07.02.25.Untouchablity News.....अछूत समाचार.தீண்டாமை செய்திகள்.by Team சிவாஜி. शिवाजी .Shivaji.asivaji1962@gmail.com.9444917060.asivaji1961@gmail.com.facebook.sivajiyogatiruvannamalai.X.ShivajiA479023.
AP Cabinet approves enhanced subsidies for SC, ST, BC, minority, women entrepreneurs
Investment subsidy facility which was limited to manufacturing activities so far, was extended to transport and logistics.
VIJAYAWADA: The State Cabinet meeting held under the chairmanship of Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu on Thursday, approved amendments to the Andhra Pradesh MSME and Entrepreneurship Development Policy (MEDP), AP Food Processing, AP Sustainable Electric Mobility Policy, and AP Textiles, Apparel and Garments Policy to extend more benefits to entrepreneurs hailing from SC, ST, BC, Minority, women and differently abled categories.
Disclosing the decisions taken at the Cabinet meeting to mediapersons, Minister for Housing and Information and Public Relations Kolusu Parthasarathy said the government enhanced the investment subsidy to 45% from the existing 35% to the above said categories by making amendments to the said policies.
Investment subsidy facility which was limited to manufacturing activities so far, was extended to transport and logistics also. It was decided to provide 45% investment subsidy up to Rs 75 lakh. The enhanced subsidy will be applied only to new investors. The subsidy will be 40% for those already invested. Earlier, 50% subsidy was given on land value to SC and ST entrepreneurs up to a maximum of Rs 2 lakh, but the subsidy was extended to 75% up to a maximum of Rs 25 lakh now.
As per the MSMEDP 4.0 policy, women, BC and differently abled entrepreneurs used to get Rs 1 subsidy per unit of electricity for six years, but it was now increased to Rs 1.50 for five years to SC, ST, BC, Minority and women and differently abled categories.
Similarly, State GST reimbursement incentive will also be given for five years. The Cabinet approved the recent recommendations of the State Investment Promotion Board (SIPB).
He said incentives will be provided to Coromandel International Limited as requested by the company.
The Cabinet approved the proposal for amendments to the AP Land Rights and Pattadar Passbooks Act, 1971. Also, the move to withdraw disciplinary action against 386 engineers, who implemented the Neeru-Chettu programme from 2014 to 2019. Bills worth Rs 50.56 crore pending payment will be cleared, he said.
Fresh tenders will be invited for the remaining works in the R&R housing colonies for the Polavaram project oustees. Besides building fresh houses, all the basic amenities will be created in these colonies. To reduce rush at land registration offices, the Cabinet decided to introduce the dynamic queue management system.
The Cabinet approved the draft of Andhra Pradesh Knowledge Capacity Building Policy, 2025. The proposals made by the Energy Department on green energy were also approved.
Gave precious HMT rice to the country, today his generation is in a bad state! Who will come forward to help the Dalit farmer family of Maharashtra?
Dadaji Ramaji Khobragade’s grandson Deepak is living with his family in great difficulty. His one-year-old daughter Ruhani is suffering from a serious disease called Hypothermia, due to which her body temperature drops much below normal.
Geetha Sunil Pillai
Chandrapur, Maharashtra – A Dalit farmer who gave India unique rice varieties, who developed the popular high-yielding ‘HMT’ rice, his family is facing government neglect and financial crisis. This is the story of the family of late Dadaji Ramaji Khobragade, a resident of Nanded village in Chandrapur district of Maharashtra, whose grandson Deepak Khobragade’s daughter Ruhani is suffering from a serious disease.
In 2010, Forbes magazine included Dadaji Ramaji Khobragade among the seven most influential entrepreneurs of India, but does respect alone feed a family? Grandfather passed away in 2018 due to lack of treatment.
After him, it has become difficult for his family and grandson, who are still living in poverty, to get their little daughter treated and the helpless father had to give up and appeal to the government and society for help through social media, citing his grandfather – “Late Dadaji Ramaji Khobragade, the inventor of HMT rice and Dalit farmer, was my grandfather. He left this world due to lack of treatment. I appeal to you with folded hands to please help according to your capacity. We need ?5 lakh for the treatment of daughter Ruhani. A little help from you can save her life.”
Deepak Khobragade’s daughter Ruhani is suffering from a serious illness for which the family needs help for treatment.
The generation of the father of HMT rice is in financial crisis
In 1983, Dadaji Ramaji Khobragade (1939 – 3 June 2018) saw a unique plant in the ‘Patel 3’ variety of rice in his field, which was different from other plants. He experimented on it and by 1990 named it ‘HMT’.
There is a story behind the name HMT too – When Ramaji reached the agricultural market with his cousin Bhimrao Shinde to sell 90 quintals of rice, the traders were curious about this rice that looked different and asked him its name. In those days, there was a huge craze for ‘HMT’ watches, so on asking the name, Bhimrao said ‘HMT’ and that was the name of the rice developed by Dadaji Ramaji. Customers liked the rice very much and in its time ‘HMT-Sona’ rice started selling at twice the price of other varieties.
The variety proved to be high-yielding, but the government and agricultural universities were not interested in adopting his achievement.
Dadaji Ramaji’s name hit the headlines when he accused the Panjabrao Krishi Vidyapeeth (PKV) of taking credit for the rice variety he had developed.
It so happened that in 1994, a PKV official visited Khobragade’s farm and returned with five kg of HMT seeds ‘for experimentation’, for which he signed a receipt. In 1998, PKV released PKV-HMT rice. It claimed to have “purified” the earlier variety – but it did not publicly acknowledge that it had obtained the seeds from the original farmer-breeder, Khobragade himself.
Khobragade and her rice breeding work received public recognition thanks to an article published in The Hindu in 2004. R.H. Khobragade, one of the world’s leading rice scientists and a contributor to preserving rice diversity, was accused of misusing the PKV variety. The first Richaria Samman award, instituted in memory of Richaria, was given to Khobragade for developing HMT and several other rice varieties.
In 2010, Forbes magazine named him among the seven most influential entrepreneurs in India. The Maharashtra government also gave him awards like ‘Krishi Bhushan’ and ‘Krishi Ratna’. However, despite receiving honors, he struggled with financial crisis throughout his life and died in 2018 due to lack of treatment after suffering from paralysis.
Deepak Khobragade is living in great difficulty with his family. His one-year-old daughter Ruhani is suffering from a serious disease called Hypothermia, due to which her body temperature goes well below normal.
Deepak says, “Ruhani’s treatment has been going on for the last one year and so far about Rs 3.5 lakh has been spent. This money was borrowed from relatives and friends. But now we are completely in debt. Daily physiotherapy is costing ? 1000 per day, which is no longer possible to afford. Ruhani is also undergoing brain-related treatment in Nagpur.” Deepak, who has done BSc in automobile and has worked in big companies, had to leave his job due to his daughter’s illness. His wife Poonam is an MA pass, and is temporarily staying with her husband in Chandrapur for Ruhani’s treatment.
Deepak’s elder brother Manish is a post graduate in agriculture, middle brother Vijay is a graduate in automobile. Both do private jobs. Her father Mitrajit Khobragade, who is a farmer, says, “Earlier we had 3 acres of land, but for my treatment Baba had to mortgage 1.5 acres. We have not been able to get that land back till date. Later my father-in-law bought 1.5 acres of land to secure his daughter’s future, which we still have.” The family is barely making a living by growing rice in the Kharif season on this land. Talking about the fraud done with his father, Mitrajit says that in 2005, the National
Courtesy : Hindi news.
India of 2025: Dalit groom’s wedding procession in Gujarat was escorted by 145 policemen, yet attempts were made to harass him
The Dalit groom from Banaskantha district of Gujarat says that no Dalit groom had ridden a mare in his village till date. Gujarat Police also used drone cameras to monitor the wedding procession.
Gujarat: Another shocking news of Dalit oppression from modern India has come from Gujarat. Hundreds of policemen had to be a part of the wedding procession so that the Dalit groom could ride a mare. He is from Ahmedabad city. The groom is a lawyer by profession. He had expressed fear of an untoward incident and had demanded police protection for the wedding procession.
According to the news of Indian Express, the incident is from Gadalwada village of Palanpur tehsil of Banaskantha district. Here on February 6, 145 policemen attended a wedding. The groom’s name is Mukesh Parecha. He had written a letter to the Superintendent of Police (SP) on January 22 and expressed fear of an untoward incident in his wedding. Along with this, he had also demanded police protection.
Parechha said in his letter to the SP, “In our village, people of Scheduled Caste (SC) have never performed Ghudchadhi (ritual of going on a horse in marriage). I will be the first person to perform Ghudchadhi. In view of the possibility of any untoward incident, we should be given police protection.”
After this, a procession was taken out on horseback under strict police surveillance in the village. SHO of Gadh police station K. M. Vasava said, “We had deployed 145 personnel for the marriage arrangements, including an inspector and three sub-inspectors. The procession was taken out peacefully.”
The procession was taken out under police protection. I was riding a horse, so nothing happened. But when I got off the horse and sat in my car, we had travelled only about 500 metres when someone threw a stone at our car. Then, SHO Vasava himself drove the car and took us out of there. MLA Jignesh Mevani from Vadgam was also present on the occasion.
Parechha, Practitioner, Banaskantha District Court
Mukesh said that we will lodge a complaint with the police regarding stone pelting in a day or two. Meanwhile, Inspector Vasava said that drone cameras were also used to monitor the program. We saw the footage but there was no incident of stone pelting. The wedding procession was taken out peacefully. But when the groom alleged that stones were being thrown, I drove his car and dropped him to the village where the wedding was to take place.
Two weeks ago, similar news came from Ajmer district of Rajasthan. Here too, 75 policemen attended the wedding of the groom who came from a Dalit family. They too had expressed apprehension of some untoward incident in the wedding.
Courtesy : Hindi News
Days after SC ban on manual scavenging,3 die in Kolkata manhole
KOLKATA: Three construction workers assigned to repair a sewer joint inside a 10ft deep manhole at Kolkata Leather Complex, allegedly without protective gear, drowned Sunday morning after possibly inhaling toxic gas, police said.Farzem Sheikh (58), Suman Sardar (30) and Hasibur Sheikh (30) were part of a team contracted to renovate a portion of a drainage network under Kolkata Metropolitan Development Authority (KMDA).
The deaths occurred three days after SC clamped a blanket ban on manual scavenging and sewer cleaning in Kolkata, Delhi, Mumbai, Chennai, Bengaluru and Hyderabad.
The area where the trio died isn’t part of Kolkata Municipal Corporation belt, but falls within what is called Greater Kolkata. The metropolitan authority manages civic amenities in that part of town.
Sources said that after the manhole construction was completed, water seepage from another pipeline loosened the connection between the sewer and the area’s high drain. Farzem, who apparently went down the manhole to block the seepage with a sandbag, was trapped there after suspected respiratory poisoning.
“The other two workers went in to save him and didn’t come up even after several minutes, at which a fourth person decided to go down the ladder. He felt sick, too, and quickly climbed up to raise an alarm. Other workers called the local police,” an officer said.
Divers retrieved three bodies after a four-hour operation that also involved fire brigade and Kolkata Police’s disaster management group. The deceased were from Murshidabad. Autopsy reports from NRS Medical College and Hospital are awaited.
Mayor Firhad Hakim announced compensation of Rs 10 lakh each to the families of the victims. Police have detained a representative of the contractor entrusted to work on the drainage system. Investigators said the workers were hired by Sector 6 Industrial Development Authority.
Hakim said work on a new sewer drainage network was being executed by KMDA, although the project was originally the MSME department’s responsibility. He said CM Mamata Banerjee was “extremely concerned” about the tragedy and an inquiry would fix responsibility for the deaths.
Courtesy : TOI
SC sub-classification in Telangana: Manda Krishna Madiga seeks higher quota for Madigas
Manda Krishna Madiga, founder and president of Madiga Reservation Porata Samithi, demanded 11% reservation for the sub-category including Madigas.
Manda Krishna Madiga is passionately speaking into a microphone at a public event. He is wearing a white shirt and a black scarf, and he gestures with his right hand, raising his index finger. Behind him is a red and blue banner with Telugu text, indicating a formal or political gathering. His facial expression and body language suggest that he is delivering an emphatic speech.
Manda Krishna Madiga, founder and president of Madiga Reservation Porata Samithi (MRPS), appreciated the Telangana government’s decision in favour of Scheduled Castes’ sub-categorisation based on the Justice Shameem Akhtar judicial commission’s report. However, he objected to the quotas within the SC quota allocated to the group that includes Madigas, demanding that their share be increased from 9% to 11%.
The judicial commission had recommended that the 59 sub-castes among the SCs in Telangana be divided into three groups, based on social, economic, and educational backwardness, splitting the total 15% SC quota in public employment and education into three categories.
Recruitments and admissions will follow a preference model. This means any vacancies notified but left unfilled in Group 1 shall be filled by candidates from Group 2, and those unfilled by Group 2 shall be filled by Group 3. “If suitable candidates are not available in all the groups, the vacancies will be carried forward,” CM Revanth said.
Manda Krishna Madiga is passionately speaking into a microphone at a public event. He is wearing a white shirt and a black scarf, and he gestures with his right hand, raising his index finger. Behind him is a red and blue banner with Telugu text, indicating a formal or political gathering. His facial expression and body language suggest that he is delivering an emphatic speech.
Madigas have been placed in Group 2, along with 17 other castes said to have received moderate benefits, with 9% reservation. Malas and 25 other castes which were found to have received better benefits, are in Group 3, with 5% reservation. The remaining 1% is set aside for Group 1, comprising 15 castes which were found to be socially, economically, and educationally the most backward.
While backwardness has been considered as the basis for the order of preference, the quantum of reservation has been based on the proportion of each group’s population, as per the 2011 Census. Group 1 comprises only 3% of the population, which amounts to 0.5% of the total 15% SC quota. This has been extended to 1%.
Group 2, which includes Madigas, comprises 63% of SC population, amounting to 9.4% of the 15% quota, but this has been rounded down to 9%.
Group 2, which includes Madigas, comprises 34% of SC population, amounting to 5.1% of the 15% quota.
“Madigas should get 10.5 to 11% reservation, but we have been given only 9%, along with a few other sub-castes,” Manda Krishna Madiga said.
He also alleged that the third most numerous Scheduled Caste, Netkanis (2.5% of SC population), have been clubbed with Malas to increase their share of the quota, instead of being grouped with Madigas. Malas (29%) and Madigas (62%) are the two largest Scheduled Castes in the Telugu states.
Manda Krishna Madiga also asked that the government consider status of backwardness and not just the population share while deciding the quota share of each group.
He also alleged that the Pambala community was too socio-economically and educationally advanced to be included in Group 1.
The MRPS has been demanding SC sub-categorisation for three decades, saying Malas have benefited disproportionately from reservation among SCs due to various social and political factors.
The Supreme Court in August 2024 passed a verdict permitting sub-classification within reserved category groups, allowing a quota within quota for castes that are more marginalised within the SC reserved category.
Courtesy: The News Minute
5% poor in India? Union govt claim debunked, ‘26.4% of population below poverty line’
A recent paper, referring to the Household Consumption Expenditure Survey (HCES) 2022-23 of the Government of India (GoI), has debunked the official claim that poverty has substantially declined. Titled “Poverty in India: The Rangarajan Method and the 2022–23 Household Consumption Expenditure Survey”, the paper—authored by scholars CA Sethu, LT Abhinav Surya, and CA Ruthu—states that “more than a quarter of India’s population falls below the poverty line.”
The paper highlights issues with the methodology adopted by the GoI, which estimates poverty at just 5% based on “positive trends such as a 2.5-fold surge in consumption in both rural and urban areas.” However, relying on the methodology proposed by the Expert Group to Review the Methodology for the Measurement of Poverty, chaired by Dr. C. Rangarajan in 2014, the authors estimate that 26.4% of India’s population is below the poverty line (BPL)—27.4% in rural areas and 23.7% in urban areas.
The paper points out that the 5% poverty estimate based on HCES 2022-23 data was declared by B.V.R. Subrahmanyam, CEO of the GoI think tank NITI Aayog. The method used to arrive at this low figure involved adjusting the poverty line for 2011-12 for inflation using the Consumer Price Index (CPI) and applying it to HCES 2022-23 data. Ironically, the same method was used by scholars C. Rangarajan and S. Mahendra to arrive at a tentative estimate of 10.8% BPL.
According to the paper, the 2014 Expert Group defined the poverty line based on a consumption basket that included food (ensuring adequate nourishment), essential non-food items (such as education, clothing, transport, and shelter), and other “behaviorally determined” non-food expenditures. The authors used this methodology not only with HCES 2022-23 data but also with other official GoI surveys, such as the Periodic Labour Force Survey 2022-23 (PLFS 2022-23) and nutrition intake norms prescribed by the Indian Council of Medical Research – National Institute of Nutrition in 2020 (ICMR-NIN 2020).
Using the Expert Group (2014) method, they generated a new poverty line. Summarizing their approach, they state:
Nutritional Requirements: The average calorie, protein, and fat requirements are calculated based on ICMR norms, differentiated by age, gender, and activity levels in rural and urban populations.
Food Basket: A food basket meeting these nutritional norms is determined by analyzing the consumption patterns of specific income groups. The average monthly per capita consumption expenditure (MPCE) on food in these groups is used to define the food component of the poverty line.
Essential Non-Food Items: The median expenditure on essential non-food items (education, clothing, shelter, and transport) is determined and added to the poverty line basket as a normative requirement.
Other Non-Food Expenditures: Additional non-food expenses observed among groups meeting nutritional requirements are incorporated. The sum of these three components determines the new poverty line, expressed in terms of MPCE. This calculation is conducted separately for rural and urban areas. State-specific poverty lines are then derived using a relative Fisher Index.
Based on their computation, the scholars propose two new poverty lines for 2022-23:
Rs 2,515 per capita per month for rural areas
Rs 3,639 per capita per month for urban areas
In contrast, the GoI estimates Rs 3,773 for rural areas and Rs 6,459 for urban areas.
Providing evidence against the claim that poverty has declined to 5%, senior scholar Payal Seth, interpreting the paper, states:
“The per capita energy consumption for the poorest quartile in rural India declined by 2.6% between 2011–12 and 2022–23, signaling that rising nominal incomes have not translated into better nutrition. This directly contradicts claims of substantial poverty reduction, as improving nutrition is a critical indicator of poverty alleviation.”
The paper argues that adjusting a prior poverty line using CPI is flawed for two key reasons:
Outdated Base Weights: The CPI is calculated using old base weights for items in the consumption basket. Since new expenditure data has not been incorporated for over a decade, these weights no longer reflect current consumption patterns.
CPI is Not a Suitable Instrument to Measure Poverty: The consumption patterns and price experiences of people below the poverty line differ significantly from those above it, making CPI adjustments inadequate for poverty tracking.
The scholars emphasize that poverty should also be analyzed in the context of rural wages, agricultural household incomes, and the informal sector, which indicate no substantial growth in rural incomes. Data from the Situation Assessment Surveys of Agricultural Households (2012-13 and 2018-19) shows that average monthly incomes for agricultural households grew at only 2.44% per annum at constant prices, from Rs 8,843 to Rs 10,218.
Furthermore, an analysis of two wage rate datasets—the Wage Rates in Rural India and the Periodic Labour Force Survey—suggests that real wage rates stagnated between 2014-15 and 2022-23. Data from the NSSO’s Annual Survey of Unincorporated Sector Enterprises also indicates a struggling informal sector, with a declining number of enterprises and stagnant wages.
Additionally, the scholars note that wages at the lower end of the formal economy, such as daily earnings of factory floor workers, grew by only 0.6% per annum at constant prices between 2002-03 and 2021-22, based on various rounds of the Annual Survey of Industries.
Courtesy : Counterview
Discrimination Against Marginalised Communities In Kashmir University Recruitment
This article reveals systemic biases and corrupt practices that undermine the rights of SC/ST candidates, and calls for reform and accountability in higher education hiring processes
Depressed classes and minorities in India are pawns of electoral politics. They continue to feel vulnerable at both levels of the power apparatus. The tragic case of Rohith Vemula (SC), an unprivileged PhD student at the University of Hyderabad (2016), and Chander Shekhar (SC), an associate professor of psychology at Jammu University (2022), are just two examples that highlight this issue vividly. Data on seat denial to SC/ST candidates in IITs and other institutions, or their dropout rates from these institutions, further illustrates the institutional vulnerabilities and insecurities faced by these marginalized groups.
However, there exists another layer of exclusivity at Kashmir University—namely, the failure to advertise or allocate reserved seats for depressed classes in accordance with the ratios prescribed by relevant national commissions, such as the UGC. Additionally, shrinking the space for candidates from Jammu and Kashmir in the reserved quota by allowing candidates from other states to apply in their place represents clear discrimination and “otherisation” against SC/ST candidates in state-level recruitments. The recent Haryana Assistant Professor recruitment, UP PCS recruitment, and others serve as reference points for such practices.
The old and beautiful campus of Kashmir University harbours casteist and corrupt practices by either not advertising reserved seats or allocating fewer seats than proportionate for reserved categories. Historically, it has failed to grant the rightful share of reserved seats to SC/ST candidates from its own state. Prior to 2019, Kashmir University never implemented reservations for SC/ST candidates in Assistant Professor recruitment.
Though there have been changes since 2019, these reforms are superficial—akin to old wine in a new bottle. In recent recruitment processes across different university departments, while reserved seats were technically allocated, they often came at the expense of state-level candidates from depressed classes. This is a clear violation of both legal and moral obligations, constituting discrimination against SC/ST candidates domiciled in Jammu and Kashmir.
According to Article 16, Parts 3 & 4 of the Indian Constitution, and Article 309, state-level recruitments are legally and morally bound to reserve positions exclusively for candidates from their own state’s depressed classes. Reserved category positions in state-level recruitments, such as PSCs and other state university posts, should not be open to candidates from outside that state. This is a standard practice across states like Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, and others.
Kashmir University, however, has exploited loopholes cleverly. Its recruitment notifications neither explicitly stated that candidates from outside Jammu and Kashmir were eligible for reserved category positions, nor did they disclose the names and addresses of candidates called for interviews. It was only on the day of interviews that domiciled reserved category candidates discovered that individuals from states/UTs like Himachal Pradesh, Karnataka, and Ladakh had been shortlisted. This is not just a case of “jugaad” recruitment; it’s an open yet covert violation of domicile rules, appointment regulations, and fundamental rights under Article 16 of the Indian Constitution.
Who isn’t aware of the so-called recruitment procedures in Indian higher education, particularly in central and state universities, where meritorious candidates are systematically sidelined in favour of those with strong “jugaad” connections to recruiting agencies and governing regimes? Meritorious candidates without such connections are often left teaching as contractual or guest faculty, earning less than minimum wages in Jammu and Kashmir, with no financial security during periods of disengagement. Their pleas have gone unheard for over a decade, and this neglect seems set to continue indefinitely.
In India, exam scams and delays in their investigation and resolution have become commonplace. Similarly, in this case, candidates will likely have to seek justice through the courts, which will derail the selection process, damage institutional credibility, and severely impact the candidates’ careers due to prolonged legal battles.
The Supreme Court of India (SC) has ruled on several recruitment scams in higher education. For instance, in the West Bengal Teacher Recruitment Scam (2016), the SC ordered fresh examinations, investigations, and the recovery of fraudulently obtained salaries after identifying irregularities with OMR sheets. The court found numerous flaws in the candidate selection process. The bench noted that tainted candidates fell into different categories: ineligible individuals, those whose ranks or marks were manipulated to secure their selection, OMR manipulation (including blank sheets), and candidates not on the merit list who were still appointed. Highlighting these irregularities, Chief Justice Khanna wryly remarked, “Dal mein kuch kala hai ya sab kuch kala hai?”
The UGC-framed guidelines for recruiting Assistant Professors in colleges and universities are often disregarded by institutions like Kashmir University. The recruitment process has, for many, become a breeding ground for scams and a major source of corruption within university governing bodies. The UGC’s recruitment guidelines are vague, and even the existing rules are frequently ignored during the hiring process.
In an era of dwindling job opportunities in higher education, coupled with an open “jugaad” system in central and state university recruitments, Kashmir University’s discriminatory and corrupt policies against SC/ST and minority candidates are both unbearable and unlawful. These practices challenge the integrity, reliability, and transparency of higher education, inflicting significant psychological distress on candidates and undermining the selection process itself.
A long journey toward equality lies ahead. The glass ceiling of discrimination must be shattered.
The author is a research scholar of Modern Indian History at Aligarh Muslim University (AMU)
Ghulam Sarver Shaheen
sarverghulam7@gmail.com
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