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Rajasthan Govt Withholds Dalit Teacher's Salary for 10 Months After Proclaiming, 'Not Saraswati — The Real Goddess of Education is Savitribai Phule'
Savitribai Phule Jayanti 2025: Struggling under the burden of debt, teacher Hemlata Bairwa faces rent arrears and defaults on her bank loans. Despite filing an FIR under the SC/ST Atrocities Act a year ago, no action has been taken, and the departmental inquiry remains pending.
Baran, Rajasthan – Today, January 3rd, marks the birth anniversary of Savitribai Phule, India’s first female teacher and a trailblazer in providing education to girls and marginalized sections of society. Revered as the goddess of knowledge, Savitribai Phule remains an enduring inspiration for women, particularly those from Dalit and Bahujan communities.
A fierce opponent of societal evils like child marriage, sati, and widow tonsure, Savitribai courageously challenged the patriarchal order by opening the first school for girls. However, the legacy of her work for education and equality continues to face resistance from casteist mindsets and oppressive systems even today.
Hemlata Bairwa, a teacher at the Government Upper Primary School in Lakdai, Baran district, Rajasthan, has become a symbol of this ongoing struggle. During a Republic Day 2024 event at her school, a group insisted on placing an image of Saraswati on the stage, which already featured portraits of Babasaheb Ambedkar and Mahatma Gandhi. Hemlata boldly refused, asserting, “The true goddess of education is Savitribai Phule.”
Her courageous stance challenged entrenched casteist attitudes but came at a heavy cost. Hemlata faced departmental action, an FIR was filed against her, and she was suspended with her headquarters shifted to Bikaner.
Although she won her legal battle and was reinstated in April, receiving a posting in July, Hemlata has been grappling with severe financial hardship as her salary has not been disbursed since March 2024.
Her two children, preparing for NEET and REET exams in Kota, are struggling to continue their education under these dire circumstances. Rent for their accommodations in Kota has been unpaid for months. Meanwhile, Hemlata herself resides in a rented room in Chhipabarod for ₹2,000 a month. Deprived of her rightful salary, she survives on a single meal a day, enduring extreme financial and emotional strain.
Targeted Harassment or a Systemic Conspiracy?
Hemlata Bairwa, a Prabodhak Level-1 teacher at the Government Upper Primary School, Lakdai (PEEO Bandipura) in Kishanganj, Baran district, found herself at the center of controversy following the Saraswati vs. Savitribai Phule debate on January 26, 2024. Not only was an FIR lodged against her, but the education department also initiated disciplinary action, resulting in her suspension.
The Dalit teacher challenged her suspension before the Rajasthan Administrative Tribunal (RAT). Following this, the education department, via an order dated April 10, 2024, revoked her suspension while keeping the inquiry pending. She was reassigned to the office of the Chief Block Education Officer, Panchayat Chhipabarod, Baran district, until further orders.
In July, Piyush Kumar Sharma, the District Education Officer (Headquarters), Primary Education, Baran, issued a transfer order, assigning Hemlata to the Government Primary School in Ahmada.
In an in-depth conversation with The Mooknayak, Hemlata revealed that she believes the posting to Ahmada was a deliberate attempt to harass her. She said, “The school is 25 kilometers away in a remote location without any public transportation. One can only travel there using a private vehicle. As a single woman, it is nearly impossible for me to commute daily through such isolated areas. Before the controversy, I was posted at the Lakdai school, and my position there is still vacant. Despite this, I wasn’t reassigned there. However, the two teachers who incited the villagers and created this uproar continue to work there.”
Hemlata has filed a petition with the RAT requesting her posting back to her previous school. The hearing is scheduled for Friday, January 3. Currently, Hemlata is posted at the Chief Block Education Officer’s office in Chhipabarod.
“I cannot travel 150 kilometers daily for work, so I’ve rented a small room here for ₹2,000 per month,” Hemlata explained. As she showed her modest accommodations, she added, “I have very few belongings—just a bed, some clothes, books, and basic utensils. But one thing I never forget to carry is a portrait of my role model, Savitribai Phule. Along with her, I keep the portraits of Jyotiba and Babasaheb Ambedkar. This fight is for their honor. How could I leave them behind?”
Loan Defaults and Mounting Rent: Hemlata’s Struggle as a Single Mother
Hemlata Bairwa, a single mother, has been single-handedly raising her two children. Separated from her husband for the past 4-5 years, she explained that despite holding a B.Ed. degree, he neither works nor takes responsibility for their children. Hemlata shared, “My son Nihal is preparing for NEET, and my daughter Amisha is attending REET coaching. They share a single room, and their living and food expenses amount to ₹7,000 per month. I haven’t been able to pay this for several months now. Fortunately, the landlord, who belongs to my community, understands my situation and doesn’t pressure me. It’s only through the kindness of people around me that we’re getting by.”
Before the controversy, Hemlata had taken personal and car loans from SBI, but she hasn’t been able to pay the installments for the past six months. She expressed her concerns, saying, “So far, I haven’t received any notices from the bank, but if my salary isn’t released soon, things will worsen.”
Hemlata’s financial struggles have pushed her to extreme frugality. She now survives on one meal a day. “I usually have tea and biscuits in the morning and eat only in the evening,” she said with a faint smile. In these trying times, she has found some solace and support from her father and brother, who help her as much as they can.
When asked why she hasn’t approached the court to seek her pending salary, Hemlata explained, “The lawyer’s fees are too high, and I can’t afford to file a petition right now.”
It is noteworthy that the Ambedkar Scheduled Caste Officers and Employees Association (AJAK) provided Hemlata with financial aid of ₹50,000 after her suspension to help her fight her legal battles. Despite this support, Hemlata is in need of a compassionate lawyer willing to assist her in her continued fight for justice.
Police Inaction on FIR for Over a Year
A year after Hemlata Bairwa filed an FIR under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act and IPC Sections 504 and 506 against two teachers, Bhupendra Sen and Hansraj Sen, and some locals, the police have yet to take any action. The complaint stemmed from Hemlata’s opposition to Saraswati Puja in her school, citing constitutional Article 28, which prohibits religious instruction in state-funded institutions.
In retaliation, villagers filed a counter-complaint against Hemlata under IPC Sections 295A and 153A, accusing her of hurting religious sentiments.
Hemlata expressed her frustration over the inaction, stating, “Despite repeated appeals to senior officials, including the IG, the police have not filed a charge sheet or taken action against the accused. My opposition was based on constitutional provisions, not to hurt anyone’s religious beliefs.”
When asked whether she regrets her actions, Hemlata firmly stated, “I have done nothing wrong. My existence today is because of the contributions of Savitribai Phule. No matter the challenges, I will continue my fight for the respect of Savitribai, Jyotirao Phule, Babasaheb, and the Constitution.”
The salary order was sent to the Chief Block Education Officer (CBEO), Chhipabarod. If she hasn’t received the payment yet, she should have informed me.Piyush Sharma, District Elementary Education Officer, Baran
To understand the reasons behind the ten-month salary delay and lack of action against the accused teachers and headmaster, The Mooknayak reached out to Piyush Kumar Sharma, District Elementary Education Officer (DEEO), Baran.
The DEO clarified that orders for Hemlata’s salary had been issued about a month ago. He explained, “The salary order was sent to the Chief Block Education Officer (CBEO), Chhipabarod. If she hasn’t received the payment yet, she should have informed me. As far as my office is concerned, there’s no pending issue with her salary.”
On the delay in Hemlata’s posting, Sharma attributed it to the election code of conduct. He said, “When I asked for her preferred location, she requested a place near her home. I posted her 25 kilometers away in Ahmada, but she expressed her inability to work there and obtained a stay order. Currently, she is posted at the CBEO office in Chhipabarod.”
Regarding the complaints against the accused teachers and headmaster, DEO Sharma stated that it was a matter of departmental inquiry, which is still ongoing. He added, “The police case is separate, but the departmental investigation is underway.”
When contacted for a response about the salary issue, Rajasthan’s Education Minister Madan Dilawar did not reply.
Supreme Court Acts on Campus Caste Discrimination: Directs UGC for Data, Questions Centre's 5-Year Silence
The Court directed the University Grants Commission (UGC) to collect and present data from all universities - central, state, private, and deemed - regarding the establishment of Equal Opportunity Cells, total complaints received under the UGC (Promotion of Equity in Higher Educational Institutions) Regulations, 2012 and action taken reports on these complaints.
Senior Advocate Indira Jaising and advocate Disha Wadekar are representing the petitioners. Speaking to The Mooknayak, Wadekar, highlighted three key points from the hearing:
The Court noted that the Union Government hasn't filed its response in the past five years
UGC must provide data about Equal Opportunity Cells in all universities and their composition
UGC needs to establish an expert committee to review the 2012 regulations.
During the hearing before Justices Surya Kant and Ujjal Bhuyan, Senior Advocate Indira Jaising raised three crucial questions- How many of the 820 universities nationwide have established Equal Opportunity Cells? What is the composition of these cells? And How does UGC monitor the implementation of the 2012 Regulations?
The Court showed particular sensitivity to the issue, especially after learning about the claim that 115 suicides occurred in IITs alone between 2004-2024. Justice Kant remarked that the Court would begin hearing the matter periodically to ensure the 2012 Regulations are effectively implemented.
When Jaising urged the Court to seek data on caste-wise breakdown of suicides in higher educational institutions, the bench stated it would approach the matter step-by-step without opening too many floodgates at once.
Deeming necessary their responses for effective adjudication of the matter, the Court directed the Registry to inform the Union (through Solicitor General) and counsel for National Assessment and Accreditation Council (NAAC) to file counter-affidavits within 4 weeks.
The PIL
The PIL, filed in 2019 by Radhika Vemula and Abeda Salim Tadvi, mothers of Rohit Vemula and Payal Tadvi respectively, calls for mechanisms to prevent caste-based discrimination in educational institutions. Rohit Vemula, a PhD scholar at Hyderabad Central University, died by suicide in January 2016, allegedly due to caste discrimination. Similarly, Payal Tadvi, an Adivasi student at TN Topiwala National Medical College in Mumbai, died by suicide in May 2019, reportedly after facing harassment from upper-caste peers.
The petition highlights systemic issues of caste-based discrimination and institutional apathy in HEIs. It criticizes the lack of an independent and unbiased redressal mechanism, insufficient preventive measures, and the absence of punitive sanctions for non-compliance. Among other demands, the petition seeks mandatory EOCs in all universities with representation from SC/ST communities and independent NGOs or social activists to ensure impartiality.
Telangana: Dalit man beaten by police officers in Suryapet
According to the Dalit man, he was standing in front of his house when two police officers approached him.
Hyderabad: A Dalit man in Nuthankal village of Telangana’s Suryapet district was allegedly beaten up by two police officers.
The incident occurred on the night of December 31. However, a video of the Dalit man, Ramu, emerged on social media platforms on Wednesday showing him talking to an official.
The video also shows his severe injuries around his arms and legs while his family members cry in the background.
According to Ramu, he was standing in front of his house when two police officers approached him. They questioned him why he was standing to which Ramu replied it was his house.
A verbal fight followed after which the police officers took him to the station and beat him, Ramu alleged.
Siasat.com spoke to the Suryapet police officer who said that an inquiry has been set up to investigate the matter. However, the officer refused to give further details.
Courtesy : Telangana Today
Faulty Gaze: Misinterpreting the Ideology of the Iconoclast
The latest addition to the growing literature on the life and ideas of B.R. Ambedkar is Iconoclast: A Reflective Biography of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar, a literary biography written by Anand Teltumbde.
Jayaseelan Raj
The book spaces out Ambedkar’s life into seven phases, each representing an epoch in his life focusing on his encounter with the realities of and struggle against caste informed social relations, economic inequality, and anti-colonial and postcolonial politics.
In addition to the core seven chapters, the last chapter titled posthumous phase (1956-2023) provides a critique of the way Ambedkar was received in the wider social and political life of India and in the way certain movements failed to realise the anti-caste agenda.
The biography begins with describing the intensity of the caste system and how it is different from other oppressive systems. As an example, it cites the ritual and religious aspects inherent to the system of caste. It moves on to capture how Ambedkar’s family manoeuvred around the life that was decided on birth as a result of their caste along with the influence of the colonial regime and princely states around them.
Much of the narrative in the biography about Ambedkar’s life is widely known today, mainly around the chronological sequence from his birth as a son of a Mahar military officer to his rise as one of the most important figures in the 20th Century history. Vernacular public discourses around his life and thoughts made it a shared knowledge that is also accessible to anyone who is curious enough to explore.
However, this biography certainly makes additional contribution by coherently contextualising Ambedkar’s life within his writings and political economic situations of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. It also makes effective use of previously published biographies of Ambedkar.
Ambedkar’s writings, including from the newspapers he ran, and his speeches find an important place in this account as it reiterates that there is a deeper connection between political developments in India and what Ambedkar wrote in different periods, and the way he thought about the nature of caste, and how to overcome it.
In doing so, this book also explores the depth of Ambedkar’s scholarship, their connection to his political interventions and in the way he approached the question of anti-caste justice. For example, the congress’s double standard of demanding self-rule from the British while overlooking the demand for representational political power for the ‘depressed classes’ turned out to be a major event within which Ambedkar proactively nurtured his thinking about a critical understanding of history, political economic relations, and position of Dalits within the formation of the postcolonial India.
This inquiry of his writings also serves a purpose of how Ambedkar’s analysis precedes the key foundational concepts in sociology, by for example, GS Ghurye and MN Srinivas, and how they and many others while being familiar with Ambedkar’s writings did not duly acknowledge his contribution.
As an example, Teltumbde discusses Ambedkar’s important early writing, “Caste in India: their mechanism, genesis and development.” This essay provided a critical analysis of on the peculiarity of caste and its relation to the categories of race, class, and gender, and on the processes through which the hierarchy is reproduced through, for example, the imitation of the caste practices, which Srinivas later called as Sanskritisation without any reference to Ambedkar.
Had Srinivas and others engaged with Ambedkar’s scholarship, they would have paid much more attention to how the process of imitations was always accompanied by coercion and violent punitive measures for breaking caste norms, and, that these oppressive measures were constantly challenged by the lower castes throughout history.
An important highlight of the book is the framing, what Teltumbde calls a ‘reflective biography.’ It is reflective at least three ways. Firstly, the book reflects on the sociopolitical contexts within which the social and intellectual development of Ambedkar takes place. Second, the biographical sketch is reflected through Ambedkar’s key writings, including his theses in economics, which have not received due attention compared to his explicit political writings.
And lastly, Teltumbde, as the author, registers critical reflection on the events in Ambedkar’s life, on earlier biographies of Ambedkar, and also on the Ambedkarite movements since his death. The ‘reflective’ framing is particularly used here in criticising Ambedkar’s iconisation by the Ambedkarite movements. This framing’ therefore goes well with the title of the book, ‘iconoclast’, someone who critically engages with the established notions, or the one who destroys the icons.
Among numerous traits of Ambedkar, why does ‘iconoclast’ become the title for the book? Perhaps Teltumbde evoked such a trait from Ambedkar to rationalise his own focus on questioning the iconisation of Ambedkar.
While all the chapters of the book are important, the final chapter stands out, as it captures the rationale behind the title Iconoclast. A closer reading of the preceding seven chapters reveals attempts to finding gaps in Ambedkar’s personality and limitations of his political decisions to problematise the ‘iconisation’ of Ambedkar in the final chapter.
For instance, there is an undue focus on whether Ambedkar lied to his doctoral supervisor, his approach to address caste in India’s Constitution, and his handling of the class question in relation to caste. Teltumbde contends that Ambedkar misunderstood the origins of caste by emphasising Hindu texts rather than the material conditions underpinning caste.
In my view, Ambedkar’s critique of caste does not merely centre on Hindu texts, nor does it overlook the inequalities produced by capitalist economic structures. Ambedkar would concur with Teltumbde that the roots of caste lie in material relations, as Ambedkar highlights the consolidation of class groups leading to the formation of caste. However, Ambedkar also recognised the distinct characteristics of India’s class system, embedded within a caste society. His argument emphasises that religious texts play a pivotal role in shaping socioeconomic relations, particularly by sacralising hierarchy – a unique feature of inequality in India.
This perspective is crucial for understanding why the caste-based division of labour, shaped by sacred texts, was widely accepted across various communities in India’s villages, particularly during Ambedkar’s era. Ambedkar’s conception of class was firmly grounded in the realities of Indian society.
His focus on the necessity of social and religious revolution as a foundation for political revolution highlights his recognition of the inseparable link between the political and the political-economic. His advocacy for state socialism and his significant contributions to labour rights further underscore this viewpoint.
The final chapter consolidates Teltumbde’s critiques, subtly tempering Ambedkar’s perceived greatness and questioning the ‘uncritical veneration of Ambedkar’ as an icon – almost as a deity. Teltumbde argues that such idolisation can divert attention from the pragmatic application of Ambedkar’s ideas in fighting various forms of injustice.
This “iconisation,” Teltumbde suggests, is an apolitical stance that fails to contribute meaningfully to progressive movements and may, in fact, undermine them. However, Teltumbde’s conclusions, stemming from his ‘reflective’ approach, often feel deeply subjective, with certain interpretations appearing narrow and unfair – points I will elaborate on further.
Unlike many contemporary “statesman” figures, Ambedkar’s rise as an icon was not the result of a top-down propaganda campaign fuelled by millions of rupees in orchestrated advertisements. Nor was his iconisation the product of a cadre-driven party agenda designed to elevate a leader or centre the movement around an icon. While Dalit political movements undeniably contributed to the formation of Ambedkar as an icon, what truly stands out is the grassroots, bottom-up process of his iconisation.
Across rural and urban spaces, Dalits embraced Ambedkar as a powerful instrument in their struggle for both a dignified livelihood and the fundamental dignity of life. This process of iconisation is inherently non-linear and non-hierarchical, resembling a Deleuzian rhizomatic formation, often independent of larger organisational structures and transcending narrow political frameworks (and certainly not “apolitical”).
Sympathy is warranted for those who find refuge in Ambedkar, as it is also deeply personal, where many Dalits see in Ambedkar both a symbol of liberation and a reflection of their own oppression – connecting their lived experiences to his image. In this sense, celebrating Ambedkar is neither irrational nor a product of fantasy; rather, it emerges as a profound act of resistance that lies at the heart of a decentralised Dalit politics.
At the same time, his iconisation has also provided Dalit movements with a sense of direction and unity. Indeed, such rituals and symbolic practices are integral to most progressive movements, where the creation of a shared social memory fosters collective imagination and solidarity. Therefore, the iconisation of Ambedkar for many Dalits also serves as a resistance against the erasure of their history, binding various sub-caste communities together through a sacred thread of shared experiences.
Iconisation, ritualised performances, and political pilgrimages have long been integral to India’s political culture. While this culture may be critiqued in general, using Ambedkarite movements as an ideal example risk reinforcing racialised stereotypes about Dalits and marginalised castes. Such characterisations often depict them as “emotionally driven,” suggesting their capacity for rational thought is overshadowed by their emotions.
This framing was evident when many Ambedkarites raised concerns about the content, rationale, and context surrounding Arundhati Roy’s invitation by Navayana Press to write the introduction to Ambedkar’s Annihilation of Caste. Rather than addressing the substantive flaws highlighted in the critiques of Roy’s introduction, many of her supporters dismissed these objections as being emotionally motivated.
Ironically, this response ignored the very content and validity of the critiques, undermining meaningful engagement with the issues raised, for example as outlined in Hatred In the Belly. Dalit struggles persist in confronting the hegemonic politics of knowledge production and the capitalist dynamics of the publishing industry, even within the sphere of anti-caste and anti-capitalist scholarship.
In Iconoclast, among the 17 ‘scholars’ invited to provide ‘advance praise’ for the book – presumably at the publisher’s behest –not a single Dalit voice is included. This omission underscores the dominance of non-Dalit perspectives and their authority over institutionalised Ambedkarite scholarship. However, this form of appropriation is contested by how Ambedkar’s writings are embraced in rural settlements, where they serve as a theological foundation for emancipation and collective identity.
During my fieldwork among Dalit movements in Kerala and Tamil Nadu, it was evident that their discourses reflect an inseparable connection between material and ideological struggles, as demonstrated by Ambedkar himself. This perspective has been integral to Dalit struggles, tackling both social oppression and economic exploitation. Therefore, dismissing Dalit movements as overly fixated on cultural struggles is not only inaccurate but also reflective of a detached, armchair analysis.
The writer is a senior lecturer in Anthropology and International Development, King’s College London. Views are personal.
Courtesy : TW
Love Jihad Uttarakhand: Jabir posed as Suraj, duped Dalit woman of money & Jewelry, abandoned after 6 years with son
Isolated from her family, Premlata endured years of torture. “He never treated me well. I was called a ‘Kaffir’ by him and his family and abused for my caste. Eventually, he abandoned me, saying, ‘I have done my job; now you are of no use to me,'” she recounted
Subhi Vishwakarma
Another case of a failed interfaith marriage leaving the Hindu partner deceived and abandoned has surfaced in Uttarakhand’s Udham Singh Nagar district. This incident is being linked to what is commonly referred to as “Love Jihad,” where the accused, Jabir, allegedly posed as “Suraj” to deceive the woman.
According to the victim, Premlata Devi, the accused manipulated her into leaving her family and marrying him. After six years of marriage, marked by alleged torture and abuse, she has been abandoned along with her son.
An FIR (No. 490/2024) was registered at Kichha Police Station in Udham Singh Nagar on December 31. The victim, Premlata Devi, a Scheduled Caste woman from Gaughat, Katharra, detailed how Jabir’s deceitful actions led to her financial, emotional, and social exploitation.
What says the FIR?
In her complaint to the police, Premlata Devi has accused her husband, Jabir Ali, of deceit, blackmail, and abuse in a relationship that began under false pretences. Premlata stated that she was married to Jabir Ali, son of late Akbar Shah, six years ago in Jahanabad, Uttar Pradesh, following Muslim customs.
Premlata alleged that Jabir initially presented himself as “Suraj” to gain her trust. “He pretended to be in love with me and even made an obscene video, which he used to blackmail me,” she said. Under duress, she was taken to Jabir’s elder sister’s house in Jahanabad, where she was forced into nikah (marriage). “When I refused, Jabir and his brothers—Abbas Ali, Riyasat, Zakir, and Shakir—threatened to make the video viral and kill me,” Premlata stated.
She also revealed that Jabir’s real identity came to light only after their Nikah, which was too late at the time. “He started beating me, threatened to kill me, and pressured me to convert to Islam. When I refused, the torture escalated,” she claime
Premlata alleged that at the time of marriage, she brought valuables, including a gold neckchain, earrings, a laptop, and Rs 1,00,000 in cash, which were eventually exhausted by her husband and his family. “They kept me well for some time, but after my property was completely spent, they began harassing me for dowry,” she said.
She further claimed that Jabir and his family eventually threw her and her six-year-old son, Mohammad Ezan, out of their home. “They don’t provide any financial support, and I have no one else to turn to,” she added.
Based on her complaint, the police have registered a case against Jabir Ali and his brothers— Abbas Ali, Riyasat, Zakir, and Shakir. They have been booked under sections 3 and 4 of the Dowry Prevention Act, 1961, as well as sections 323 (voluntarily causing hurt), 498-A (cruelty by husband or relatives), and 506 (criminal intimidation) of the Indian Penal Code. What the victim told Organiser? In an exclusive conversation with Organiser on January 2, Premlata Devi shared disturbing details about her ordeal with Jabir Ali.
“Jabir is a fakeer and does ‘Jhaad Phook.’ While posing as Suraj, he hypnotised me, did jaadutona and manipulated me to the extent that I couldn’t think straight. Everything he said or did seemed right to me at the time,” she revealed.
According to Premlata, Jabir trapped her emotionally and financially, forcing her into an Islamic marriage after she became pregnant with their child. “I never changed my name or religion and continued following Hindu practices like fasting during Navratri, performing Durga Saptashati path, and organizing Kanya Bhoj. But after nikah, Jabir threw away all my idols and religious books,” she said.
She further disclosed that it was only after the nikah and the birth of their son, Izan, that she discovered Jabir was already married and had children. “He did all this to trap me for my money, jewellery, and possessions,” she said.
Isolated from her family, Premlata endured years of torture. “He never treated me well. I was called a ‘Kaffir’ by him and his family and abused for my caste. Eventually, he abandoned me, saying, ‘I have done my job; now you are of no use to me,’” she recounted.
Premlata also revealed that her son, Izan, was circumcised soon after birth at a time when she felt powerless to resist. Over the years, under rising pressure and torture, she recited the kalma, began offering namaz, and adopted a Muslim lifestyle. “But even that didn’t suffice—everything changed once the money was gone,” she added.
She disclosed that Jabir has promised to name a plot in her son’s favour within two months. “If he doesn’t fulfil this promise, I will fight a legal battle,” she asserted. Right now she lives alone in a rented place. She claims the panchayat and sarpanch Tausif have ganged up against her, and if anything happens to her, only they will be responsible for it.
Notably, the police have not invoked provisions of the Uttarakhand Freedom of Religion Act or the Prevention of Atrocities Act, despite the serious allegations made by the victim. Organiser attempted to contact the police for clarification, but calls to the Investigating Officer went unanswered. This report will be updated as soon as further information is available.
(Organiser recently compiled a list of 200 cases of ‘Love Jihad’ reported in 2024, readers can go through the report here.)
Courtesy : Organiser
Dalit family faces social boycott in Siddaramaiah’s Assembly constituency
Dalit family faces social boycott in Siddaramaiah’s Assembly constituency | Dalit family faces social boycott in Siddaramaiah’s Assembly constituency
Mysuru, A Dalit family in Mysuru’s Srinivasapura village, which falls under Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah’s Varuna Assembly constituency, has been boycotted by village heads for violating a diktat of the panchayat.
Srinivasapura, located near Siddaramanahundi village, the birthplace of Chief Minister Siddaramaiah, has become the centre of controversy. The Dalit family claimed that village heads Chikkandaiah, Basavaiah, Mota Mahadevaiah, and former gram panchayat member Mahadevaiah issued orders to boycott their family.
According to the family, the boycott was enforced on Suresh’s family after they refused to pay a fine of Rs 15,000 imposed on them by the panchayat. The family said that Pramod and Suresh had quarrelled, prompting the elders to hold a meeting on the matter.
During the dispute, Pramod’s associates reportedly barged into Suresh’s house and caused significant damage. The village heads convened another meeting to address this development and imposed fines on both parties. Pramod was fined Rs 25,000, while Suresh was fined Rs 15,000.
Suresh, however, strongly objected to the decision and refused to pay the fine.
Enraged by his defiance, the village heads claimed he had insulted them and passed an order that no family in the village should interact with Suresh’s family until the fine was paid
As a result, Suresh and his mother, Mahadevamma, have been isolated, with villagers avoiding contact with them. They are excluded from festivals, celebrations, and funerals in the village. The village heads have further warned that anyone violating this order and interacting with the boycotted family would be fined Rs 5,000.
Suresh and Mahadevamma have lodged complaints regarding the issue with the District Commissioner, Tehsildar, and the Police Department. However, they are yet to receive justice.
Disclaimer: This post has been auto-published from an agency feed without any modifications to the text and has not been reviewed by an editor
Courtesy : Lokmat Times
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