26.12.24...Untouchablity News.....अछूत समाचार.தீண்டாமை செய்திகள்.by Team சிவாஜி. शिवाजी .Shivaji.asivaji1962@gmail.com.9444917060.
Dalit, Tribal Christians will get major share of Indiramma houses: Revanth Reddy
Addressing the gathering after offering prayers at Medak church on the occasion of Christmas on Wednesday, the Chief Minister said the poor Christians were also benefitting from the free 200 units of power supply.
Medak: Chief Minister A Revanth Reddy said Dalit and Tribal Christians will get a good share of Indiramma houses. Addressing the gathering after offering prayers at Medak church on the occasion of Christmas on Wednesday, the Chief Minister said the poor Christians were also benefitting from the free 200 units of power supply.
Appreciating the Christians for taking health and education as a priority in those days,0 Revanth said the Congress government launched fee reimbursement and Rajiv Arogya Sri drawing inspiration from christian missionaries’ work. He said that he had promised to visit the church after becoming Chief Minister after offering prayers as PCC president last year.
Congratulating the devotees as the church was celebrating centenary celebrations this year, Revanth said that the Congress government would release enough grants to the church to provide various facilities. The Chief Minister laid the foundations for various development works, which will be taken up with an outlay of Rs 29.18 crore, on the premises of the church.
Earlier, he also offered prayers at Sri Vana Durga Bhavani temple located at Edupayala. Revanth Reddy laid the foundation for Rs 35 crore worth of work on the premises of the temple. Ministers Damodara Rajanarasimha, Konda Surekha, Ponguleti Srinivas Reddy, Pradesh Congress Committee President Mahesh Goud, Collector Rahul Raj and others were present.
Courtesy : Telangana Today.
Various Dalit organisations commemorate 1927 event by setting Manu Smriti on fire
The event was organised under the aegis of Samata Sena Karnataka and various other organisations at Durgad Bail in Hubballi
Members of various Dalit organisations burnt a copy of Manu Smriti in Hubballi on Wednesday to commemorate the 97th anniversary of the destruction of copies of the text by architect of Constitution B.R. Ambedkar.
The event was held under the aegis of Samata Sena Karnataka, association of street vendors, leather workers association, federation of various Dalit organisations and associations and progressive association at Durgad Bail.
The participants observed the day of burning of the text as an awareness programme against Manu ideology, casteism and superstitions.
Staging a demonstration and raising slogans at Durgad Bail, the participants then burnt the copy of Manu Smruti to commemorate the destruction of the text by Ambedkar at a women’s conference way back in 1927.
Leading the demonstration, Gurunath Ullikashi of Samata Sena Karnataka, Bulla Shet, Suvarna Kallakuntla, Basavaraj Teradal, Manjanna Ullikashi, Ravi Kadam, Praveen Nadakatti and others said that the burning of the text was a mark of Ambedkar registering a protest against discrimination in the name of caste and gender.
They said that Manu Smriti justified exploitative social order by upholding Varnashrama and the burning of the text symbolised the burning of the history of exploitation.
Despite the changing times, the exploitation of the downtrodden continues in different forms and the event should remind all about continuing the fight initiated by Baba Saheb, they said and added that the fight has become even more crucial now in the wake of divisive forces making systematic efforts to change the Constitution.
Autorickshaw drivers, street vendors, sweepers and other workers participated in the event.
Courtesy : The Hindu.
New OTT series a retelling of the 2010 ‘kaand’ in Haryana’s Mirchpur. How caste violence had unfolded
The show, ‘Kaand 2010’, aims to highlight the prevalence of caste discrimination in society brought to the fore during the violence in the Haryana village.
Edited by Sushil Manav
Gurugram: A new socio-political drama has brought the issue of deep-seated caste discrimination in society into focus again.
Kaand 2010, released on 20 December on OTT platform Stage, is based on a real incident that occurred in Mirchpur village of Haryana where two Dalit residents were burnt alive and many others were forced to flee their homes amid escalating tensions with dominant caste groups.
In the Haryana Assembly elections that concluded in October, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) had highlighted the Mirchpur kaand (scandal) to portray the Congress as anti-Dalits because it happened under the government of former chief minister Bhupinder Singh Hooda.
Hooda’s detractors had accused him of favouring members of the Jat community and denying justice to the Dalits.
Speaking to ThePrint, actor Yashpal Sharma, who plays the main character Bhool Singh, said that the series aims to send a message that it is important to protect the bhaichara (brotherhood) in villages.
Sharma is best known for his roles in movies such as Lagaan (2001), Gangaajal (2003), and Singh Is Kinng (2008).
Actor Hariom Kaushik said that since the Mirchpur kaand remained a national headline for months, the producers of the series thought of using this as a subject.
Also Read: Khap in Charkhi Dadri bans celebratory firing. Offenders to face fine, police action & social boycott
What happened during 2010 incident
The Mirchpur incident, often referred to as the Mirchpur kaand, began with an altercation between members of the Dalit and Jat communities over a barking dog on the night of 19 April, 2010.
On the following day, an angry mob of 200 people from the dominant Jat community returned to the Dalit basti (settlement) and set the houses ablaze. Tara Chand, a 70-year-old Dalit man, and his 18-year-old disabled daughter, Suman, were burnt alive in their home. Many others were injured and over 150 Dalit families were displaced as they fled the village out of fear.
The local administration and police were accused of inaction. Reports suggested that the police failed to prevent the attack despite knowing about the brewing tension in the village.
Around 150 victims escaped to Delhi and took refuge at the Balmiki temple near Connaught Place after the incident.
The trial
In August 2010, Haryana Police arrested 103 accused after orders from the Supreme Court. On 9 January, 2011, 98 of the accused were transferred to Tihar Jail from Hisar Jail.
The court ordered the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) to take over the case on 20 January, 2011, and the trial was held in Delhi.
P.K. Sandhir, a senior lawyer from Hisar who appeared for the accused, told ThePrint that in 2011, a trial court in Delhi convicted 15 people and acquitted 82 others due to lack of evidence.
In 2018, the Delhi High Court increased the punishment for several convicts, including life sentences for some. The court termed the incident a “grotesque manifestation of caste-based violence”.
The Mirchpur incident became a rallying point for Dalit rights movements across the country. Organisations such as the Bhim Army and others used the incident to demand stricter laws and better implementation of existing protections for marginalised communities.
Directed by Rajesh Amarlal Babbar, Kaand 2010 is being lauded for its authentic depiction of rural Haryana and the socio-political issues therein. The supporting cast includes Ashish Nehra, Yogesh Bhardwaj, Akanksha Bhardwaj, Chetna Sarser, Kuldeep Singh, Armaan Ahlawat, Meena Malik, and Hariom Kaushik.
Courtesy : The Print.
Akhilesh Yadav’s new trick to bring Dalits to his side, preparations to break into BJP-BSP vote bank with this formula!
UP Politics: Samajwadi Party, which gave the slogan of Save Constitution, may see a new political color in the coming time. SP chief Akhilesh Yadav’s eyes are on wooing Dalit voters.
Edited By: Shailjakant Mishra
UP Politics: Samajwadi Party, which is elated with the victory in the Lok Sabha elections through the PDA formula, is going to see a changed political style in the coming time. The party will soon implement this strategy. SP will also bring the great men of every caste in the discussion of PDA. A masterstroke has been played to woo Dalit voters. The party has been raising the issue of Constitution and Ambedkar with full force since before.
Eyes on Dalit voters
SP’s eyes are on Dalit voters. Along with making a big dent in BSP’s slipping support base, it wants to break into BJP’s vote bank. The PDA narrative has proved to be effective in the Lok Sabha elections. 8 Dalit faces of SP have reached Lok Sabha after winning. Many of them were from places which were considered to be stronghold of BJP. The most talked about result was Ayodhya. Where BJP’s defeat surprised everyone. SP’s Dalit face Awadhesh Prasad won here.
Akhilesh attacks BJP
The SP chief continuously attacks the BJP government over the constitution. Yesterday, at the SP headquarters, he also fired sharp political arrows at BJP. He says that BJP and its allied organizations want to change Baba Saheb’s constitution. The more powerful BJP becomes, the more it will attack the constitution. For the integrity of the country, we will have to follow the path shown by Ambedkar. He further said that the constitution is the strength of PDA. SP is fighting to save it.
Organization of PDA discussion
SP has played the gamble of organizing sector-wise PDA discussion from 26 December i.e. today. In which people will be sworn in to save the constitution and Baba Saheb’s ideas will be conveyed. This one month program will run till 25 January i.e. a day before Republic Day. Party workers will participate in it. There will be discussions on social justice, reservation, unemployment, inflation, caste census and local issues.
Program on birth anniversary of great men
Not only this, SP has planned that it will organize assembly programs on the birth anniversary and death anniversary of great men of PDA (Backward, Dalit, Minority). Party leaders and officials have been given instructions regarding this. According to the information, written material is being collected about the great men of all castes including Kashyap and Pasi.
Courtesy: Hindi News
Special Report: ‘They came like monkeys; they came like Nazis.’ Ambedkari Bastis in Parbhani face the traumas of police brutality
The independent journalist, in this on ground report tracks the violence that hit Parbhani in Marathwada post December 10 especially examining, through exclusive eye-witness accounts the allegations of brute violence in police custody and police violence during the indiscriminate combing operations on December 11
These are the winters of Marathwada. Parbhani, one of the prominent and sensitive districts in Maharashtra, is experiencing a fall of temperature up to 5 °C at night in this month of December. Numerous ‘basti’ residents of Priyadarshini Nagar are bruised with pain amidst the chilling weather. The pain has emerged from the combing operation of the Maharashtra police & State Reserve Police Force (SRPF), which took place at noon on December 11.
It was on December 10 when the incident of one Datta Sopan Pawar allegedly vandalising the preamble of the Constitution kept in front of the statue of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar occurred. This resulted in palpable tensions in the city. But this was the initial phase. Thereafter, Datta Sopan Pawar was allegedly manhandled and beaten by some ‘Ambedkarites’ who witnessed the incident. A doctor, on the condition of anonymity, disclosed that Datta Sopan Pawar was on drugs related to mental illness. It was then that the police ‘made interventions’ and claimed ‘they took ‘necessary action against him.’ The next day, December 11, however, local Ambedkarite organisations called for a ‘bandh’ in the city. During this, a mob of youth & teenagers, along with women, allegedly came out to the prominent areas of the city, like the District Magistrate (DM)’s office, Vyapari Sankul (Commercial Complex), & Visava corner. The mob of approximately 100 people allegedly went on the rampage and ransacked the DM’s office, tore documents there, and damaged the furniture amidst sloganeering. Then members of the mob also allegedly destroyed the small vendors’ stalls, looted money from the galas (cash counters) of pan (betel leaf) shops, and pelted stones on the glass walls of the malls & shops. This carried on for reportedly an hour. Witnesses say there were no police seen on the roads for that entire one hour. After an hour police appeared and started controlling the mob by imposing Section 144. Police called in the SRPF as well and started combing operations in some of the Ambedkarite bastis of Parbhani, according to the version of local citizens. Datta Sopan Pawar is now in jail at an unknown location according to information given by Additional SP of Parbhani Yashwant Kale.
Police & SRPF security has been imposed around Dr. Ambedkar statue now
Meanwhile, police also arrested around 40 people for ‘disturbing the law and order in the city’. Some people said they were surprised that in the FIR, the first name noted was that of Ambedkari leader, Vijay Vakode, who thereafter died on December 17 due to a sudden heart attack. Vakode was, in fact, one of the members of the peace committee formed by the police. Now, police have released all the people from the custody, against whom cases were filed, according to Ganpat Bhise and Dr. Sunil Jadhav, Ambedkari activists (follower of Ambedkar ideology). But days after the arrests, on December 15 news of Somanth Suryawanshi’s death became public. On December 14, all ‘accused’ had been transferred from police to MCR custody. Somnath Suryawanshi was a 35-year-old law student studying at Shivaji Law College, Parbhani. His custodial death has created a storm in social and political circles. Initially, police claimed that Suryawanshi had a heart attack and died. But later –on the vigilant insistence of local advocates and activists –his body was taken to Aurangabad Ghati Hospital, and postmortem (PM) was done in camera. The PM report stated that the cause of the death was ‘shock following multiple injuries.’ According to Somnath’s classmates and activists in the agitation, Somnath was capturing the videos of the police brutality, and that’s the only reason police seized him & then beat him to death. Meanwhile, CM Devendra Fadanvis, while replying to a debate on this issue in the State Legislature on Friday, December 20, declared a financial aid of Rs. 10 lakh to the family of Somanth Suryawanshi. Fadanvis also stated that the injuries found on the body of Somnath were old and police are not to be blamed for those. Fadnavis’ reactions in the State Assembly have not helped alleviate tensions, in fact raised questions on the state’s willingness or ability to conduct an impartial inquiry into the deaths and injuries caused by the combing operations.
Sabrangindia has detailed the chronology of arrests and legal interventions in its report that may also be read here.
The PM report of Somnath Suryawanshi (Credit X)
Priyadarshini Nagar is a basti with an approximate population of 800 alongside Parbhani’s Vasmat road. The residents are closely associated with each other. Ashok Ubale and Ganpat Bhise, the social activists from the Ambedkarite movements, took me inside the narrow lanes of Basti. Ramesh, a 55-year-old daily wage worker (name has been changed for security reasons), narrated the trauma of December 11. He also shared a story of unexpected police actions that impacted on the life of the couple.
In a week, shaking voice, he says, “They were all wearing headgear, iron-shielded uniforms, and whatnot. We were all weaponless as well as helpless. Kunitari zopet dhonda ghatlyasarkha hota baga te sagla maay…(It was all like someone kills you with a huge stone when you are in a deep sleep). Now I am not able to decide how to sleep, as there is pain emanating from all over my body. Police beat me up, and they just left. Nothing is on the record. I have no evidence of all this brutality except my wounds!”
His wife, Sumantai (name has been changed for security reasons), says that she was working in the kitchen when police came with no intimation and just started beating her husband and asking him repeatedly if he was present in the protests yesterday. “My husband tried to convince them that he was very weak and went to work that very day, but they didn’t believe him. I went all out and tried to save my husband. In this process, they beat me as well.” Sumantai shows me her swollen right hand. “Now I am struggling with daily household chores as my right hand is damaged. My husband has not been able to rejoin his work for the last 10 days. We both are daily wage workers. Now I need to give him a bath as he can’t bathe on his own. All of my daughters are married and live in different cities. Our son studies in Standard X, and now he is compelled to work in a garage.” One can see a deep half-ripened wound on the shoulder bones of Ramesh.
The wounds and welts seen on the body of Ramesh in Priyadarshini Nagar
I went to the Taluka court in the evening. I was looking for Somnath Suryawanshi’s mother. Taluka Court officials took the statement of Vijayabai Suryawanshi for 3 hours as she had filed a complaint against the cops saying that they should be held responsible for the custodial death of her 35-year-old son, Somnath Suryawanshi, who belonged to the Vadaar (Nomadic Tribe) community. We both had a word in the backyard of the court at 5:30 pm on the eve of December 18. Lalu Jadhav, an activist from Vadar Samaj Sanghatana, and some activists from Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi were accompanying her. Her advocate, Pawan Jondhale, was also there.
Somnath’s last rites were performed on the eve of December 16. A large crowd was present for the same. I had a word with some of Somnath’s classmates. According to them, he was very sincere and aware. He had always struggled to balance between his bread and butter commitments and academics. His friends also added that he was not present at the time of any violence but protested peacefully with a pen and diary in his hands on December 11.
I-card of Somnath Suryawanshi
Vatsalabai Manvate is an untrained medical helper in a private hospital, mostly on a night shift. But this is not her only identity. She is an Insta Reelstar. While struggling with daily life, she manages to make some reels about Babasaheb Ambedkar, her basti life, dhamma festivals, and all.
Swati (name changed for security reasons), her daughter-in-law, was at home in a hurry to make a tiffin for hospitalised Vatsalabai. She expresses herself fearlessly, “My mother-in-law, Vatsalabai, is a tech-savvy woman. She is also an honest follower of Babasaheb Ambedkar’s teachings. Due to this background of hers, that day, she started shooting the live videos of police and SRPF beating the innocent basti people without any strong evidence or paperwork. That was the only thing that went against her, and the police not only beat her but also molested her sexually. Two of the male police pressed her thighs, some of them pulled her hair, and the remaining police and SRPF mob beat her, which has resulted in serious injuries all over the body, including the areas of her private parts. The CCTV footage of the same incident is now viral all over the internet. Now I feel like the cops are like some goons wearing a police uniform. ‘Mungicha jeev baarik asto tila sagle ragditaat… tasa zalay aamcha.’ (The lives of ants are so tiny and insignificant that anyone can kill them, and the same is our case.)”
In the ICU ward of the Parbhani District Civil Hospital, bed no. 6 is a sensation for other patients and hospital staff as influential political figures, social activists & police officials keep making rounds of that bed to meet the patient. It is where the 50 year old Vatsalabai Manvate rests, recovering. A fair-skinned, grey-eyed, beautiful lady. One can sense the hardships of her life by looking at the fit and strong physique she holds. But when I went to meet her, I found her hands shivering with pain and trauma from the violence thrashing upon her.
Vatsalabai was lying on the bed wearing a nylon saree with her whole body covered with blankets. She said it was hard for her to get up. “What was my crime, that they beat me in such an insulting way? I need justice; I am not going to keep mum. I was not able to sleep at night the past few days. I had already undergone angiography some years ago. Besides that, I am a BP patient. I was continuously telling these facts to the police and SRPF, but they didn’t stop the assault. Targeting my knees, hands, legs, and private parts, they kept molesting me verbally & physically. During this assault, I requested that I needed to pee. One of them said, “Kholtes ki naahi mobile cha lock? Nasta tula aata ithach mutavto ki naahi baghch tu!” (If you are not going to unlock your mobile for us, I will forcefully make you pee here right now.”) There were women cops, but the male police beat me more than the women. Police forced me to unlock my mobile, seized it, and haven’t given it back till today.
One of the political leaders from the Opposition visits ICU to meet Vatsalabai Manvate
One of the youth in Ahilyanagar spoke to me anonymously: “There were rumors all over in the air within our Basti that ‘they’ are going to come back again in the night. Our kids still wake up crying in the dark hours. Children, old-age people, breastfeeding women—no one was spared. Verbal abuse by the police was vile. They have also beaten 12-14-year-old teenagers. Many of the youth are wearing plasters on their hands or feet. Anyone can see the doors, windows, and vehicles were broken with boot kicks and lathis. Police had also used tear gas. Are we some kind of terrorists for the state?”
His friends participated in the discussion. He says, “Here in our city, there is a popular proverb, ‘Jagaat Germany, Bhartaat Parbhani.’ (When one looks at the world, there is Germany, so as in India, there is Parbhani.) Ironically, Germany holds the history of Nazi brutality. So this is the same replication happening in the Ambedkari Bastis of Parbhani now. So many of our women and youth have captured the live footage of police and SRPF violence. We have the evidence with us. Just this question remains: What action will be taken by the current home minister & state police authorities against all this? To date, no one from the ruling party has come here to witness the sufferings & property losses we have undergone. We are feeling excluded & targeted in a democratic state.” [1]
Violence erupted in the city on December 11, 2024(Credit X)
Both of them led me to the residence of Pranita (name changed for security reasons). Pranita is a breastfeeding mother. Her first daughter is three years old, and the second one is a newborn of two months. Recalling the incident, she breaks down in tears again and again and says, “I still get haunted with the echoes of that violence. I was told by some of the neighbours that the police were on the way. My elder daughter was asleep. So I hid in our bathroom with my small baby. Police & SRPF came in a moment and broke the main wooden door of our home. Then they started kicking on the bathroom cement door with tremendous force. This door as well broke down and was going to fall upon me. I got away with a blink of an eye. Then the women police forcefully took me to the front yard and asked me to come and sit in the police van. I kept telling them that I was nowhere in the peaceful agitations happening in the city as I am a breastfeeding mother, but they didn’t pay any attention. They started to beat me with a ‘sundari’ (police stick). Meanwhile, one of our neighbours brought my kids in front of them. Some of the women cops were kind of puzzled to see my kids. They paused for a moment and asked me to go home. I think they were able to smell the future consequences of the incident if they would have picked me up. I still hear the echoes of ‘khol darwajaa… khol darwajaa…’ (open the door… open the door). I still start shivering as I hear the word ‘Police.’ I am feeling feverish.
The broken door of Pranita’s home
The broken door of Pranita’s bathroom
People say that this is the very first time that their basti has faced such a combing operation. According to some of the residents, police allegedly showed the video of their brutality to residents of other bastis threatening the same consequences! Come sit in the police van; otherwise we will beat you in the same way. One can see the vehicles, like autos and scooters, which have been allegedly damaged by police as there was a sign of Babasaheb Ambedkar painted on them. The residents complain that their desire to cook and eat has decreased tremendously.
This basti is still experiencing the echoes of the alleged brutality. People are terrified to leave their homes. The collective emotion is, “Marnaa ho ka tarnaa ho aata amhala nyay pahije.” (Now we will either get drowned or get to the riverbank, but we want justice at any cost.)
Sambhaji Brigade is a politically and socially active organization of the Maratha community in Maharashtra. Maratha Seva Sangh is their think tank. Balaji Mohite, Gajanan Jogdand, and Swapnil Garud (Sambhaji Brigade) express their deep anguish over all recent developments. They say, “But in a way this was bound to happen. We remember that in the pre-corona times, when Gulabrao Patil was our guardian minister. Some of us went to him on an organisational level and handed him an appeal that said that the security of the Babasaheb Ambedkar Statue is very nominal and weak. We had demanded that the contract be awarded to some better contractor, but this was given to a local one. The statue is on the highway. There are only steel rods that cover the statue. Along with this, the placement of the stand of the Preamble has been so wrong that the glass case covering the preamble can be accessed by anyone randomly. Can the Preamble be kept so handy on the road? There was no action taken on our appeal, and now these violent consequences are there, which could have been avoided. We doubt that the violent mob that broke into the District Magistrate office and shops was local.”
The Basti is still coping up with the trauma. Most of the residents in Priyadarshini Nagar had flown away with fear.
They continue, “We also doubt the very intentions of police and district administration. Firstly, there was a huge mob of around 5,000 people gathering on December 10 near the Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj and Babasaheb statue. This was an aggressive morcha by the Sakal Hindu Samaj for raising the issue of violence against Hindus in Bangladesh. To tell the truth, any common citizen would have sensed that not enough precautionary measures were taken to tackle this huge mob if their speeches had led to any tensions. Thereafter, within this overall tense scenario, it is tragic that Datta Sopan Pawar damaged the Preamble and the mob manhandled him brutally. But now the whole city is asking a common question: what prevented the police and administration from enforcing section 144 in the city immediately on that very day? To date, the DM and police have not been able to answer this question. There is one more point: a peace committee meeting with local citizens and the police was called on the same day after the combing operations were done. As committee members, we said that still matters could have been controlled, ‘This should have been reversed.’”
Comrade Rajan Kshirsagar from Parbhani CPI has his own say on the unfolding tensions in the city. Rajan said, “One can draw a pattern when it comes to police brutality in Parbhani. The opposition has already been weakened in the state legislature. So, they don’t have enough power to keep any restraint on the ruling party when it comes to misusing the police force. We are all familiar with the cruel violence thrashing upon Palestine by the forces of Israel. The current chief minister has employed or used the modus operandi of the Israelis in Parbhani Ambedkarite bastis. They are using Parbhani as a lab. One can sense the connection by going deep enough.”
What did the police say…?
IG Shahaji Umap has been in charge, handling all aspects of the unfolding incidents since December 10. Speaking to the writer about this, Umap said, “From the very first day, we have handled the situation to our best ability, in a fair manner. I know many allegations are being raised, like the timing of imposing 144 and using the police and SRPF force to maintain law & order… But we have done this all for a greater good, which was the crucial need of that particular situation. Now the whole case is under judicial inquiry. In this situation, I, as a police authority, should not be commenting on anything. We all should wait & watch now.
I also asked him about seizing the mobile of Somanth Suryawanshi, who belongs to the Vadar (NT-Nomadic Tribe) community & Vatsalabai Manvate (Nav Bouddha) forcefully; it contains their personal data, so does he not see this as a breach of their privacy… IG Umap cross-questioned me, “But Somnath Suryawanshi is dead now, isn’t he? We are doing this all under a legal process.”
Two academicians from Parbhani put forth his interesting observation. They said, “Pushpa – 2 is a massive hit nowadays. This is the era where we are glorifying the antagonists as so-called protagonist heroes. Maharashtra was way better till the ‘Guwahati Campaign’ happened to us. Maharashtra is seen as a state that respects the rule of law when we compare it to other states, and it should remain like that. In the last ten years, the environment has gotten so polluted that we can sense the caste-religion location of our students from their aesthetics and clothes. On the desks of schools & colleges, we keep observing the chants like Jai Shree Ram have been engraved. If there is a lack of education and social sensitivity, then radicalism is bound to get provoked.”
After covering the unfolding events, I was on my train journey from Parbhani to Nanded. A 50-plus year-old lady was sitting in front of me. Along with her, everyone was talking about last week’s tensions in the city. This was no doubt a hot topic for all, everywhere. The lady, from a so-called privileged caste, started to express herself in a considerably raised voice. Her arguments were both anti-reservation and anti-Dalit. She said, “These people, you know, are always the ones who like to show their destructive powers. They cause the damages and then demand money from the government like some kind of aid, “These people also have reservation. They are always the ones who like to show their destructive powers, it is extortion. They want reservation. They just take the whole administrative and social system for granted. They pressurise others by using the tool of ‘atrocities’. I do not want to discriminate but this is the brutal truth.” Some of the fellow travelers nodded their heads in agreement. Others just kept mum. The nervousness of some of the travelers in the next bogie could be seen through their body language.
The city of Parbhani still possesses the cankers of the violence all over its body. Some political party offices, small vendor ‘thelas’ (small shops at corners), and glass-windowed showrooms still show signs of the damage. People are back to their daily routine, but they have so many unanswered questions in their mind. They keep pouring their hearts out as soon as you try to check them out for some details. Most of the small thelas and shops have been examined by the administration and have been provided with compensation for the damages. Yet there is an invisible anxiety flowing in the city markets.
Ambedkari women are always politically vocal and this incident is not an exception.
Shahir Vilas Ghogre had written & composed a poem at the time of the Namantar (Changing of Name) Movement of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University.
It was titled “Jaltoy Marathwada, bagh jaltoy Marathwada…” (Marathwada is burning; see Marathwada is burning.) Just after a few days of December 6, which is the death anniversary of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, how some political people and forces will benefit from the renewed burning of Parbhani in Marathwada, is now the talk of the town.
Courtesy : Sabrang India
Rahul Gandhi, Mallikarjun Kharge leave for Belagavi to attend Congress Working Committee
NEW DELHI: Congress leader Rahul Gandhi and Congress chief Mallikarjun Kharge left for Belagavi, Karnataka, on Saturday from Delhi to attend the meeting of the Congress Working Committee (CWC).
— ANI (@ANI)
Both leaders will attend ‘Nav Satyagrah Baithak’ meeting, in Karnataka’s Belagavi, which is going to be held on December 26 and 27.
Several other Congress leaders including Karnataka chief minister Siddaramaiah and deputy chief minister DK Shivakumar arrived in Belagavi to participate in the ‘Nav Satyagrah Baithak’ meeting.
— ANI (@ANI)
Karnataka CM Siddaramaiah said, “To mark the 100 years of the 1924 Congress session, we are holding this convention here, and AICC has taken the decision to hold a CWC meeting in Karnataka under the chairmanship of Mallikarjun Kharge.”
Belagavi district is one of the geographic areas that contributed significantly to the Indian freedom movement. According to the records in Hindalaga Central Jail, more than 2,060 freedom fighters were jailed during the 1942 Quit India Movement. This is why Mahatma Gandhi liked this area the most and visited the district six times during his lifetime.
Freedom fighters, especially from Belagavi, Gokak, Bailhongal, and Chikodi, played a key role in the freedom movement. Initially, most freedom fighters, including Gangadhar Rao Deshpande, were followers of Bal Gangadhar Tilak. They became followers of Gandhi after Tilak died in 1920.
Six visits of Gandhi
Mahatma Gandhi visited Belagavi six times between 1916 and 1937. His first visit was in 1916 when he was accompanied by Bal Gangadhar Tilak. He stayed in the city from April 27 to May 1. His second visit was on Nov 8 and 9, 1920, when he campaigned for the freedom movement.
He chaired the Congress National Session held in Belagavi in 1924. He arrived a week before and remained there until Dec 31. In 1927, Gandhi was in Belagavi on April 18 and 19 to meet party leaders.
In 1934, he visited Nippani and stayed at the residence of Sevantibhai Shah on March 7. From there, he walked towards Maharashtra via Shedabal and Mangasuli.
In 1937, he camped for a week in the Kumari Ashram in Hudali from April 16 to participate in the ‘Gandhi Seva Sammelan’. Gangadhar Rao Deshpande presided over the sammelan. Kumari Ashram is one of the six Gandhi Ashrams in the country. Vallabhabhai Patel and Rajendra Prasad accompanied him.
During the same period, the wedding of one of Gandhi’s granddaughters was held in the Ashram. After that, he stayed for one day at Murgod and later for four days in Mangalawar Peth in Belagavi city.
1924 National Congress Session in Belagavi sowed seeds of unity
The current dispensation is making all-out efforts for the success of the centenary of the 1924 National Congress Session in Belagavi which was chaired by Mahatma Gandhi. A meeting of the All India Congress Committee (AICC) working committee will be hosted at the same location where history was created 100 years ago.
The session marked Gandhi’s only presidency of the Congress and shaped the future of India’s freedom struggle. Held on Dec 26 and 27, 1924, the 39th National Congress Session, had other stalwarts like Jawaharlal Nehru, Lala Lajpat Rai, C Rajagopalachari, Dr Annie Besant, Sarojini Naidu, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Pattabhi Ramaiah, Sardar Mangal Singh (father of Bhagat Singh), Rajendra Prasad and Pandit Madan Mohan Malviya.
A prominent local leader at the event was Gangadhar Rao Deshpande. The close associate of Gandhi was the head of Reception Committee of the 1924 session.
The setup
The session was held in an 80-acre area with the entrance marked by Vijayanagara style of temple architecture, with a large tent that could host 5,000 delegates. Separate makeshift huts made of khadi clothes and bamboo roofs were set up for prominent delegates to rest.
A huge kitchen was set up to prepare food. Shrikhand (a milk dessert) and puri were on the menu along with rice and sambar. Thousands of lanterns and petromax lamps were brought from Mumbai for lighting purposes.
K’taka unification
The Belagavi session also featured noted vocalist Veene Seshanna singing ‘Udayavagali namma chaluva Kannada Nadu’ written by Huyilagola Narayana Rao. Incidentally, noted vocalist Gangubai Hangal, who was aged 9 then, was among the chorus.
Transport
The Madras and Southern Mahratta Railway created a temporary railway station close to the session venue for the benefit of delegates. Gandhi was brought to the venue through a huge procession in an open car given by Jeevan Rao Yalagi.
Expenses
The total expense of the session was Rs 2,20,057. Funds were raised through membership and entry fees, the sale of khadi products, and some donations, including from the Mysore king and Marwari traders.
There was a surplus collection of Rs 772. The expenses included Rs 66,749 and 5 ana on transportation and telegrams, Rs 4,370 and 3 ana on digging an open well, Rs 19,545 on drinking water arrangements, Rs 23,480 and 15 ana on the construction of the pandal, Rs 28,317 and 7 ana 6 paise on food, and Rs 350 on constructing Gandhi Kutir at Vaccine Depot.
Key decisions
It was at the Belagavi session that Gandhi revealed his formula of non-violence, noncooperation, and civil disobedience (satyagraha) to fight the mighty British.
More than 30,000 delegates from all parts of the subcontinent, cutting across socio-economic, caste and religious divides, participated in the session and pledged to make India free from the clutches of the British raj. It was in fact, for the first time, ‘Vande Mataram’, written by Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay, was publicly sung by Pandit Vishnu Panth Paluskar along with co-singers. During this session, 75 Brahmin volunteers served as ‘bhangi’ workers supporting the call of Gandhi to eradicate untouchability.
Debating the ‘Dalit’ word
Eliminating a word doesn't necessarily free the community from oppression.
Mitra Pariyar
On December 19, 2024, the veteran communist leader and upper-house parliamentarian Bamdev Gautam caused quite a stir in the Dalit community by suggesting that the word ‘Dalit’ must be removed from official documents, including the constitution and the law. He made a fallacious argument that removing the word Dalit from all written documents would somehow emancipate that community and guarantee their rights.
Speaking to the National Assembly’s Development, Economic Affairs and Good Governance, Gautam said, “Let’s remove the term Dalit from our dictionary… On the one hand, we decry discrimination against Dalits and the infringement of their rights; but on the other, our language, acts, constitution, law as well as document written by the scholars all refer to them as Dalits.”
No doubt, Dalit has become a controversial term over the years, even within the Dalit community. Social media is full of comments from ordinary people, most of whom are upper castes, where the word is presented as a kind of license to dominate and discriminate against the “untouchables”.
And, strangely, some Dalits themselves tend to agree! Especially the younger generation of Dalits, particularly those from the towns and with some opportunities and privileges, harbour a degree of disgust with the word. They think Dalit identity, Dalit quotas and Dalit literature have further exposed them to discrimination. There’s some truth in that, of course, but it’s a mistaken understanding.
But this is the first time a senior communist politician—a former deputy prime minister and home minister—has expressed his anger at the Dalit word. How do we understand this attitude of a senior politician towards us? What does he want by attacking Dalit identity, one wonders: True liberation of Dalits or the end of their limited access to power and privilege?
A nonsensical argument
Gautam’s assertion on removing the word Dalit from legal and official documents and literature apparently for their own sake doesn’t make any sense. There’s no evidence to suggest that simply getting rid of a word automatically liberates the community from traditional oppression.
There’s the glaring case of India. The Dalits of this country started using the term Dalit as their self-identification centuries ago. However, the Constitution of independent India, passed by the Constituent Assembly on November 29, 1949, doesn’t refer to any caste or community as a “Dalit”. The untouchables have been constitutionally and legally identified as the “scheduled caste” instead.
A question to respected Gautam is: Has the avoidance of the term Dalit from the official lingo in India really contributed to the emancipation of Dalits? Has this policy really stopped the practice of untouchability in society? The answer is, squarely, no!
In contrast, the usage of the term Dalit in Nepal is quite recent. The political movements of the “untouchables”, often supported by the Nepali Congress Party and the communist parties, borrowed it from India and started using it in their movements only seven decades ago.
But we’ve been subjugated, exploited, separated and humiliated as “untouchables”, following Hindu laws, from centuries ago, well before the unification of Nepal by Prithvi Narayan Shah in the mid-18th century. It’s important to keep in mind, therefore, that the significant section of the Nepali population currently recognised as Dalits have been suppressed and tormented, including through state laws and policies (such as the Muluki Ain of 1854), since long before the use of the term came into use. Is it fair then to lay the entire blame of Dalit suffering on what I would consider an innocent word?
Change culture, not literature
Nobody would suggest that one word or one form of identity should be established forever. Healthy debates and discussions on any identification must be welcomed and encouraged. It’s a good idea to change communal identity befitting the changing times. But this should happen amongst the concerned groups themselves; upper-caste leaders like Gautam must not intervene.
But many of us hold that this is not the time to argue against using the term Dalit. For one thing, unlike humiliating terms like untouchable and water-unusable and low caste and small caste, Dalit identity wasn’t forced upon us by the state or the religion. The state started using this term, instead of the other highly stigmatised terms mentioned above, according to our own needs and demands.
Moreover, it’s crazy to think that simply removing the word would remove the stigma of caste and minimise caste hatred against us. It’s not that simple, is it? In this futile exercise, various Dalit groups have adopted new surnames including some resembling the prestigious upper-caste surnames.
The Kami and Damai each has more than two hundred family names! A fake family name would provide a degree of cover against caste prejudice in unfamiliar social settings—but that doesn’t, and hasn’t, in any way, liberated anybody from the traditional forms of exclusion and humiliation.
We recently met with former prime minister and Maoist chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal “Prachanda”, who agreed with our assertion that political changes alone haven’t changed the situation of Dalits on the ground. What is truly required is a separate “cultural revolution” against the caste system.
I’ve heard some other senior politicians from across the party spectrum express a similar sentiment. Neither Dahal nor we meant here the cultural revolution conducted by Chairman Mao in China in 1967-76. I’ve long advocated the need for religious and cultural reforms to tackle the entrenched problem of caste discrimination in this country. The key to our success.
People often frown at our assertion to conduct religious reform, maintaining that it’s impossible to amend Brahmanism. True, religious texts like Manusmriti can’t be reviewed as easily as a constitution or law. But that doesn’t mean religious traditions and beliefs can’t be corrected according to changing times.
Our society has undergone many religious and cultural reforms in recent years. Upper castes no longer require ritual purification after returning from sea voyages. Intercaste marriage is quite common and acceptable, among non-Dalits in particular. Today’s Bahuns are free to drink alcohol, eat with other castes, play drums, run iron workshops and tailoring shops.
Society has been far more rigid when it comes to reforming the religion and culture to guarantee the constitutional and legal rights of Dalits. That’s the last push we must all attempt. Despite the strong inertia, the state can reform religious and cultural beliefs and practices, with the aid of modern laws. Dalit freedom fighters must pressure the ruling class to work in that direction.
We all want to break the chain of Dalitness. We have no pride in being born a Dalit. It’s an identity that should be dumped in the dustbin of history. But we will only become free from Dalit identity when the rituals and customs get rid of the practice of untouchability.
Mitra Pariyar
A graduate of Oxford University, Pariyar is a Dalit rights activist who has worked in universities in Australia and England.
Published 11:31 IST, December 25th 2024
RRB Recruitment 2025: Indian Railways Announces 32,438 Job Vacancies For Group-D, Check Details
The Railway Recruitment Board (RRB) has announced 32,438 Group D job vacancies for the year 2025, check eligibility and other important details
RRB Group D Job Vacancies: The Railway Recruitment Board (RRB) has announced 32,438 Group D job vacancies for the year 2025. The Railway Recruitment Boards (RRB) has released a notification for Group D recruitment, opening up 32,438 posts for various positions under Level 1.
The application process for RRB Group D job will begin on January 23, 2025, and close on February 22, 2025. Those who are willing to apply must know the eligibility criteria before applying for the post.
Application period: January 23, 2025 to February 22, 2025.
Eligibility: Class 10th qualification and a National Apprenticeship Certificate
Age limit: 18–26 years, with a relaxation of up to 33 years for certain categories
Selection process: Computer-based test (CBT), physical efficiency test (PET), document verification, and medical examination
Application fee: ₹500 for General/OBC, ₹250 for SC/ST/EBC/Female/Transgender
Refund: ₹400 for General/OBC, ₹250 for SC/ST/EBC/Female/Transgender
Payment modes: Debit card, credit card, net banking, UPI, and other fee payment modes
RRB Group D vacancies Category Wise List:
Some of the posts available include: Track maintainer, Assistant (track machine), Assistant loco shed, Assistant operations, and Helper/assistant in various technical departments.
Job Eligibility also Includes
To be eligible, candidates must be an Indian citizen or a subject of Bhutan, Nepal, or Tibetan refugee who came to India before January 1, 1962. They can also be eligible if they migrated from Burma, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, East African countries, or Vietnam to permanently settle in India.
Updated 11:31 IST, December 25th 2024
Local body polls to change every 5 years
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