08.01.2025...Untouchablity News.....अछूत समाचार.தீண்டாமை செய்திகள்.by Team சிவாஜி. शिवाजी .Shivaji.asivaji1962@gmail.com.9444917060.
After the death of a Dalit in Dewas, another woman also committed suicide, family members made serious allegations against the police

Dewas News: There was a lot of uproar after the death of Mukesh in police custody in Dewas. Meanwhile, Rukhsana, who complained about Dalit Mukesh, has also committed suicide. The police has registered a case in this matter.
By: Vikram Singh Jat | Edited By: zaheent
Madhya Pradesh : The Muslim woman who caused the death of a Dalit in Satwas police station area of ????Dewas district of Madhya Pradesh has also committed suicide. The police has registered a case in this matter and started investigation. On the other hand, the victim’s family says that the woman committed suicide after getting fed up with the questions and answers of the police. It is noteworthy that a youth named Mukesh Longre had committed suicide recently in Satwas police station area of ????Dewas district.
There was a lot of uproar after the death of Mukesh in police custody. The round of allegations and counter-allegations is also going on continuously in this matter. Congress state president Jeetu Patwari also targeted the government in this matter. Satwas police station in-charge Ashish Rajput was also removed over the death of the Dalit. Meanwhile, Rukhsana, who complained about Dalit Mukesh, has also committed suicide.
The woman’s husband made this allegation
It is being told that Rukhsana committed suicide by hanging herself. The police have registered a case regarding this incident. According to Dewas Superintendent of Police Puneet Gehlot, the matter is being investigated. The cause of death is not yet clear. On the other hand, the woman’s husband Rais Khan says that the Dewas police was continuously questioning her in the case of Mukesh’s death. The woman was very upset with this interrogation, due to which she committed suicide.
Congress again accused the police
State Congress Committee President Jeetu Patwari has once again made allegations in this case. He says that the woman has committed suicide due to the negligence and pressure of the police. Earlier also the police had become the reason for Mukesh’s death. Jeetu Patwari has held the police responsible in the entire matter through social media and demanded action from the Chief Minister.
Courtesy : Hindi News
Adv Vishnu Dhoble’s Book On Dalit Students’ Scholarship Agitation Launched At Gandhi Bhavan

Under the leadership of Adv Dhoble, Dalit students initiated an agitation in 1987/88 demanding an increase in scholarships for students based on inflation indices in Aurangabad.
Manish GajbhiyeUpdated: Tuesday, January 07, 2025, 06:09 PM ISTThe senior counsel and Samajwadi Janparishad state president, Adv Vishnu Dhoble’s book ‘Shishvruti Vadhiche Sansadiya Andolan’ was published at a function organized at Gandhi Bhavan on Sunday.
Under the leadership of Adv Dhoble, Dalit students initiated an agitation in 1987/88 demanding an increase in scholarships for students based on inflation indices in Aurangabad. This agitation continued for four years, during which the students organized several demonstrations, morchas, satyagraha, and Jail Bharo agitations in Aurangabad and Mumbai. Eventually, a discussion was held between the student leaders and then Chief Minister Sharad Pawar, and the demand was accepted.
In his book, Adv Dhoble presents the role of the agitation, the discussions, the strategy behind the movement, and the massive participation of the students. The book has been published by Kaushalya Prakashan. Senior leader Subhash Lomte presided over the function, while the guests of honor were Adv Nisha Shiurkar and intellectual Shantaram Pandhare.
Adv Gautam Salve, Suryakant Bavaskar, Adv Avinash Suryawanshi, Rajendra Dabir, and others worked diligently to ensure the success of the event.
Courtesy : TFPJ
Why Blue Took Centre Stage In Opposition’s Protest Over Alleged Insult To Ambedkar

Opposition leaders, including Rahul Gandhi, wore blue in Parliament to protest an alleged insult by Home Minister Amit Shah to Dr BR Ambedkar, a colour deeply linked to Dalit resistance and Ambedkar’s legacy.
Edited by:Diana George
During the last parliamentary session, Rahul Gandhi and other Opposition leaders turned up in Parliament dressed in blue, rallying in protest against Union Home Minister Amit Shah’s alleged insult to Dr BR Ambedkar. Blue has long held significance as a symbol of Dalit resistance, deeply tied to Babasaheb Ambedkar and his enduring legacy.
Inspired by Ambedkar’s Suit
Ambedkar, who passed away in 1956, became known for his distinguished choice of clothing. For the last three to four decades of his life, he was often seen in a sharp, three-piece suit. Historian Ramachandra Guha, writing in The Hindu in 2002, noted that the suit “symbolised the fact that Ambedkar escaped the fate that millions of his Dalit brethren continue to endure”.
Guha noted, “By the canons of tradition and history this man was not supposed to wear a suit, blue or otherwise. That he did was a consequence of his extraordinary personal achievements: a law degree from Lincoln’s Inn, a Ph.D. from America and another one from England, the drafting of the Constitution of India. By memorialising him in a suit, the Dalits were celebrating his successful storming of an upper caste citadel.”
Scholars have emphasised the deeper symbolism of the colour. Political scientist Valerian Rodrigues, author of Ambedkar’s Philosophy (2024), explained, “One interpretation is that blue refers to the sky which denotes equality. There is no dominance under the sky, everyone is equal.”
Rodrigues further said, “The colour blue draws upon meanings that are enshrined in folklore around the world to denote a very specific form of struggle—struggle for equality in an unequal, hierarchical world.” Additionally, blue has associations with Buddhism, a religion Ambedkar adopted, where it symbolises “the spirit of Universal Compassion for all beings”.
Ambedkar’s choice of blue for the flag of the Scheduled Caste Federation in 1942 became a pivotal moment in Dalit history, with the colour now serving as a rallying point for Dalit identity and resistance.
Courtesy : Times Now
Chhatarpur: Even temple prasad is not untouched by untouchability, Dalit family accuses Sarpanch
- Chhatarpur: Even temple prasad is not untouched by untouchability, Dalit family accuses SarMP News in Hindi: Another victim Raju Kushwaha also told that he was also boycotted because he ate the prasad of a Dalit family. Now no one invites him to the village.
- Chhatarpur News: The old practices of untouchability and casteism are still alive in a village in Chhatarpur district of Madhya Pradesh, which are still causing trouble for Dalit families. The latest case is from Atrar village of Satai police station, where a Dalit person offered prasad in Hanuman temple through the priest and then distributed it among some people of the village. After this, the village sarpanch Santosh Tiwari, as soon as he came to know about this, socially boycotted the Dalit family and the five people who ate the prasad. In the case, the villagers allege that after the order of the sarpanch, they are not being invited to any social event like marriage, thirteenth day or Chowk. Due to this they are facing mental torture. The victim Dalit family has complained about this matter to the SP and has demanded appropriate action. The police is investigating the matter and has assured to take action.
- Dalit boycotted from the village
- Victim Jagat Ahirwar told that he had offered prasad to the priest in the temple on August 20, after which he was boycotted. Along with this, about 20 people of the village who had eaten the prasad have also been socially boycotted. Jagat also told that because he comes from the Dalit community, all this is happening due to the practice of untouchability.
- Another victim Raju Kushwaha also told that he was also boycotted because he had eaten the prasad of the Dalit family. Now no one calls him in the village either.
- What did the accused sarpanch say in the case
- At the same time, the village sarpanch Santosh Tiwari says that all this is happening due to election rivalry because Jagat Ahirwar contested from him in the last election and lost. Therefore, he is making allegations. Chhatarpur district’s Bijawar SDOP Shashankar Jain said that he has received an application in this matter and the matter is serious. He said that investigation is being done and appropriate action will be taken.
- Courtesy: Hindi News
Parameshwara to host dinner meeting today; to discuss ‘thanksgiving’ event for Dalits

Bengaluru: Exactly a week after public works minister Satish Jarkiholi hosted a dinner for select Dalit ministers in chief minister Siddaramaiah’s cabinet — a meeting that triggered much political speculation — home minister G Parameshwara is set to host another dinner for Scheduled Caste (SC) and Scheduled Tribe (ST) ministers, legislators, and senior party functionaries on Wednesday.
Siddaramaiah had attended the previous dinner but is unlikely to join this gathering, although the stated aim is to consolidate SC and ST support for Congress. The meeting has fuelled discussions amid speculation of a potential leadership change in Karnataka post-March, and the push for a Dalit state Congress president.
Jarkiholi’s dinner saw the participation of social welfare minister HC Mahadevappa, cooperation minister K N Rajanna, and Parameshwara and Wednesday’s meeting will focus on organising an SC and ST convention to strengthen the party’s ties with these communities.
“It is not a party meeting but just a dinner,” Parameshwara said Tuesday. “We plan to host an ST and SC convention soon. Before the assembly polls, we organised a convention in Chitradurga seeking support of these communities. We haven’t held a thanksgiving event after forming the govt. All MLAs, ex-MLAs, and party office bearers from SC and ST communities will discuss the date, venue, and other details of the convention. Dinner is merely incidental to the meeting.”
But Parameshwara emphasised that the convention would be a party event. “Resolutions passed during the Chitradurga meeting will be revisited,” he said. “SC and ST ministers, legislators, and functionaries will first deliberate on these matters before involving other ministers and the CM.”
On concerns over political interpretations of the meeting, Parameshwara said, “Just because it is projected differently, should we not stay united? The SC, ST community has always stood by Congress. With zilla and taluk panchayat polls approaching, we must listen to these communities.”
The Jarkiholi dinner had sparked much speculation since it occurred in the absence of deputy chief minister DK Shivakumar, who was abroad. Discussions reportedly revolved around consolidating the AHINDA (minorities, backward classes, and Dalits) vote bank championed by Siddaramaiah.
But both Siddaramaiah and ministers who attended the meeting denied discussing politics. “There was no political discussion,” Siddaramaiah said, a statement endorsed by Jarkiholi. Parameshwara said, “It was just a New Year gathering.”
Reacting to the meetings, Shivakumar, who was in Delhi, said, “I was abroad and unaware of the meeting. I will get more details when I return to Bengaluru.”
Courtesy : TOI
How the False Conversion Case Against This Dalit Labourer Fell Apart

This is the second article in a series of reports on people who won their legal battles after being falsely charged under the anti-conversion laws brought in by BJP governments in Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Jharkhand. Read the first article here.
Author Omar Rashid
New Delhi: Hari Shankar* couldn’t look past the absurdity of the matter: a retired Dalit construction labourer who could barely make ends meet was accused of casually offering thousands of rupees in cash to poor Hindus if they agreed to convert to Christianity.
“I live in a madaiya (basic hut). What can I lure people with? If I had Rs 30,000 to spare, wouldn’t I use it to change my own life first, before distributing it to others?” asked Shankar wryly.
Shankar lives in a tiny one-room shack in Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh. To make more living space, he has erected a tin-roof shed in the adjoining area. The shed does not have proper walls; plastic sheets and bedsheets form a makeshift enclosure. The floor of a part of the shed also serves as a kitchen.
Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty.
In 2021, 60-year-old Shankar was booked under The Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religion Act, 2021 on the charge of converting poor Hindus in a locality in Azamgarh to Christianity by offering them money and promising to free them from the grip of ‘evil spirits’.
In addition to that, he faced the allegation of hurting religious sentiments by insulting Hindu goddesses and deities. The action against him was taken on the complaint of a right-wing activist linked to the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party.
After a three-year-long legal battle, a court in Azamgarh in September 2024 acquitted him of the charge of unlawful conversion. The court found the charge to be dubious and said that the investigation by the police was riddled with illegalities and contradictions.
The judge, however, held Shankar guilty of hurting religious sentiments. Shankar was out on bail after having spent six months in prison when the 19-page verdict was delivered.
Considering his age and rural social background, the court decided against sending him back to prison and ordered his release on probation for a year.
Shankar’s conviction under Indian Penal Code Sections 298 (deliberately hurting someone’s religious feelings) and 504 (intentional insults that provoke others to break public peace) tainted his legal record in the autumn of his life but in the larger scheme of things, he stood vindicated. The main accusation of unlawful conversion was proven to be false.
“Truth prevailed. Talking about someone (Jesus Christ) does not amount to conversion. And the allegation of talking ill of Hindu deities was also baseless. All lies,” said Shankar.
Changing allegations
The criminal case against him was lodged on August 31, 2021, nine months after the Yogi Adityanath-led Bharatiya Janata Party government in Uttar Pradesh armed itself with a stringent new law that made religious conversion a non-bailable offence inviting up to 10 years in prison if found to be effected for marriage or through misrepresentation, force, undue influence, coercion, allurement or other allegedly fraudulent means. The vagueness of the offence under the law blurred the lines between what could be deemed as lawful conversion and what was considered illegal. These features opened doors for vigilante groups as well as the police to harass people.
Last year, the government amended the law to make it even more oppressive by increasing the maximum punishment from 10 years to life imprisonment, further empowering vigilante groups by allowing “any person” to file a complaint, and making the process of securing bail even more difficult.
Ever since the law came into force late in 2020, it has become routine for right-wing activists linked to the ruling saffron ideology to lodge FIRs against Muslims as well as “lower”-caste Hindus perceived to be practicing Christian traditions or deviating from traditional Hinduism. Most of these cases are based on general allegations and flimsy evidence, as part of a concerted strategy to harass individuals and groups from the minority and marginalised communities.
Shankar’s was a typical case.
The FIR against him was lodged on the complaint of one Jittu Sonkar, a fruit seller and right-wing activist from Azamgarh associated with several arms of the Sangh parivar. Sonkar, a Dalit like Shankar, alleged that an unidentified person had been visiting his locality Sarai Mandraj for three months and was promising people that he would “remove the obstacles of ghosts and spirits” from their lives. The man, whom Sonkar later identified as Shankar, was allegedly also active in a Dalit basti in the neighbouring locality of Kartalpur where he was “converting” people to Christianity by enrapturing them with his “illusions” and through other allurements.
Sonkar alleged that on August 31, 2021 – a Tuesday – at around 10 am, he found Shankar distributing Bibles and other Christian religious books to people in his locality. Shankar was also using “obscene” language to insult Hindu deities and goddesses, alleged Sonkar. When the locals objected to his language, Sonkar further alleged in his complaint, Shankar offered each of them an “allurement” of Rs 500 and mentioned that if they accepted Christianity, “Prabhu Ishu” (Jesus) would rid them of all their “suffering and penury”.
Later, while testifying in a trial court, Sonkar made a new allegation that Shankar had offered him Rs 30,000 to convert to Christianity. He claimed that Shankar used to convert people at the house of a local resident, Nirmala Devi. Sonkar said Shankar and Nirmal Devi called him to the house so that they could exorcise him. When he reached the house, the duo was already engaged in prayers and were converting several women to Christianity, he alleged. They offered him Rs 30,000 to accept Christianity but when he objected and rejected their money, they abused him with casteist slurs related to his Khatik background, Sonkar alleged. Khatik is Dalit sub-caste in Uttar Pradesh.
A life built on faith
Shankar has a different memory of the day. But to accurately grasp the circumstances behind the allegations against him, it is important to take into account his background. Shankar belongs to the Chamar Dalit community Over the last two decades, especially after his marriage, he had started committing himself to Jesus Christ, although he did not formally change his religion. He was exposed to the faith and the message of Jesus after coming in touch with two pastors.
When he was not pushing bricks, sand, stones or cement on trolleys at construction sites, he was engaged in ‘seva’ (selfless acts in the cause of faith) and prayer services for Jesus. Superstition and belief in unscientific methods of cure for ailments and distress are an inextricable element of this system of faith-based healing.
Many believers have over the years started their own prayer centres dedicated to Jesus in the region and even hold large events. But some, like Shankar, who lack the resources, prefer to provide home services and convene smaller sessions. People, whether aggrieved by ailments, financial distress or ‘evil’ spirits, would invite Shankar to conduct such prayers and healing sessions in the privacy of their homes. A part of his work involved travelling from Varanasi to Azamgarh, a more than two-hour journey he often made on a motorcycle.
On August 31, 2021, Shankar said he had gone to Nirmala Devi’s house in Azamgarh to conduct a prayer for a 15-year-old girl who had been “troubled by evil forces” for the last four years. Word has spread how Shankar had earlier ‘cured’ a woman who was ‘possessed by evil spirits’ and Nirmala Devi looked towards him for relief. Shankar claimed that many families had stopped going to the events and satsangs of other Hindu spiritual gurus, and instead turned to Kaleeshias or Christian prayer centres, after they came in touch with him. This had annoyed the Hindutva elements in the region, he said. “We only go there to pray. Parmeshwar (supreme being) does the rest,” said Shankar, when I asked him to explain how he rid people of their afflictions.
Shankar carried a small donation box to such events. Since he usually visited poor households, the donations were nominal. On the day of the incident, Shankar was at Nirmala Devi’s residence when two strangers appeared there unannounced and walked in. Meanwhile, their associates waited outside. “One of those men started turning the pages of a Bible and said that he wanted to join the prayers. The second person started shooting a video of us. They left after a couple of minutes but soon returned with a larger group of people from a Hindu organisation and accused me of conversion,” Shankar said.
Shankar usually did his prayer services on Tuesdays. And on days when he was not available, his son Ujjwal, who works in a photo design store, would fill in. “My father was targeted. People like Jittu Sonkar would come to his meetings and carefully observe things. These people would often taunt us and say, ‘If you are a Hindu, why do you believe in Christ? If you want to worship Christ, adopt a Christian name and give up reservation,’” said Ujjwal. He believes that Hindutva elements mostly harass people from Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe communities with such laws. “It’s mostly the lower caste people who are attracted towards Christianity,” said Ujjwal.
An unconvincing story
The Adityanath government-backed prosecution team produced four witnesses against Shankar: Sonkar himself; a locally-renowned dermatologist and office-bearer of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh Parijat Barnwal; Sonkar’s friend Rajan Chaubey; and the investigating officer of the case, sub-inspector Shivkumar Kushwaha.
The police claimed to have recovered 12 religious texts, including a book of Bhojpuri devotional songs about Christ, copies of the Bible and some other documents, and a single Rs 100 note from Shankar.
During the trial, Shankar pointed out that the only two public witnesses in the case were Sonkar’s friends. One of them, Rajan Chaubey, was the person who actually drafted the FIR which was dictated to him by Sonkar. The trial judge took note of this and ruled the FIR to be “suspicious” as he found several contradictions in its content.
Shankar also produced his government-authorised Hindu Scheduled Caste certificate in court to prove that he had not converted to any other religion and was therefore not authorised to carry out conversions to Christianity.
The government lawyer argued that religious conversion was not just “against religious freedom and rights” but was also a “threat to the nation’s security”. “If conversion is not stopped, that day is not far when the majority community will become a minority,” said district government counsel Priyadarshi Piyush Tripathi, repeating the controversial statement made by Allahabad high court judge Justice Rohit Ranjan Agarwal in July last year while rejecting bail for a person who faced allegations similar to those against Shankar. The Supreme Court later barred the usage or citation of Justice Agarwal’s controversial words.
Azamgarh sessions judge Sanjeev Shukla found the prosecution’s story and the police investigation to be faulty and full of contradictions.
“The prosecution story is replete with inconsistencies, errors and contradictions. It does not stand the test of credibility and therefore appears doubtful,” he said in his order.
The judge underlined the contradictions in the monetary inducements allegedly offered by Shankar. While in the FIR, Sonkar said Shankar offered people Rs 500 each, in his court testimony he said he had received a personal offer of Rs 30,000. There was no clear or documentary evidence of any monetary allurement, noted Judge Shukla.
Sonkar also contradicted the version of the police investigation officer when it came to the alleged recovery of religious material. While Sonkar told the court that no money or item was recovered from Shankar at the time of his arrest at 11 am on August 31, 2021 the investigating officer sub-inspector Kushwaha in his inventory of arrest and recovery produced in court showed Shankar to be taken under arrest a day later, on September 1, with 12 religious books in his possession. Even though the officer claimed that Shankar was arrested from a public place (Kartalpur trijunction), he failed to produce a single independent witness of the event, only presenting two of his subordinates, constables Sandeep Singh and Pawan Kumar, as witnesses.
Judge Shukla noted that the police did not act as per the rules, making the prosecution story “dubious”. The judge also found the recovery and arrest memo, which had no signatures, to be suspicious as the investigation officer was himself a witness in the case. There were no independent witnesses.
While convicting Shankar for hurting religious sentiments, the court relied on the testimonies of Sonkar and Barnwal, the Azamgarh doctor.
Fear of the police and vigilante groups has impacted Shankar’s spiritual and religious life. It practically put a hold on his prayer meetings and ‘seva’ sessions, and he mostly stays home now.
But the ordeal has failed to diminish his conviction about faith. “It is the Collector’s job to issue conversion certificates to people. Having faith and becoming a Christian are two different things. We are vishwasi (believers), not Isai (Christians),” he said.
*Name changed to protect the victim’s anonymity.
Courtesy : The Wire
Chief Minister Siddaramaiah pledges internal reservation for SCs in Karnataka
Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah reiterates his government's resolve to implement internal reservation among the Scheduled Castes in the state. He also addressed speculations about a potential change in the Congress leadership in the state.

In Short
- Siddaramaiah backs SC internal reservation commission
- Commission formed to recommend SC reservation framework
- Leadership change decisions rest with Congress high command
Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah reiterated his government’s commitment to providing internal reservation among the Scheduled Castes (SCs). “The Supreme Court has said that internal reservation has to be given, but as some have said that there is no empirical data, a commission has been formed headed by (Justice) Nagmohan Das. We are committed to providing internal reservation,” Siddaramaiah said.
The Karnataka government had, in November, appointed retired High Court judge Justice HN Nagamohan Das to lead a commission tasked with recommending the modalities for internal reservation among SCs. This move follows demands, particularly from the ‘SC Left’ groups, for internal reservation to address allegations that a few dominant sub-castes were monopolising reservation benefits while other marginalised communities were left out.
The Supreme Court’s landmark verdict on August 1, 2024, empowered states to make sub-classifications within SCs, recognizing that the group is socially heterogeneous. The court upheld that such measures could uplift castes.
Amid growing speculation about a potential change in the Congress leadership in the state, Siddaramaiah also clarified that decisions on the Karnataka Pradesh Congress Committee (KPCC) presidency or the chief minister’s role rest solely with the party high command.
Addressing reporters’ questions about the KPCC leadership, Siddaramaiah said, “It will be decided by the high command, not us. KPCC president, chief minister - everything is decided by the high command.” The remarks come as Deputy Chief Minister DK Shivakumar, who has completed four years as KPCC president, continues in the role on an extended term.
- India Today
- IndiaKarnataka
- Chief Minister Siddaramaiah pledges internal reservation for SCs in Karnataka
Chief Minister Siddaramaiah pledges internal reservation for SCs in Karnataka
Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah reiterates his government's resolve to implement internal reservation among the Scheduled Castes in the state. He also addressed speculations about a potential change in the Congress leadership in the state.

In Short
- Siddaramaiah backs SC internal reservation commission
- Commission formed to recommend SC reservation framework
- Leadership change decisions rest with Congress high command
Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah reiterated his government’s commitment to providing internal reservation among the Scheduled Castes (SCs). “The Supreme Court has said that internal reservation has to be given, but as some have said that there is no empirical data, a commission has been formed headed by (Justice) Nagmohan Das. We are committed to providing internal reservation,” Siddaramaiah said.
The Karnataka government had, in November, appointed retired High Court judge Justice HN Nagamohan Das to lead a commission tasked with recommending the modalities for internal reservation among SCs. This move follows demands, particularly from the ‘SC Left’ groups, for internal reservation to address allegations that a few dominant sub-castes were monopolising reservation benefits while other marginalised communities were left out.
The Supreme Court’s landmark verdict on August 1, 2024, empowered states to make sub-classifications within SCs, recognizing that the group is socially heterogeneous. The court upheld that such measures could uplift castes that are socially and educationally more backward.
Amid growing speculation about a potential change in the Congress leadership in the state, Siddaramaiah also clarified that decisions on the Karnataka Pradesh Congress Committee (KPCC) presidency or the chief minister’s role rest solely with the party high command.
Addressing reporters’ questions about the KPCC leadership, Siddaramaiah said, “It will be decided by the high command, not us. KPCC president, chief minister - everything is decided by the high command.” The remarks come as Deputy Chief Minister DK Shivakumar, who has completed four years as KPCC president, continues in the role on an extended term.
Columns
Intellectual deprivation of Dalits
The question of whether Dalit issues pertain to class or caste has confounded many Dalits.
Mitra Pariyar
Over the centuries, the Nepali state has treated Dalits as a sort of an ‘enemy within’ and excessively abused and deprived them into submission. The politics of the deprivation of Dalits, as it may be called, has occurred in at least two forms: Physically limiting their access to their basic needs, including food, water and clothing, and then denying them education, thus crushing their intellect.
Gone are the days when Dalits were severely tortured for reading and writing and even for listening to the chants of sacred Vedic verses by the Brahmins. However, intellectual deprivation has persisted, rendering even highly educated Dalits quite incapable of independent thinking.
Dalit politics relies on the thoughts and ideologies of upper-caste politicians and intellectuals. Dalits themselves haven’t been able to develop their own ideologies and philosophies. This intellectual deficit in the Dalit movement results from what Professor Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak famously called “epistemic violence”.
Physical deprivation
Until recently, the traditional patron-client system was in full force nationwide. One can understand the damaging impact of this highly exploitative economic and cultural system by reading American Professor Mary Cameron’s monograph, On the Edge of the Auspicious, published in 1998.
Under this system, Dalits were required to serve upper-caste clients for generations for very little returns, mostly in kind. Dalits barely survived on little grains and old clothes handed to them by their clients in exchange for their relentless service as tailors, blacksmiths, shoemakers, drummers, entertainers, street and toilet cleaners, and so on.
That extreme form of physical deprivation in the form of the patron-client system ensured that Dalits remained subjugated for their survival. The supply of limited and poor-quality food and water also contributed to their physical and mental underdevelopment.
The patron-client system is losing ground, and the contemporary Dalit community is much less dependent on the upper caste financially. This newfound economic independence has allowed many Dalits, especially those living in urban areas, to gather wealth and get educated. The Dalit middle class is evidently on the rise.
In their 2016 research article “Dalit identity in urban Pokhara, Nepal”, published in the reputed international journal Geoforum, Bishnu Pariyar and Jon Lovett demonstrate an impressive upward social mobility amongst Dalits in the town of Pokhara (even as economic progress has not eroded the basic principles of untouchability). Some other studies and our observations also reveal the same trend.
Many scholars worldwide have argued that the middle class's growth is a key driver of social reform movements. Strangely, however, the impressive rise of the Dalit middle class in urban Nepal has not translated into a robust and powerful Dalit liberation movement.
On the contrary, Dalit freedom struggles have lost steam over the years. Many factors contribute to the Dalit movement's fall, one of them being intellectual deficit.
Intellectual deprivation
In a recent study, British Professor Michael Hutt found that Dalits have been highly unrepresented in the overall Nepali literature and that the genre of ‘Dalit sahitya’ only started in the early 1990s. Still, works of fiction and non-fiction that focus on Dalit history, culture, livelihood and human and civil rights rights are limited.
Western academic researchers have also largely ignored Dalit issues. Oxford University scholars Professor David Gellner and Krishna Adhikari stress the need for more studies on Nepali Dalits in their 2024 book Nepal’s Dalits in Transition.
A few Dalit non-governmental organisations have worked for what they call “Dalit knowledge creation”. With the assistance of foreign donors, they seek to promote the works of Dalit intellectuals and writers. Consequently, there has been a gradual progress in the production of Dalit intellectual works over the years.
The sad fact, however, is that Dalit intelligentsia haven’t intellectually grasped the current realities and forged new strategies and ideologies. Most newspaper articles, research papers and even books written by Dalits fail to develop new pathways to freedom.
Most Dalit intellectuals and academics still hold on to the philosophies and ideologies propagated by upper-caste leaders in their erstwhile struggle against the Hindu state. However, the country’s political landscape has changed dramatically after the termination of the monarchy, so old strategies and philosophies aren’t going to work.
Communism is an example of the above. Even as its chief proponents, like Pushpa Kamal Dahal and Baburam Bhattarai, have more or less given up communist ideologies and adopted a multiparty democratic system, a significant segment of Dalits still believes in the communist utopia and dreams of reviving the violent revolution and building a supposedly classless society.
The ideological question of whether Dalit issues are a class or caste problem has confounded many Dalits. A majority of Dalits have been heavily indoctrinated by high-caste communist politicians in the past and made to believe that their problems are mainly about class.
Many Dalits tend to see capitalism as their nemesis, but history says otherwise: We were subjugated, exploited and segregated using Hindu principles long before the capitalist economy entered our societies.
Further, to a degree, the capitalist economy has kept us out of the traditional patron-client system. Many urban Dalits, like goldsmiths and tailors, have become conspicuously wealthy by commercialising their traditional trades.
Yet, the mainstream Dalit movement still doesn’t problematise issues of religious and cultural beliefs and practices. This is because the upper-caste intelligentsia never taught them these things and diverted their attention to other less critical issues, such as class and the lack of access to education and employment.
Even Dalits who no longer cling to extreme communism and support the ideologies of the major parties they once worked for seem lost, as there is no intellectual anchoring. We are yet to develop our own, perhaps more realistic philosophies and ideologies to match our current realities.
Our own Ambedkar
It’s been difficult to undo the wrongful teachings of the upper-caste elites and promote intellectual freedom. It’s about time the members of the Dalit intelligentsia try and think more creatively and independently to stop believing in the so-called ultimate truth that their political leaders and intellectuals have spoon-fed them.
One of the major factors for the relatively better Dalit struggles in India is the extraordinarily learned, novel and independent thoughts and ideas of Dr BR Ambedkar. To date, Ambedkarism has remained a Dalit intellectual watershed, one that keeps them out of the knowledge arena of the Brahmins. We should strive to find or develop our own Ambedkar. Therein lies the key to our success in fighting caste hierarchy.
Mitra Pariyar
A graduate of Oxford University, Pariyar is a Dalit rights activist who has worked in universities in Australia.
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