11.01.2025..Untouchablity News.....अछूत समाचार.தீண்டாமை செய்திகள்.by Team சிவாஜி. शिवाजी .Shivaji.asivaji1962@gmail.com.9444917060.
Karnataka’s cities are seeing bandhs over Amit Shah’s insult to Ambedkar
With dozens of civil society groups in Karnataka banding together to give a call for action, this is the first time Mandya and Bidar saw a bandh over an insult to Dr.Ambedkar.
A group of people stand around a small fire on the ground during a protest on a street with buildings and signs in the background.
Organisers of the bandh in Bidar raise slogans against Union Home Minister Amit Shah over his remarks about BR Ambedkar. Special arrangement
Two towns in Karnataka have seen complete shutdowns for the first time over what some may perceive as a ‘Dalit issue’ — an insult to Dr BR Ambedkar. Sparked by Union Minister Amit Shah’s remarks about Ambedkar, several marginalised groups and progressive organisations have joined forces to successfully organise bandhs in at least six cities and towns across the state.
During the winter session in the Rajya Sabha last December, Amit Shah had said, “It has become a fashion now to (chant Ambedkar’s name). If you had taken god’s name that many times, you would have gone to heaven for the next seven births.”
The comment triggered protests across the country, with the opposition Congress demanding Shah’s resignation. Dozens of civil society groups in Karnataka banded together and gave a call for a bandh, achieving success in several cities.
The bandhs began with Gadag and Kalaburagi on December 24, followed by Koppal on January 6, Mandya and Mysuru on January 7, and Hubballi-Dharwad, Bidar, and Vijayanagara on January 9. This is the first time Mandya and Bidar saw a bandh over an insult to Ambedkar.
The bandhs received good, and in some cases, near-total response from the public. Protesters took out bike rallies and held public meetings, waving blue flags. Effigies of Amit Shah were burned in several places and most shops remained shut during the day. Transport services were also suspended, and some schools declared holidays. In Gadag and Mysuru, some Congress MLAs extended support.
In Bidar, a city in northern Karnataka with a population of about five lakh, the Swabhimani Dr BR Ambedkarvaadigala Horata Samiti, a federation of about 30 progressive groups, successfully organised the bandh.
Mahesh Gornalkar, the general secretary of the samiti, told TNM that this was the first time that such a bandh had been organised in the city. “Even though four of the district’s six MLAs are from the BJP and two are from the Congress, not a single shop was open. Only hospitals, medical shops, and petrol bunks remained operational,” he said.
A large number of shops in Bidar are owned by Muslims, while the Lingayats dominate the Agricultural Produce Marketing Committee. Mahesh said that many civil society groups, “Basavanna’s followers,” as well as Muslim and Buddhist religious leaders, supported the bandh. “It is not possible for Dalits alone to organise a bandh,” he said.
According to Mahesh, there is a growing concern among many communities that the BJP and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) are out to change the Constitution.
He said that the organisation he heads, the Manava Bandhutva Vedike (loosely translated as the Forum for Human Solidarity), along with other groups, had held several discussions. “All those who have the right to vote, those who have benefitted from reservations, who have the right to an education, have all supported the bandh. There is a feeling that the BJP is anti-women, anti-Constitution, and anti-equality.”
This sentiment, he said, has been building for the past decade, acquiring momentum in the wake of the protests against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act passed in December 2019, alongside the threat of the National Register of Citizens (which has so far only been implemented in Assam). BJP leader and former MP Ananthkumar Hedge’s statement in March 2024, ahead of the Parliamentary elections, that the BJP needed to secure over 400 seats to change the Constitution, strengthened the belief that the country’s Constitution was under threat. The ongoing violence that broke out in Manipur in May 2023, particularly the sexual violence against women, further reinforced this threat. “People now think that this will not stop if they don’t unite,” Mahesh said.
Shobha Kamatar of Slum Janandolana, told TNM that progressive and pro-Dalit organisations together decided to call for a bandh. Progressive groups had established close ties in the Hubbali-Dharwad region during joint agitations over the Kalasa-Banduri issue, she said, and often held protests together.
In the twin cities of Hubballi and Dharwad, the shutdown received a positive response, with shops remaining shut and vehicles remaining off the roads. Dharwad district has been a BJP bastion for decades and has also seen significant communal flare-ups, perhaps more than other parts of northern Karnataka.
Gadag town saw a shutdown on December 24, supported by Lingayat groups, merchant associations, and Kannada organisations.
Ashwini Madankar, co-convenor of the Samvidhana Samrakshana Samiti, which organised the bandh in Kalaburagi, told TNM, “Leaders of many marginalised and backward communities, such as Kuruba, Bhovi, Kabbaliga, Banjara, and Muslims, are convenors of the samiti. All of us went around the city area-wise to get public support. That’s why it was such a success. On the day of the bandh, people were holding Basavanna’s and Kanaka Dasa’s flags during the protest rally. This is an indication that Ambedkar’s ideas are reaching people.”
Basavanna, a 12th-century philosopher, is the founder of Lingayatism, while Kanaka Dasa, a 14th century Dwaitha Vedana philosopher, was a Kuruba who was not allowed entry into the famous Krishna Temple in Udupi.
In Kalaburagi, however, this is not the first time that a bandh has been observed over what is considered a ‘Dalit issue’. Ashwini said there was a complete shutdown following the gang rape and murder of a 14-year-old Dalit girl in Vijayapura district (formerly known as Bijapur) in December 2017. “Although the bandh was successful, it was mostly supported by Dalits back then,” she said.
The CAA-NRC protests played a significant role in building cross-community alliances. “Since then, many Muslims participate in protests against insults to Ambedkar or the Constitution. Now, Dalits and Muslims protest together. When one is in trouble, the other joins in protest.”
Ashwini added that Kalaburagi had also shut down when Anantkumar Hegde made his remarks about altering the Constitution.
Naganna Gowda, an activist based in Mandya, told TNM that this was the first time Mandya had seen a bandh over an insult to Ambedkar. While Dalit groups formed the driving force behind the bandh, farmers’ groups, progressive activists, Muslim organisations, and left-wing groups all lent their support, he said.
He said that the organisers had gone around the town garnering support for the bandh, and most shop owners cooperated. A large number of shops in Mandya town are owned by Marwadis, followed by Muslims. “We ensured that small eateries stayed open. Workers need to eat.”
Aroma of protest: Meat served at Kannada Sahitya Sammelana for the first time in 100 years
Naganna said that although the bandh was peaceful and the town was shut down, the media focused on the few shops where altercations occurred. While attempting to get some open shops to close, the bandh organisers had faced resistance from a supermarket chain outlet and a few other shops run by BJP supporters.
“Even during Cauvery bandhs, these kinds of altercations occur, but the headlines always say the bandhs were a success. Because this bandh is about Ambedkar, the media isn’t ready to give credit,” he said.
Siddharth Singe, co-founder of the Dalit Sangharsha Samiti (Bheemavaada), told TNM that these bandhs were part of a larger shift in consciousness across Karnataka, particularly in response to the perceived attacks on the Constitution, such as Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s remarks about winning over 400 seats in Parliament and fears about the BJP changing the Constitution.
“In the past, there wasn’t much awareness about the Constitution,” Siddharth said. But that changed when the CAA was pushed through in 2019. “Dalits and Muslims felt that they would be driven away from their homes.”
Since then, many Constitution-awareness programmes have been held across north Karnataka, he added.
“Now, smaller backward communities are coming together. There is a feeling that we have benefitted from the Constitution, that we have some security because of it, and that without the Constitution, we will be treated as second-class citizens. People now feel that Ambedkar wrote the Constitution for all people, (not just Dalits). They feel that if they protect the Constitution, they are protecting themselves,” Siddharth said.
On whether the Congress government’s Constitution Awareness Jatha in January-February 2024 had any impact on the movement, Siddharth acknowledged that it had contributed to some extent. “The jatha and progressive groups have played a role (in creating awareness about the Constitution), but the major push comes from Dalit groups.”
Asked about support from caste groups such as the Lingayats and Vokkaligas, who have long been projected as a numerical majority in the state, Siddharth pointed out that while these two groups were socially dominant, he pointed to the leaked findings of the caste census and said that the two communities did not form a numerical majority.
Why Karnataka’s caste census report is still a secret: The inside story
“Today, we are seeing many Scheduled Tribes, Muslims, Backward Castes, participating across the state and they are the majority,” Siddharth said.
He also said that Lingayats were not a homogenous block, even though many Lingayats and Lingayat seers were aligned with Hindutva. “Followers of Basavanna, not the Lingayats who see themselves as Hindu, support this movement because they too believe in the Constitution. There are also backward castes among the Lingayats, such as the Ganigas, who participate,” he added.
Courtesy: The News Minute
No burial site! Dalit woman’s body kept for nearly two days in T Narasipura town
Mysuru: A 56-year-old woman’s body was kept for nearly two days in T Narasipura town of the district for the lack of a burial site for nomad Koracha families. The town is in the home district of Chief Minister Siddaramaiah and forms part of the constituency of District Minister H C Mahadevappa. Rathnamma (56), wife of Hanumanthappa who migrated from Davangere nearly thirty years ago and settled in T Narasipura town, died from an illness on Tuesday.
She belongs to the Scheduled Caste Koracha community. Even though Rathnamma’s family has Aadhar cards and ration card with the local T Narasipur address, local residents who have separate burial grounds for Scheduled Tribe Nayakas, Kurubas, Vokkaligas, Veerashaivas, Scheduled Castes and other backward class castes, did not allow the last rites of Rathnamma in the town as she had migrated from Davangere and settled in the town. Rathanma’s family then took her body to her native place, Davanagere and performed her last rites on Thursday.
Dalitha Sangarsha Samithi district convener Alagud Shivakumar said about 30 nomad Koracha community families including Rathnamma who migrated from Davangere nearly forty years ago, have been living in T Narasipura town. They eke out a living by doing menial jobs.
Courtesy: News Trail India
Man arrested for sexually assaulting Dalit girl
ALAPPUZHA: A 58-year-old man has been arrested for sexually assaulting a Dalit girl. The arrested is Subhash Chandra Bose of Mannancherry. The incident happened on November 16. He carried the baby boy, who was sitting on the lap of his 12-year-old sister, and then pressed her body parts, on the pretext of cuddling the baby.
The girl informed this after reaching the child-friendly room of the Mannancherry police station along with her parents. The police immediately registered a case and subjected the child to a medical examination. Subhash Chandra Bose went into hiding after knowing about it. The accused was then caught by the police when he secretly reached his house in Ponnad today.
Courtesy: Kerala Kaumudi
UP: Love marriage with a 16-year-old Dalit girl, now mysteriously missing; family members say – killed her… or sold her daughter
Barabanki, Love marriage with a 16-year-old Dalit girl. Now she has mysteriously disappeared. Family members said that the daughter was either killed or sold.
Published by: Bhupendra Singh
A shocking case has come to light in Barabanki, UP. A minor who was married four years ago after being trapped in a love trap has now gone missing under suspicious circumstances. The girl’s family has expressed the suspicion that she was murdered and her body was made to disappear or sold. Police have registered a case against three people and investigation is on.
The incident is from a village in Lonikatra police station area. A Dalit woman living here complained to the SP. She told that four years ago, at the age of 16, her daughter was lured and taken away by Anil Verma, a resident of Daulatpur village, and married. After getting the paperwork done at the police station, Anil took my daughter with him. Started living in Bakkas area of ??Lucknow.
When searched, the house was found locked
In August 2024, Anil came to the village with his wife, but a few months later the girl told on the phone that Anil beats her badly. Since then there is no trace of the girl. When the family went to Bakkas and searched for Anil and the girl, the house was found locked.
Police is investigating the matter
When Anil reached the village, his brothers Bablu and Sanjay allegedly said that whatever was to happen has happened. During this, they also offered four-five lakh rupees to silence the family. SHO Daumitra Sen Rawat said that a case has been registered against Anil and his two brothers. No clue of the girl has been found so far. The matter is being investigated thoroughly.
Courtesy: Hindi News
Dalit teenager beaten to death in Karnataka over relationship with a upper caste woman
The victim has been identified as Sumit Kumar, a first-year BSc student at the Government First Grade College in Kamalanagar.
An 18-year-old Dalit man was beaten to death by the family of a woman, belonging to an upper caste, over their relationship in Bidar, police said on Thursday, adding that the accused have been arrested.
The victim has been identified as Sumit Kumar, a first-year BSc student at the Government First Grade College in Kamalanagar. He was allegedly in a relationship with an 18-year-old woman from the Gawli community. Both were residents of Kushanoor village.
The woman’s father and brother attacked Sumit Kumar on January 5. Sumit Kumar was critically injured and referred to a hospital in Latur, Maharashtra, whre he succumbed on Tuesday night.
The accused, Kishan Gawli (55), and Rahul Gawli (24) were arrested by the Kushanoor police. Subsequently, they were produced in a court and remanded in custody.
Courtesy: New Indian Express
TAMILNADU
‘Thamizhagathil Ambedkariya Ithazhgal’: Ambedkarite journals tell of Dalit resistance in Tamil Nadu
In this book, writer and academician J Balasubramaniam revives long-forgotten moments of resistance with remarkable insight.
Kavitha Muralidharan
In Tamil Nadu’s rich history of social justice movements, Ambedkarite journals stand as a powerful yet under-explored force. Writer and academician J Balasubramaniam’s Thamizhagathil Ambedkariya Ithazhgal (Ambedkarite Journals in Tamil Nadu), published by Neelam Publications, brings this legacy to light, revealing how these publications became powerful tools for social change, amplifying Dalit voices and challenging entrenched caste hierarchies in Tamil Nadu.
Through rigorous research, Balasubramaniam traces the evolution of these publications, which emerged as formidable platforms for social reform. Far from mere chronicles, these journals mobilised communities, critiqued caste and class oppression, and spread Ambedkar’s vision of equality and justice across Tamil Nadu. By engaging with Dravidian and nationalist ideologies, they became critical agents in shaping the state’s political and intellectual landscape.
According to Balasubramaniam, Dalit journalism in Tamil Nadu dates back to 1869, “marking a profound intersection of social, political, and cultural resistance”. In his previous book Sooriyodhayam Mudhal Udayasuriyan Varai, he explores this legacy, documenting over 40 journals published by Dalits between 1869 and 1943. Balasubramaniam categorises the history into two periods: before and after the 1930s.
Pre-1930s Dalit journals prioritised historical reclamation, advocacy for educational and economic reforms, and demands for British Indian policies to address Dalit oppression. Lacking electoral politics as a driving force, these journals focused on intellectual resistance through articles, memorandums, and petitions. Post-1930s, they evolved into tools of mass mobilisation, aligning with democratic and reformist movements.
“The 1930s marked a transformative period in Tamil Nadu’s socio-political landscape,” Balasubramaniam said. “Amid the national movement’s peak under Gandhi’s leadership, the Dravidian and Adi Dravidar (Dalit) movements gained momentum in South India, reshaping the region’s political fabric. During this time, the language of democratic politics – terms like “member,” “conference,” “public meeting,” “flag hoisting ceremony,” and “law” – became more familiar, signalling a shift toward mainstream political engagement.”
It was during this time that Ambedkarite ideology began to take root in Tamil Nadu. The Ambedkarite journals captured the emerging solidarity among Dalits. Leaders like Pandithar Ayotheedasar, Rettaimalai Sreenivasan, and MC Rajah played key roles in promoting anti-caste politics, embracing Ambedkar’s principles. While MC Rajah sought national cohesion, it was Ambedkar’s leadership that truly galvanised Dalit solidarity. Ambedkarite politics took root in Tamil Nadu in the 1930s, overcoming linguistic barriers as large sections of the population embraced Ambedkar’s vision. The formation of the Scheduled Caste Federation in 1942, under the presidency of N Sivaraj, was particularly significant in Tamil Nadu.
In his seminal work, Balasubramaniam looks at the Ambedkarite journals that emerged in this backdrop. Samathuvam, launched on February 10, 1936, under the leadership of V Narayanan, president of the Salem District Adi Dravida Mahajana Sangam, became a key platform for advocating the rights of Adi Dravida weavers. Despite an initial circulation of 1,000 copies, the journal ceased publication within the same year. It was revived in 1945 as the official journal of the All India Scheduled Castes Federation, with Muthusamy as its editor. Samathuvam played a crucial role during a transformative period when Dalits, inspired by Ambedkar’s vision, fought for social and political equality.
Building on the momentum of journals like Samathuvam, another voice emerged in response to the plight of leather tanning labourers in North Arcot. Dalits, who made up the majority of the workforce in the region’s leather tanning industries, endured gruelling conditions and dangerous working environments. In response to these challenges, J Jesudas, also known as JJ Das, and V Adimulam, editor of Thennadu journal, founded the North Arcot Leather Tanning Labourers Union in 1939. The union’s voice, Udayasuriyan, was launched as a weekly publication that ran until 1948. Its assistant editor Pallikonda Krishnasamy would soon launch another important journal.
As a unionist, J Jesudas (JJ Das) fiercely opposed both caste discrimination and class exploitation, making Udayasuriyan a platform that critiqued the interlinked systems of caste and class oppression. The journal expanded its focus beyond the leather industry to include the struggles of workers from other sectors, including beedi and mining. In 1947, Udayasuriyan introduced Marxist thought, publishing an article titled “Who is Marx?” and serialised Maxim Gorky’s Mother starting in October of the same year, translated by Chellamma. If Chellamma was not a pseudonym, it demonstrates the involvement of women in the journal’s mission. By publishing global literature and political ideologies, Udayasuriyan played a crucial role in broadening the Dalit community’s intellectual horizons. The journal also stood firm in defending Ambedkarite ideology, engaging in debates with other publications like Dravidan and Saatai when they disparaged Ambedkar.
The launch of Samathuva Sangu in 1942 further expanded the space for Ambedkarite voices. Founded by Ambedkarite leader Pallikonda Krishnasamy, this weekly journal was dedicated to the fight against untouchability and for the rights of Dalits. The journal published articles advocating for basic amenities and education for Dalit households, consistently voicing the need for social and political equality.
Shortly thereafter, Urimai emerged as another powerful publication in the struggle for Dalit rights. Urimai (Rights), a fortnightly journal edited and published by A Ratnam, the Tamil Nadu president of the Scheduled Caste Federation, was likely launched in February 1947. Initially a monthly, Urimai transitioned to a fortnightly format in October 1948. A recurring aspect of the journal was its use of the powerful quote from the Greek historian Thucydides: “It may be your interest to be our masters, but how can it be ours to be your slaves?” Urimai unflinchingly critiqued the nationalist narrative that caste-based atrocities would fade away after the enactment of laws post-independence. Through its coverage of caste violence and discrimination, Urimai became a critical voice against the oppression faced by Dalits, shedding light on the persistent injustice and inequality that laws alone could not eradicate.
Thondu was launched in 1951 by V Veerasamy, who served as the president of the Tamil Nadu Federation and as the Member of Parliament for Mayavaram from 1952 to 1957. Thondu (Service) was a fortnightly journal that became a crucial platform for Ambedkarite politics in Tamil Nadu. The journal featured updates on Federation activities, statements from Ambedkar, Veerasamy’s parliamentary speeches, and articles advocating for the annihilation of caste. At a time when Dravidian parties were focused on federal and linguistic rights, Thondu emphasised the eradication of untouchability, the destruction of caste systems, and the social and economic empowerment of Dalits. The journal critically engaged with Tamil media’s coverage of Ambedkar’s death, offering sharp critiques where necessary.
Another significant development in this evolving movement was the launch of Viduthalai Murasu in 1956. With the tagline “Journal for the Development of Oppressed People,” Viduthalai Murasu was founded by M Singaram, president of the Tiruchy region Scheduled Caste Federation. Initially, debates between Periyar’s Dravidar Kazhagam and Ambedkar’s Federation were common in publications like Urimai. However, Viduthalai Murasu featured articles expressing support for Periyar and appreciating his contributions. This marked a significant moment in the evolving relationship between the two movements.
The launch of Madurakavignan in 1972 signalled a lasting legacy of Ambedkarite publications in Tamil Nadu. This journal was founded by Madurakavi VV Murugesa Bhagavathar, a prominent figure in the Ambedkarite movement. Bhagavathar had earned Ambedkar’s admiration during his 1932 visit to Chennai after the Round Table Conference. When Ambedkar’s translator withdrew following an hour-long speech, Bhagavathar stepped in and delivered a flawless translation, leaving a profound impression on Ambedkar himself.
In Thamizhagathil Ambedkariya Ithazhgal, Balasubramaniam revives such long-forgotten moments with remarkable insight. He masterfully illuminates the crucial role of Ambedkarite journals in shaping Tamil Nadu’s political and intellectual landscape. In doing so, Balasubramaniam offers a vital lens through which we can understand the enduring fight against caste oppression. These publications stand as powerful examples of how journalism, when done right, can transform society.
Courtesy : TSD
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