by the Union Ministry of External Affairs shows that far from supporting the abrogation of Article 370, he had advocated a “zonal plebiscite” in Kashmir valley, if that is what was required to resolve the Kashmir dispute. He believed that the Kashmir dispute should be resolved immediately to cut India’s disproportionately hefty defence budget – his stance was clearly administrative, not political.
“All that they (the Government of India) are dealing with is the (Kashmir) question of military allotment. The question of plebiscite is in no way new in the history of the world. One need not go back to the ancient past to find precedents for settling questions of this sort by plebiscite. After the First World War, I certainly remember there were two questions to be settled by plebiscite. One was the question of Upper Silesia and the other was the question of Alsace-Lorraine. Both these questions were settled by plebiscite, and I am sure that my hon. Friend Shri Gopalaswami Ayyangar (then a minister in-charge of Kashmir affairs), with his mature wisdom and sagacity, must be knowing of this. It is not possible for us to borrow something from the line of action taken by the League of Nations with regard to the plebiscite in Upper Silesia and Alsace-Lorraine which we can usefully carry into the Kashmir dispute and have the matter settled quickly so that we can release Rs. 50 crores from the Defence Budget and utilise it for the benefit of our people?”
From 1951 onwards, Ambedkar began to believe in the idea of a plebiscite quite forcefully, as can be seen in his words in the “Election Manifesto of the Scheduled Castes Federation”, which he authored in 1951. He says:
“On the Kashmir issue, the policy adopted by the Congress Government is not acceptable to the Scheduled Castes Federation. This policy if continued will lead to a perpetual enmity between India and Pakistan, and the possibility of war between the two countries. The Scheduled Castes Federation believes that it is essential for the good of both countries that they should be good and friendly neighbours. For this purpose the proper policy to adopt towards Pakistan should be based upon two considerations. (1) There should be no talk about the annulment of the partition of India. Partition should be accepted as a settled fact not to be reopened and that the two countries to continue as two separate sovereign States. (2) That, Kashmir to be partitioned– the Muslim area to go to Pakistan (subject to the wishes of the Kashmiris living in the Valley) and the non-Muslim area consisting of Jammu and Ladakh to come to India.”
The same year, at a press conference on October 27 in Jalandhar in Punjab, reporters asked Ambedkar about his view on what could be the solution to the Kashmir problem. This was his reply:
“I fear that a plebiscite in Jammu and Kashmir may go against India. In order to save Hindu and Buddhist population of Jammu and Ladakh, from going to Pakistan, in such an eventuality, there should be zonal plebiscite in Jammu, Ladakh, and Kashmir.”
In one of his essays, he reiterated the same point, explaining why he preferred a zonal plebiscite.
“The issue on which we are fighting most of the time (with Pakistan) is, who is in the Right and who is in the Wrong. The real issue to my mind is not who is in the Right but what is right. Taking that to be the main question, my view has always been that the right solution is to partition Kashmir. Give the Hindu and Buddhist part to India and the Muslim part to Pakistan as we did in the case of (partition of) India. We are really not concerned with the Muslim part of Kashmir. It is a matter between Muslims of Kashmir and Pakistan. They may decide the issue as they like. Or if you like, divide it into three parts; the cease-fire zone, the Valley and the Jammu-Ladakh region and have a plebiscite only in the valley. What I am afraid of is that in the proposed plebiscite, which is to be an overall plebiscite, the Hindus and Buddhists of Kashmir are likely to be dragged into Pakistan against their wishes and we may have to face the same problems as we are facing today in East Bengal.”
Shah’s assertion that Ambedkar was also opposed to Nehru’s foreign policy may be true but he clearly spun it in his favour to make an inaccurate argument. Ambedkar opposed Nehru’s policy towards Kashmir in a way that may only come back to haunt the BJP. He thought that any unilateral outreach work in Kashmir by the government of India can be a potential threat.
This is what he says in a 1953 parliamentary debate on India’s foreign policy, criticising Nehru’s efforts to build infrastructure connecting the rest of India and Kashmir:
“The key note of our foreign policy is to solve the problems of other countries, and not to solve the problems of our own. We have here the problem of Kashmir. We have never succeeded in solving it. Everybody seems to have forgotten that it is a problem. But I suppose, some day, we may wake up and find that the ghost is there.”
“And I find that the Prime Minister has launched upon the project of digging a tunnel connecting Kashmir to India. Sir, I think, it is one of the most dangerous things that a Prime Minister could do. We have been hearing of a tunnel under the English Channel to connect France with England. We have been hearing it for 50 years, I think someone has been proposing, and yet the English have never done anything to carry out the project, because it is a double-edged weapon. The enemy, if he conquers France, can use the tunnel and rush troops into England and conquer England. That might also happen. The Prime Minister, in digging the tunnel, thinks that he alone would be able to use it. He does not realise that it can always be a two-way traffic, and that a conqueror who comes on the other side and captures Kashmir, can come away straight to Pathankot, and probably come into the Prime Minister’s house – I do not know.”
Ambedkar’s views on ‘Hindu nationalism’
Even as Shah attacked the Congress, he invoked Ambedkar to hammer down his moot point that the BJP and its “cultural nationalism” has finally accorded the respect that the constitution deserved – as opposed to the Congress that merely understood the constitution through a colonial lens.
“Those who understand India will never be able to understand Bharat. If you look at Bharat from India’s lens, then you will never be able to understand Bharat in your life. That is why they (opposition) have named its alliance INDIA,” he said. He then elaborated on how the Modi government decolonised “Bharat Mata” from western influences.
He spoke about how the BJP-led government promulgated indigenous criminal laws by scrapping “160-year-old” laws, freed roads and monuments from its colonial nomenclatures as he also cited how Race Course Road and Rajpath were changed to Lok Kalyan Marg and Kartavya Path, initiated primary education in mother tongues, installed the Sengol in parliament, built a national war memorial and PM Museum, celebrated icons like Shivaji, Birsa Munda and Subhas Chandra Bose, and planned to put in place a Uniform Civil Code by doing away with personal laws.
Let us, therefore, look at how Ambedkar viewed the Hindutva method of imposing “Hindu” or “cultural” nationalism in independent India.
The most categorical statement by Ambedkar is in his own book, Pakistan or the Partition of India (1946, pages 354-355) where he said, “If Hindu Raj does become a fact, it will, no doubt, be the greatest calamity for this country…Hindu Raj must be prevented at any cost.”
Writing for The Wire, historian Prabodhan Pol cited a party manifesto published by the Scheduled Caste Federation (SCF) in 1951, authored by Ambedkar himself. The manifesto clearly argued, “The Scheduled Caste Federation will not have any alliance with any reactionary party such as Hindu Mahasabha or the RSS”.
Pol also quotes from Ambedkar’s newspaper Janata, his anti-caste movement’s mouthpiece where a Dalit activist from Nagpur P.D. Shelare complained about “the caste segregation actively practised in some local units (shakhas) of the RSS in Nagpur, particularly during meals.” Shelare said that words such as “nationalists” have acquired ironical and duplicitous meanings in India against such a backdrop.
Ambedkar’s newspapers like Bahiskrut Bharat, Janata, and Prabuddha Bharat consistently presented views against Hindutva organisations like Hindu Mahasabha for being founded on “sectarian principles of Brahminism and anti-Muslim politics”.
“Janata and Prabuddha Bharat held consistently critical views about Hindutva and its leading ideologues like V.D. Savarkar. For example, Savarkar’s ‘Patit-Pavan’ temple, which was built exclusively for untouchables in Ratnagiri received biting flak from the Janata. On the other hand, his emphasis to use Sanskritised words in Marathi was also argued as a typical fanatic attempt to sanitise Islamic influences,” Pol wrote in his article.
Similarly, writing for The Print, the editor of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, Vol. 17 to 22, published by the government of Maharashtra, Hari Narke, quoted Ambedkar extensively on his views on organisations like the RSS. One of his quotes in parliament on May 14, 1951 said, “May I mention the R.S.S. and Akali Dal? Some of them are very dangerous associations.”
In a Frontline article, noted jurist A.G. Noorani quoted Ambedkar from the Memorandum on the Rights of States and Minorities (March 24, 1947) that was submitted to the constituent assembly’s advisory committee on fundamental rights, minorities, etc. thus:
“Unfortunately for the minorities in India, Indian nationalism has developed a new doctrine which may be called the Divine Right of the Majority to rule the minorities according to the wishes of the majority. Any claim for the sharing of power by the minority is called communalism, while the monopolising of the whole power by the majority is called nationalism. Guided by such political philosophy the majority is not prepared to allow the minorities to share political power, nor is it willing to respect any convention made in that behalf as is evident from their repudiation of the obligation (to include representatives of the minorities in the Cabinet) contained in the Instrument of Instructions issued to the Governors in the Government of India Act of 1935. Under these circumstances there is no way left but to have the rights of the Scheduled Castes embodied in the Constitution.” (B. Shiva Rao, Select Documents , volume 2, page 113).
Shah and the Hindu Code Bills
While misleading the parliament, Shah curiously also spoke about Hindu Code Bills and blamed the Congress for bringing in an “anti-Hindu” bill that sought to scrap all Hindu traditions, even when Nehru allowed Muslim personal law and practices like triple talaq to continue.
This may be counted as another blooper from Shah’s Rajya Sabha speech. Nehru had appointed Ambedkar to chair the subcommittee to develop the Hindu Code Bill, and Ambedkar eventually resigned from Nehru’s cabinet on September 27, 1951, in protest after the Hindu Code Bill was defeated in parliament.
The Hindu Code Bill proposed reformist laws against conservative practices like polygamy, patriarchal inheritance laws among Hindu communities, endogamous marriages, caste discrimination and so on, while aiming to create a modern and progressive Hindu society.
The bills were introduced by Ambedkar in the constituent assembly in October 1947, while Nehru became its biggest campaigner in the 1952 general election. However, Ambedkar’s initial drafts of it were strongly opposed by Hindutva groups and leaders like Savarkar, resulting in its defeat. One can say that the resistance to the bills by Hindu nationalist organisations was primarily responsible for Ambedkar’s resignation, apart from Congress’s failure to get the drafts passed in parliament.
The BJP has used the debate on constitution in parliament as a platform to gain control over the political narrative, after it faced reverses in the Lok Sabha elections owing to the impression that the BJP may use its majority to change the constitution. However, its top leaders have ended up peddling lies and untruths about India’s constitutional history in the process. It could have chosen to say that the current crop of its leaders have attempted to correct the mistakes of their predecessors, but it clearly did not – even when patting itself on the back for a number of measures that the Modi government has taken to empower marginalised communities politically and socially.
As the debate on constitution has now taken a sharp turn with opposition forces demanding Shah’s resignation and pushing the Modi government against a wall, the BJP may just end up tying itself in knots like never before.
Ranchi- Jharkhand's traditional musical instrument, Mandar, may soon receive a Geographical Indication (GI) tag. The final hearing for the tag is scheduled for December 20 before the Registrar of Geographical Indications, Government of India.
The GI tag would recognize Mandar as a unique cultural and intellectual property of India on the global stage. Mandar, a percussion instrument made from red clay, holds a special place in Jharkhand's cultural heritage. It is played during festivals, crop celebrations, religious rituals, and cultural events, deeply integrated into the lives of both tribal and non-tribal communities, having been used for centuries in various dance and song performances.
The GI tag was claimed in 2023 by the Mandar Producer Company from Jarjatta village, Raidih block, Gumla district. The initiative was spearheaded by the then Deputy Commissioner of Gumla, Sushant Gaurav, and is currently being overseen by Deputy Commissioner, Karna Satyarthi.
Sources indicate Jharkhand's claim has met most required parameters in previous hearings.
"Mandar is unique, with no similar replica found in any other region or country," said Nandlal Nayak, a renowned folk artist from Jharkhand. Jarjatta village, renowned for its Mandar craftsmanship, has been associated with Mandar production for centuries. Today, four generations of 22 families in the village continue this traditional craft.
The Mandar is characterized by its distinctive cylindrical shape made from red clay, slightly bulging in the middle. The hollow structure has leather coverings on both sides, secured by braided cords. The right opening is smaller than the left. The smaller opening is coated with Kiran, giving Mandar its unique sound. The musician moves rhythmically while playing, carrying the instrument by a rope slung over the shoulder.
The GI tag would not only bolster Jharkhand's cultural identity but also create opportunities for preserving and globally promoting Mandar. Jharkhand currently has a single GI tag, awarded in 2021 to Sohrai paintings from Hazaribagh.
Gen Category Occupies 90% of Faculty in IITs and IIMs: What Space Is Left for SC-ST and OBCs, Asks AIOBCSA
Bleak Diversity in India’s Premier Institutions Sparks Outcry
According to data presented by AIOBCSA, over 90% of faculty positions at several IITs and IIMs are occupied by individuals from the General category, significantly falling short of the mandated reservation percentages for OBCs, SCs, and STs.Asif Nisar
New Delhi- The scenario in India’s premier higher education institutions is deeply upsetting for Bahujan communities, as over 90% of faculty positions in several Indian Institutes of Management (IIMs) are held by individuals from the General category. Similarly, in 21 Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs), more than 80% of faculty representation comes from the General section. These figures severely violate the constitutionally mandated reservation norms meant to ensure diversity and inclusion.
This glaring inequity was the focus of a press conference held in New Delhi by the All India OBC Students Association (AIOBCSA) on Monday. Rajya Sabha MP P. Wilson and AIOBCSA National President Kiran Kumar Gowd led the event, presenting data that highlighted the systemic exclusion of marginalised communities and demanded urgent corrective measures.
Rajya Sabha MP P. Wilson and AIOBCSA National President Kiran Kumar Gowd addressed the press, spotlighting systemic exclusion of marginalised communities in premier institutions.
Shocking Figures and Policy Violations
RTI responses received by AIOBCSA in September 2024 laid bare the disproportionate faculty composition in institutions like IIM Indore, where 97.2% of faculty positions are held by individuals from the General category, leaving no representation for Scheduled Castes (SC) or Scheduled Tribes (ST).
Similar trends were observed at IIM Udaipur and IIM Lucknow, where over 90% of faculty are from the General category.
In IITs, the numbers paint an equally bleak picture. Over 90% of faculty at IIT Bombay and IIT Kharagpur are from the General category, with IITs in Mandi, Gandhinagar, Kanpur, Guwahati, and Delhi reporting 80-90% General category faculty.
Across 13 IIMs, 82.8% of faculty are from the General category, while representation for SCs (5%), STs (1%), and OBCs (9.6%) falls drastically short of the mandated 15%, 7.5%, and 27%, respectively.
Similarly, in 21 IITs, 80% of faculty positions are held by the General category, with SCs at 6%, STs at 1.6%, and OBCs at 11.2%.
Adding to the crisis, hundreds of reserved positions remain unfilled. Seven IIMs report 256 vacancies, including 88 for OBCs, 54 for SCs, and 30 for STs. Eleven IITs have 1,557 faculty vacancies, with 415 reserved for OBCs, 234 for SCs, and 129 for STs.
Speaking at the press meet, MP P. Wilson called the situation an outright violation of the Constitution. “This blatant disregard for reservation policies is not just an oversight; it is a systemic attempt to exclude marginalized communities from positions of influence in academia,” he said.
AIOBCSA National President Kiran Kumar Gowd emphasized the urgent need for intervention, stating that the skewed faculty composition perpetuates exclusion and denies opportunities to underrepresented groups. The association presented a set of demands for the Ministry of Education, including:
Conducting an independent review of faculty recruitment processes.
Enforcing strict adherence to reservation policies.
Publishing transparent faculty rosters.
Filling vacant reserved positions without delay.
Establishing accountability mechanisms to ensure compliance.
The press meet also included participation from AIOBCSA National Advisor Er. Alla Ramakrishna, National Convenor Pankaj Rajashekar Kushwaha, and other key office-bearers.
The speakers pointed out that institutions like IIT Patna and IIM Jammu have shown that proper implementation of reservation policies is possible, demonstrating that the current failures are rooted in lack of commitment rather than systemic challenges.
The data shared by AIOBCSA raises critical questions about the state of social justice in India’s elite educational institutions. As MP Wilson noted, “If we cannot ensure diversity and representation in our premier institutions, we are failing the very communities these policies are designed to uplift.”
The association’s demands reflect a growing consensus that token measures are insufficient. To uphold constitutional values and promote equity, it is imperative that these institutions address the glaring disparities in faculty representation and ensure that reservation policies are implemented in both letter and spirit.
State-sanctioned brutality? Dalit communities targeted in Parbhani “combing operations”, women, children abused.Posted On December 20, 2024
The custodial death of Dalit law student Somnath Suryawanshi, systemic police violence against Ambedkarite communities, and government inaction have ignited protests across Maharashtra, exposing deep-rooted caste injustices and institutional impunity
A 35-year-old Dalit man, Somnath Suryawanshi, tragically died on December 15, a victim of alleged police brutality and custodial torture. The post-mortem report revealed the cause of death as “shock due to multiple injuries,” underscoring the horrific circumstances surrounding his demise. Suryawanshi had complained of chest pain on the morning of December 15, just a day after being transferred to judicial custody following two days in police detention. His death has sparked a wave of protests across Parbhani and Maharashtra, fuelled further by the state’s inaction and failure to address the underlying injustices.
Demands for a judicial inquiry have been made by the local affected population since December 17. In addition to the violent crackdown, several of those who reportedly are either residents of Parbhani or those who were peaceful protesting the desecration of the Constitution on December 10 were arrested on false charges. Among those arrested was Somnath Suryawanshi who succumbed to injuries allegedly inflicted in police custody after he had moved to judicial custody. Speaking to Sabrangindia on the status of the Ambedkarite protestors arrested on charges of rioting, advocate and activist, Rahul Pradhan Pradhan revealed that 26 individuals had been granted bail by the Sessions Court on December 18 and were expected to be released soon. However, five accused remain in jail, though none of them are women or minors.
Opposition protests, growing public discontent with the state government
The custodial death and the sarpanch’s murder became focal points for the opposition during the winter session of the Maharashtra legislature. Members of the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA), including the Congress, Shiv Sena (UBT), and NCP, staged a walkout accusing the government of neglecting law and order. Congress leader Nitin Raut criticised the police and the administration, stating, “The interim medical report confirms police brutality. This is a gross failure of governance, and the government must act immediately to ensure justice.”
Speaking in the Assembly, Raut raised the issue of brutality against Dali women by male officers as well. He also took to social media and stated “After the desecration of the Constitution in Parbhani, the police administration took the precautions that should have been taken while this was happening. The police have lathi-charged Buddhists, Bhim Sainiks and those protecting the Constitution. The police have beaten up the mother of a one-and-a-half-month-old child in her house. All this is an outrage. The government demanded in the House to immediately register a case against the guilty police officers and take action.”
Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Ambadas Danve expressed similar concerns, emphasising that the right to protest was being suppressed under the current regime. Congress MLA Nana Patole argued that the government’s mismanagement of the Parbhani violence and the Beed murder had heightened tensions across the state. Speaker Rahul Narwekar, however, rejected an adjournment motion to discuss these issues immediately, stating that the matter would be taken up later, leading to further outrage among opposition members.
The dual tragedies have led to mounting public anger, with activists, residents, and political leaders demanding accountability. In Parbhani, local residents staged protests alleging that the police crackdown disproportionately targeted Dalit communities. In Beed, Maratha leaders accused the administration of failing to address growing caste tensions.
Activists have raised contentions that the incidents highlight systemic flaws in governance, including police overreach, caste discrimination, and ineffective conflict resolution mechanisms. Opposition parties have called for judicial inquiries into both cases and immediate reforms to prevent such incidents in the future.
Protests and police brutality
The backdrop of these protests lies in the desecration of the Constitution on December 10, an incident that initially led to peaceful demonstrations by Ambedkarite groups. However, according to reports of eye-witnesses from the ground, these protests escalated into violence—an outcome many believe stemmed from law enforcement’s deliberate inaction. Advocate and activist Rahul Pradhan, who has been on the ground in Parbhani since the incident, told SabrangIndia that the narrative pushed by the police does not reflect the truth. According to Pradhan, the Ambedkarite protests were entirely peaceful and concluded amicably after discussions between protest leaders—including activists Vijay Wakode, Sudhir Salve, and Ravi Kamble—and the police. He emphasised that the violence that later unfolded was not instigated by Ambedkarites but by unknown outsiders who engaged in arson, rioting, and stone pelting while the police stood by as passive onlookers.
Pradhan accused the police of enabling the violence, alleging that law enforcement allowed the hooligans to wreak havoc unchecked for hours. He noted that it wasn’t until the late evening of December 11 that the police began arresting individuals—but shockingly, their focus was on Ambedkarite activists who had peacefully protested rather than the actual perpetrators of the violence. “It seemed as if the police had an agenda, some instructions from above, and they were working according to it,” Pradhan stated.
The arrests of Ambedkarites were part of what Pradhan described as a targeted “combing operation” in Dalit and Buddhist-majority settlements. Such operations typically involve searching areas for individuals accused of cognisable offences, but in this case, the execution was brutal and indiscriminate. Pradhan and other activists recounted chilling accounts of police brutality during these raids, with men, women, and even children reportedly beaten savagely.
The horrors inflicted on these communities are deeply disturbing. Women were not spared, with male police officers allegedly assaulting them in particularly degrading and inhumane ways. Pradhan narrated the ordeal of a woman who had delivered a baby just a month prior—she was reportedly beaten without mercy. In another instance, police officers allegedly grabbed a woman by her hair, stood on her thighs, and struck her with sticks. Independent journalist Sharmistha Bhosale, who has been documenting the aftermath, shared harrowing images of the victims, corroborating these allegations of police excesses.
Rahul Pradhan’s accounts lay bare a grim reality: these raids were not about maintaining law and order but appeared to target Dalit and Buddhist communities in a manner that suggests systemic bias and state complicity. The violence unleashed by the police has left these communities traumatised, with many continuing to demand accountability and justice for the atrocities they endured. Suryawanshi’s death and the events that followed stand as a stark reminder of the deep-seated inequalities and institutional failures that plague the justice system in India. The outrage and protests sweeping Maharashtra are not just calls for justice for one man but a cry against the entrenched caste-based oppression and unchecked state violence that has gone on for far too long.
Sharmistha Bhosale, an independent journalist, also reporting from Parbhani, also shared her perspective with SabrangIndia, expressing deep anguish over the brutality inflicted upon the Dalit community, particularly women. “The way these people, especially the women, have been brutalised is beyond imagination. The targeted individuals are daily wage workers. Male police officers have, with impunity, used excessive force against Ambedkarites. Would male police inflict such gendered violence on women, even older women without the impunity born of political protection,” she asked. Sharmistha Bhosale shared exclusive photographs from Parbhani with Sabrangindia.
A woman showing her foot which was damaged when she was trying to escape from the lathicharge
This is police violence upon one of the daily wage workers. He said he had just come home that evening after finishing his day at work. The police and SRP came out of nowhere, dragged him out of his house
Most of the people in Priyadarshini Nagar had flown away with fear after the combing operation. Still the traumas and nightmares are in the air.
A woman pointing at the fragile, tin door which was damaged by police during the combing operation
The Ahilyadevi Nagar residents say that police had targeted their vehicles and damaged them as they saw Babasaheb Ambedkar’s sign or symbols on them
Advocate and activist Rahul Pradhan raised serious questions about the conduct of the police and their one-sided investigation into the Parbhani incident. According to Pradhan, the authorities are deliberately diverting attention away from the desecration of the Constitution, which initially triggered the protests. “Why have the police not checked the CCTV footage from the area where the desecration occurred? Did the perpetrator drop from heaven? Why is there no investigation against him?” he asked, pointing to glaring omissions in the police’s approach.
Pradhan also criticised the government for its inaction against the police officers involved. He argued that the absence of suspensions, transfers, or any punitive measures suggests tacit state support for the excessive use of force. “Even after the death of one Dalit man in custody and allegations of mass brutalisation, the government has taken no action against the police. If the state were not backing the excessive use of force against the marginalised, why would it stay quiet till now?” Pradhan remarked.
Pradhan, along with other activists, has demanded an independent judicial investigation into the entire series of events in Parbhani, beginning with the desecration of the Constitution and its underlying causes. He attributed the act of desecration to a climate of hate speeches prevalent in the area. Additionally, he called for the registration of an FIR against the erring police officers, including charges of custodial torture and murder in the case of Somnath Suryawanshi.
The demands for justice—ranging from a transparent investigation to accountability for the police—highlight the systemic flaws in how marginalised communities are treated by law enforcement and the state. The Parbhani incident is not merely a local tragedy but a reflection of a larger pattern of oppression and impunity that continues to plague India’s justice system.
“They took my son’s life” says deceased Somnath Suryawanshi’s mother
Under the scorching December sun in Parbhani, Vijaya Venkat Suryavanshi mourned the death of her eldest son, Somnath Suryavanshi, a 35-year-old law student from the marginalised Vadar community. Speaking to BBC Marathi, Vijaya recounted the heartbreak of losing her son while he was in judicial custody. “They deliberately took my son away. They beat him up and took his life. Then they called me to tell me he was gone,” she said, holding back tears. Somnath had travelled to Parbhani to take an exam but was arrested by the police in connection with the violence that erupted in the city on December 11. The police claim Somnath died of a heart attack, but the family strongly disputes this, pointing to the autopsy report that lists “shock following multiple injuries” as the cause of death.
The violence began after the desecration of a copy of the Indian Constitution placed near a statue of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar. Protests led by Ambedkarite groups culminated in a citywide bandh that escalated into stone-pelting and arson. Somnath, according to his family, had no involvement in the unrest but was arrested on December 11. He was held in police custody for two days before being transferred to judicial custody. By December 15, he was dead. The Suryavanshi family alleges that Somnath was subjected to severe custodial torture, with his brother Premnath detailing how the police “stripped him and beat him for days, trying to keep him alive with medical treatment until he succumbed.”
BBC Marathi’s on-ground reporting revealed accounts from Bhimnagar residents, who described widespread police brutality in the aftermath of the violence. Sudhakar Jadhav, a kidney patient recovering at home, claimed the police forcibly entered his house, dragged him and his son outside, and beat them ruthlessly. “They beat my son so much that his skin peeled off. The marks of their sticks are still visible on his back and thighs,” he said. Women in the area also alleged that they were assaulted, with one blind woman recounting how her son was beaten on his back and head. Activists from the Ambedkar movement accused the police of conducting targeted combing operations in Ambedkarite and Buddhist settlements, indiscriminately attacking residents, including women and children.
Rahul Pradhan asserted that the police “created terror” in these settlements under the guise of maintaining order. Vijay Wakode, another activist, accused the police of orchestrating Somnath’s death, alleging, “They beat him for two days in police custody and continued the assault in judicial custody.” Wakode himself passed away from a heart attack on December 16, adding another layer of tragedy to the unfolding events. Notably, Wakode had also been booked for rioting by the police.
Despite the mounting allegations, Special Inspector General Shahaji Umap dismissed claims of combing operations or misconduct. In a statement to BBC Marathi, Umap maintained that only individuals involved in the December 11 violence were detained and denied reports of police raids in residential areas. On Somnath’s death, Umap refrained from making further comments, suggesting that the medical report would provide definitive answers. There is however no response on the violence inflicted and injuries suffered by victims, evident from not just the post-morten but strong eye-witness accounts.
The Suryavanshi family and the residents of Bhimnagar continue to demand justice, accusing the police of unchecked brutality and systemic targeting of marginalised communities. This case has reignited concerns over custodial violence in India, with activists calling for accountability and reform to address the institutional impunity that enables such incidents. BBC Marathi’s detailed coverage sheds light on the devastating consequences of this alleged abuse of power, offering a grim reminder of the cost of silence and inaction.
Parbhani: Custodial death of a Dalit man
The unrest in Parbhani began on December 10 when a replica of the Indian Constitution placed near a statue of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar was vandalised. The desecration led to widespread protests by Dalit organisations, culminating in violence and clashes with the police on December 11. Incidents of stone-pelting and arson were reported, prompting the police to arrest several individuals. Among those arrested was 35-year-old Dalit law student Somnath Suryawanshi, who had reportedly returned to Parbhani to appear for an exam.
Somnath was taken into police custody on December 12 and subsequently transferred to judicial custody after having spent two days in police custody. On December 15, he complaint of chest pain, and when taken to the hospital was declared dead, with an interim postmortem report stating that the cause of death was “shock following multiple injuries.” His family alleged that he was subjected to severe custodial torture, with his brother, Premnath Suryawanshi, stating, “Somnath had nothing to do with the protests. He was beaten for days until he succumbed to his injuries.” Activists have accused the police of targeting Dalit settlements in the aftermath of the protests against the desecration of the Constitution, claiming that innocent people, including women and children, were subjected to violence during combing operations.
Detailed report on the same may be read here.
Beed: Murder of a Maratha sarpanch raises caste tensions
In Massejeog village of Beed district, the kidnapping and murder of Maratha sarpanch Santosh Deshmukh on December 9 has also caused significant unrest. Deshmukh, known for his leadership in the Maratha community, was allegedly killed in a caste-related dispute. The prime accused, Vishnu Chate, belongs to the OBC-Vanjari community, which has historically been at odds with the Marathas over issues such as reservation and local dominance.
As per multiple reports, Deshmukh’s body was discovered on the highway, and initial reports suggested he was tortured before being killed. Opposition leaders criticised the delay in apprehending the main accused, with NCP MLA Sandeep Kshirsagar noting that despite an extortion case being filed, no murder charges had been officially registered. BJP MLA Namita Mundada from Kaij described Deshmukh as a respected community leader whose death had shocked the region.
Custodial Violence in Parbhani: Tragedy and allegations of police brutality
The custodial death of 35-year-old Dalit youth Somnath Suryawanshi in Parbhani and the kidnapping and murder of Maratha sarpanch Santosh Deshmukh in Beed have triggered widespread condemnation from various political parties, Dalit organisations, and social groups. Both incidents have exposed systemic governance failures and reignited debates on caste-based discrimination and police brutality in Maharashtra.
In Pune, the Matang Ekta Andolan and the Republican Party of India (RPI) organised protests in front of the district collector’s office. RPI leader Parshuram Wadekar called for an independent inquiry into the incidents and demanded stringent action against those found responsible. A Dalit organisation released a statement condemning police actions in Parbhani, claiming that the authorities conducted brutal search operations targeting Dalit youths and women after the protests. The statement read, “After Dalit youths agitated in Parbhani, the police conducted search operations and beat the youths and women. Action should be taken against those found guilty.”
Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) city president Prashant Jagtap announced agitations outside the Pune collector’s office, stating, “Both the Parbhani custodial death and Beed sarpanch murder reflect a breakdown of law and order. This government must be held accountable for failing to protect its citizens.”
Courtesy: Sabrang India
Note: This news is originally published on sabrangindia.in and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially for human rights.
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Sivaji.UT news.Chief,kadapa.AP. In India There are 143 reserved MPs and 62 SC.STs won in general seats.143(reserved seats)+62(general seats)=205..sc.st out of 543..Lok Sabha MPs.38%.Dr Ambedkar is winning slowly in Dr Ambedkar India....good. GOOD NEWS. The facts from EC.website.SC.ST.. 20%(19.7) are elected in General Seats merritoriously. Dalit,SC.ST candidates in general seats rarely win. 🐜🐜🐜🐜🐜🐜🐜🐜🐜🐜🐜🐜🐜🐘🐘🐘🐘🐘🐘🐘🐘🐘🐘🐘🐘🐘🐘 ALL INDIA LEVEL ✈️✈️✈️✈️✈️✈️✈️✈️✈️ In all India level Overall, since 2004, 5,953 SC/ST candidates have contested from (general seats ) unreserved seats in Lok Sabha elections, with 62 (or just over 1%) of them winning. In state Assembly elections, the number is almost similar, at 20,644 such candidates, and 246 recorded wins (1.19%). Lok Sabha elections Since 2004, the highest number of SC/ST winners in general seats were seen in 2024 last year’s Lok Sabha elections, at 22 (two of them women) – though, their number h...
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Opposition leaders protest in parliament with Ambedkar's images. In the foreground is Amit Shah. Photos: X/@INCIndia and Instagram/AmitShahOfficial.AdvertisementSupport Free & Independent Journalism
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