11.02.2025..Untouchablity News.....अछूत समाचार.தீண்டாமை செய்திகள்.by Team சிவாஜி. शिवाजी .Shivaji.asivaji1962@gmail.com.9444917060.asivaji1961@gmail.com.facebook.sivajiyogatiruvannamalai.X.ShivajiA479023.

The AAP candidates woneight out of the 12 reserved seats even as the party’s citadel shrank with BJP managing to make inroads by winning four constituencies--Bawana, Mangolpuri, Madipur and Trilokpuri.
Though the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) swept the 2025 Delhi assembly elections, decimating Aam Aadmi Party candidates across city, the AAP managed to hold on to two-thirds of the 12 Scheduled Caste reserved seats -- perhaps its only succour in these polls in terms of a demographic or community group.

The AAP candidates woneight out of the 12 reserved seats even as the party’s citadel shrank with BJP managing to make inroads by winning four constituencies--Bawana, Mangolpuri, Madipur and Trilokpuri. The AAP had swept all 12 SC reserved seats in 2015 and 2020 assembly elections.
The Dalit community is estimated to make up around 16% Capital’s population and can shape the outcome in around 20 seats, including the 12 reserved constituencies of Sultan Pur Majra, Mangol Puri, Karol Bagh, Patel Nagar, Madipur, Deoli, Ambedkar Nagar, Trilokpuri, Kondli, Seemapuri, Gokalpur and Bawana.
The 2025 poll data shows that even in the eight seats that the AAP managed to win, the margins were down considerably compared to previous elections. For instance, at Ambedkar Nagar, AAPs Ajay Dutt got 46,285 votes and defeated BJP candidate Khushi Ram Chunar by 4,230 votes. In 2020, Dutt had won against Chunar by a margin of 28,327 votes. Further, the AAP secured the Patel Nagar seat with a margin of 4,049 votes and with a margin of 30,935 in 2020.
Since its rise to power in 2013, the AAP has positioned itself as the party for Dalits with images of Dr BR Ambedkar prominently displayed in the party’s offices and at press conferences.
The issue of Dalit pride also figured repeatedly in the Delhi election campaign, with Arvind Kejriwal slamming home minister Amit Shah’s remarks on Ambedkar in Parliament that the Opposition claimed were disrespectful.
The AAP held a large protest outside the BJP headquarters on that issue, and released an AI-generated video in which Ambedkar was seen blessing Kejriwal -- though it partly backfired due to a viral user-generated modification in which the AI-created Ambedkar is seen hitting Kejriwal after blessing him.
Later in the campaign, the BJP and the Congress got back at the AAP over an incident in Amritsar (in AAP-ruled Punjab) where a man allegedly damaged an Ambedkar statue. Now it was the BJP and Congress’s turn to hold protests near Kejriwal’s residence over the issue.
Even as parties went back and forth over Ambedkar -- announcing schemes and scholarships while criticising each other -- the situation on the ground was slowly changing.
First, the AAP was facing criticism over its handling of two key Dalit faces, former ministers Raj Kumar Anand and Rajendra Pal Gautam, who left the party and joined BJP and Congress respectively.
Second, Tanvir Aeijaz, associate professor of political science at Ramjas College, said that Dalits and Muslims have largely voted for the AAP, however, there is a class divide which is being seen. “Dalits who are relatively well off are gravitating towards BJP. But people at margins are still face discrimination and bear the maximum brunt. There is a class and caste factor interplay which is being witnessed,” he added.
The Dalit population in the Capital, meanwhile, still faces the lack of job opportunities. “AAP had promised to end the contractual work but it never implemented it in true sense. We need better employment and end to manual scavenging. BJP has promised to provide Dr Ambedkar scholarship for youth and rename the Talkatora Stadium. The party should get started on delivering their promises now,” Deepak Pihal, sanitation workers’ union leader from Sultanpur Majra said.
Even though BJP has made some inroads in AAPs turf and despite the reverses, at least there is some consolation in this section.
Bhim Army demands caste census, justice for Dalits

Jaipur: State unit of Bhim Army and Azad Samaj Party Monday protested against atrocities on Dalits and marginalised communities in Rajasthan. They submitted 12-point demands to state govt, including for a caste census.
“If appropriate steps are not taken on our demands, Bhim Army and Azad Samaj Party will be compelled to conduct a statewide movement democratically,” said Anil Kumar, state in-charge of Bhim Army and Azad Samaj Party.
“Violence is being perpetrated against Dalits for trivial reasons like riding a horse, keeping a moustache, or drinking water from a pot. Due to negligence in police administration and judicial processes, culprits are not being punished, and police are closing SC/ST atrocity cases by filing closure reports,” he said.
“Incidents of illegal land grabbing against Dalits and marginalised people are also increasing in Rajasthan. The govt should enact strict laws to protect our people. When will our people get justice?” he asked.
The 12 demands of Bhim Army and Azad Samaj Party include: fair trial of SC/ST cases, with special courts established under Prevention of Atrocities Act; ban on closure reports by police, as there is a tendency to close SC/ST cases without probe; prompt distribution of compensation and financial aid; immediate arrests in SC/ST cases; and land protection for SC/ST communities, with action taken against people encroaching on their land.
Courtesy : TOI
Azamgarh News: Life imprisonment to 3 accused of Dalit murder, one acquitted

Azamgarh. In the case of murder of a Dalit, the court found three of the four accused guilty and sentenced them to life imprisonment. Also, each was fined Rs 50,000. While another accused in the same case was acquitted due to lack of sufficient evidence. This decision was given by SC ST Court Judge Kamlapati on Monday.
According to the case, Rajendra, nephew of plaintiff Ramdular, resident of Usargawan of Bardah police station, was sleeping with his son in his room on the night of 22 October 2003. When Ramdular reached there after hearing the gunshot at 10 pm, he saw that Rana Pratap Singh, Pradeep Singh, Manish Kumar Singh of the village shot Rajendra and were running away using caste-specific abusive language. During the investigation, Ramdular told the police in his statement that there was a conspiracy of the village’s Adalat Ram in this incident. In this case, the concerned police station registered a case and sent the charge sheet against the accused to the court.
The prosecution presented 11 witnesses and put forward arguments. After hearing the arguments of both the sides, the court found the accused Rana Pratap, Pradeep Singh, Manish Singh guilty.
Courtesy : Hindi News
Capitalism Remains Against The Reproductive Rights Of Dalit And Adivasi Communities

In the absence of effective labour laws for informal workers, capitalism grows stronger, depriving socio-economically marginalised people of reproductive rights.
By Nashra Rehman
Discussions on reproductive rights are infrequent in everyday dialogue; however, their violations ought to be a significant issue on both national and global scales. According to the United Nations, reproductive rights are human rights. These rights are interconnected with other fundamental rights, including the right to life, the right to be free from torture, the right to education, and so on. Therefore, it is crucial to discuss their violations and condemnation in capitalist societies to accumulate labour to maintain the dominant power structure.
In the present time, capitalists do not want Dalit and Adivasi communities to have reproductive rights. In order to access unlimited cheap labour, the capitalist mode of production is against birth control methods to exploit labour power that is extracted from marginalised groups.
It is important to understand how Dalit and Adivasi communities are compelled to sell their labour power to capitalists for unfair wages. The nexus of informalisation and casualisation is growing, which brings in Dalit and Adivasi workers. Despite so much progress and technological advancement, well-embedded societal norms are still an obstacle to the marginalised upward mobility.
Before the initiation of arguments, we need to grasp how the informalisation of Dalit and Adivasi workers allows the capitalist structure to prevail for a long time. The informal sector cannot be understood as a discrete domain of self-employment. According to the research paper titled “Rise of Informalisation in Global Capitalism : Exploring Formal – Informal Linkages and Environmental Sustainability,” it is presented in the conceptualisation that the formal sector is the opposite of the informal economy, but both fall within the parameters of capitalism.
As a result of the interconnectedness between societal norms and large-scale urbanisation, a large number of workers belonging to Dalit and Adivasi communities are service providers and reproducers of the labour force, maximising profits to sustain capitalists.
‘Abortion is a Caste-Caste issue,’ in the capitalist world
Abortion is detrimental to the capitalist structure. For its expansion and growth, a large number of workers are needed. Capitalism wants marginalised groups to reproduce as many workers as possible. The most prominent factor in considering abortion as a caste-class issue is that Dalit and Adivasi women are placed at the bottom of the socio-economic hierarchy. They face financial constraints if they want to abort unwanted fetuses. Due to this, they have to undergo unsafe abortions. In 2015, a study revealed that 78 percent of all abortions were carried out outside health care services; Dalit women were most affected. Public health care centres are not established for the marginalised due to their low caste and class.
It is evident that class and caste make abortion a struggle for the marginalised, although Indian feminism fails to advocate for their reproductive rights.Abortion is perceived as a privileged right, inaccessible to the marginalised who endure social stigma related to both gender and caste, in addition to financial limitations.
The foetuses that develop into children are forced to participate in the informal workforce. This workforce participation consists of unorganised, casual, self-employed, and migrant workers who belong to Dalit and Adivasi communities. Generally, these workers have no written contracts, no access to protection laws at the workplace, no right to organise, no pension, etc.; yet they are vulnerable to capitalist forces that especially want women workers to sell their labour at workplaces and reproduce workers at home. Historically speaking, the modern employment contract came into existence in the aftermath of the Second World War. It was planned to set the standard in developed countries in the world pertaining to job security, occupational safety, living cost adjustments, etc.The organised mass workers struggled to bring about changes in the formal sector, while the informal sector appears to be the norm for poor workers from the downtrodden sections.
Capitalists restrict the marginalised economically to increase worker production
Since informal workers from marginalised communities do not have rights, it becomes easier for capitalists to exchange labour power for minimum wages to accumulate wealth. These poor workers live in extreme poverty, and it is quite difficult, with these unfair wages, to earn a significant livelihood; there is no other option left but to produce children to help them with the hope of improving their lives. Further, these children, again, fall into the informal workforce because their parents cannot afford basic rights, such as education, healthcare facilities, and so on.
In the absence of organisations and unions for them, it is a challenging task to make women aware of their reproductive rights and how reproducing a large number of children breeds child labour rather than increasing wealth for a sustainable livelihood. In fact, there is a crystal-clear definition of child labour from the International Labour Organisation (ILO): “It is considered work depriving children of their childhood, their potential, and their dignity, and harmful to their physical and mental development.”
According to Richard Wolff, “abortion rights are an anti-capitalist perspective.” When he was asked to make a connection between capitalism and the ability of political rulers to control women’s bodies, he replied, “Political rulers have no direct interest in controlling women’s bodies. They are much more interested in managing and solidifying capitalism, for which they seek bodies which are productive and make profits for companies.”
Henceforth, capitalism does not want women to have bodily autonomy. Recently, the chief ministers of Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu, Chandrababu Naidu and M.K. Stalin, asked women to have more children in order to benefit the nation. Reproducing children is one’s responsibility to provide “a service to society.” On the one hand, there are some factors, such as education, access to quality healthcare facilities, economic capital, etc., that drive a woman to have children. On the other hand, in spite of having so much progress in terms of low fertility rates because of quality education, healthcare benefits, etc., these calls to reduce women to reproductive roles and underestimate their consent are considered ‘a threat to decades of progress in the south.’
The separation of reproductive rights from socio-political discussions
It is not common to see discussions about reproductive health and reproductive justice in socio-political talks. It is even considered important to understand capitalism and reproductive rights as two unrelated categories. It is a mistake to think of capitalism as merely interfering in the economy. It also deals with socio-political aspects to smooth its function. It can use social stigma and societal norms to accumulate wealth.
There is a famous argument of Silvia Federici in her remarkable book Caliban and the Witch : Women, the Body, and Primitive Accumulation that the practice of witch-hunting has been a significant part of the advent of capitalism. According to her, witch-hunting cannot be assumed to have been an isolated event, but rather played an integral role in the development of capitalism through controlling women’s reproductive rights. It was deemed imperative to control women’s bodily autonomy to produce the workforce. The practice of witch-hunting was imposed on poor women belonging to peasant communities. Hence, this is a historical insight to understand that class and caste matter the most in capitalists’ attempts to suppress reproductive rights.
Likewise, Dalit and Adivasi communities are vulnerable to reproductive rights violations. There is so much exploitation that halts their upliftment. On the one hand, they are engaged in traditional roles as leather workers, manual scavengers, street waste workers, etc., in the informal sector. On the other hand, they face a complete violation of their human rights. Although their direct participation in traditional roles and the suppression of reproductive rights are interconnected, capitalism utilises a large number of workers in traditional occupations in the informal sector to produce wealth.
Absence of labour laws strengthens the capitalist forces to suppress reproductive rights
The absence of labour laws in the informal sector further strengthens the capitalist forces to suppress reproductive rights. There were 44 labour laws in India before the introduction of the four labour codes in 2020 : Code on Wages, Industrial Relations Code, Social Security Code, and Occupational Safety, Health, and Working Conditions Code. These laws were called ‘historic‘ in favour of workers rights and seen as an effective reform; yet around 90 percent of workers in India in the informal sector do not have social security. They fail to provide social protection to informal labourers, primarily women.
In the absence of effective labour laws for informal workers, capitalism grows stronger, depriving socio-economically marginalised people of reproductive rights. As they are unorganised, capitalists have no fear of losing to their mass mobilisation.
It is not accurate to assert that people understand reproductive rights as human rights. Since debates and discussions on these issues are limited, it is a challenging task to gain insights into the complex nature of capitalism and its nexus with social stratification and the control of women’s bodies. Moreover, labour laws are not formed with workers’ consultation and are not meant for labourers who are forced to sell their power to sustain their poor livelihoods.
Courtesy : FII
AICC president Kharge, HM Parameshwara plan Dalit Samavesha to counter Dy CM Shivakumar’s ambitions

Their plan is to pitch for a Dalit chief minister, who is backed by Siddaramaiah, sources said.
Devaraj B Hirehalli
BENGALURU: Home Minister Dr G Parameshwara played an envoy of Chief Minister Siddaramaiah and met AICC president Mallikarjun Kharge, seeking the latter’s consent to hold an SC/ST communities’ ‘samavesha’ on Sunday. Kharge acceded as the convention would eventually help the party organisation to keep these communities in good books in the long run. Kharge suggested to Parameshwara to invite Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi to the convention.
Parameshwara shared Kharge’s views with his cabinet colleagues — PWD Minister Satish Jarkiholi, Cooperation Minister KN Rajanna and Social Welfare Minister Dr H C Mahadevappa, who are all part of the Siddaramaiah coterie. They have decided to go ahead with the ‘Dalit Samavesha’, sources said.
Satish, who has already reached the national capital, told reporters that he has plans to meet high command leaders, including Rahul Gandhi’s man friday and AICC general secretary (organisation) KC Venugopal. Rajanna also left for Delhi and soon, Parameshwara is likely to go separately with a mission to get the go-ahead for the samavesha, sources said.
This is being seen as the Siddaramaiah camp checkmating DCM and KPCC president DK Shivakumar, who is aspiring to become chief minister once Siddaramaiah steps down from the post after two-and-a-half years of his tenure. Their plan is to pitch for a Dalit chief minister, who is backed by Siddaramaiah, sources said.
In fact, a few days ago, Siddaramaiah had suggested to Parameshwara to hold a meeting of SC/ST MLAs to garner their support, but the party high command, especially AICC general secretary and Karnataka in charge Randeep Singh Surjewala did not give the go-ahead. Miffed by the high command’s decision, SC/ST ministers are now going ahead with the SC/ST Samavesha to ensure the communities raise their voice for a Dalit CM.
Courtesy : TNIE
‘Honour killing’: Madras HC allows second autopsy of Dalit

MADURAI: The Madurai Bench of the Madras High Court on Monday allowed re-postmortem of the body of a Dalit youth, who was found dead in a waterbody on January 15, after his parents filed a plea alleging that their son was a victim of ‘honour killing’.
Noting that the body of L Kalaiyan, was already in a decomposed state when the first postmortem was conducted, Justice P Dhanabal directed the dean of Madurai Medical College to redo autopsy if the body is fit for it. Kalaiyan’s father P Lingasamy (petitioner) stated his son was in love with a caste Hindu girl from his village (Veppankulam) in Madurai.
He (Kalaiyan) was threatened by her kin on at least two occasions last month before he went missing on January 13. A complaint was filed. But on January 15, his body (with external injuries) was found in the village tank, Lingasamy said. Autopsy report stated “no external injuries were found”. Challenging this, Lingasamy moved the High Court.
Courtesy: New Indian Express.
4 days after clash, Faridkot’s Chandbhan village still tense

Dalit, employee unions announce gherao of SSP office on February 10
Tension continues to prevail at Chandbhan village in Faridkot district even four days after a violent clash between members of the Dalit community and the police. The confrontation, which erupted on February 5 over a water drainage dispute, has led to widespread protests and growing outrage against the police.
The problem began after demonstrators blocked the Bathinda-Kotkapura road, demanding a resolution to the dispute. The protest turned violent when the police attempted to disperse the crowd, leading to allegations that protesters pelted officers with stones, injuring many of them.
Following the clash, the police arrested 39 protesters and registered criminal cases against 91 individuals, including village Sarpanch Amandeep Kaur and her husband Kuldeep Singh, on the charges of robbery, vandalism, assaulting police officers and damaging public property.
Most of the arrested individuals belong to the Dalit community and there are allegations that the police entered houses of protesters, beat up family members and vandalised their belongings.
While the police have denied these accusations, a video on social media has intensified the controversy. The video reportedly shows members of the opposing faction firing shots in the air and throwing stones at protesters in the presence of police.
After the emergence of that video, several social and Dalit organisations have accused the police of favouring one faction. In response to mounting pressure, the Faridkot police on Saturday registered a case against an individual for firing shots on February 5.
Angered by the police response, various Dalit and employee unions have announced a siege (gherao) of the SSP office on February 10.
At a meeting by organisations such as the Punjab Khet Mazdoor Union, Pendu Mazdoor Union, Naujawan Bharat Sabha and the Kirti Kisan Union, an action committee was formed to protest against the police’s alleged bias and brutality. Women and children from affected families also participated in the meeting, accusing the police of oppression and demanding justice.
Faridkot SSP Dr Pragya Jain denied allegations of bias and brutality. She said the police had taken action against all those who violated the law and attacked the police.
Courtesy: Tribune India
Minor Dalit girl raped inside house in Badaun, accused absconding

A case of rape of a Dalit minor girl has come to light in Badaun district of Uttar Pradesh. Late on Saturday night, a youth entered the house and raped the girl. Police have registered a case against the accused and the victim has been medically examined. Police is searching for the accused.
Edited by Raghavendra Shukla
Badaun: A case has been registered against a youth for raping a Dalit minor girl inside a house in a village in Kadar Chowk area of ??Badaun district of Uttar Pradesh. Police gave this information. Additional Superintendent of Police (city area) Amit Kishore Srivastava said that the girl’s father had gone to guard the field late on Saturday night in a village in Kadar Chowk police station area.
A youth named Lovelesh entered her house at around 4 am on Sunday and found the girl alone and raped her. According to Srivastava, during this time when the girl’s father returned home, Lovelesh fled from the spot. After this, the victim’s father reached the police station and complained about the matter to the police. He said that the police have registered a case against the accused under relevant sections of the Indian Penal Code, POCSO Act and Dalit Act and have started searching for the accused.
Srivastava said that the girl has been sent to the district hospital for medical examination.
About the author
Raghavendra Shukla
Raghavendra Shukla chose the path of journalism due to his interest in reading and writing. After obtaining a diploma in journalism from the Indian Institute of Mass Communication, New Delhi, he joined Jansatta as a trainee sub-editor in July 2017. After that, he became a part of the Lucknow team of Navbharat Times Online. Currently, he is posted here as a senior digital content producer.
Courtesy : Hindi News
Adi Dravidar Colony residents petition Dindigul Collector for drinking water facility
Updated - February 11, 2025 12:08 pm IST - DINDIGUL

Residents from Morepatti village throng the Collectorate in Dindigul on Monday. | Photo Credit: G. Karthikeyan
Residents of Adi Dravidar Colony in Morepatti (West) at Vedasandur taluk in Dindigul district on Monday staged a demonstration in front of the Collectorate here demanding the construction of an overhead tank in their colony.
The residents, in their petition to Collector S. Saravanan, said there was an overhead tank in the area with a capacity of 60,000 litres that catered to the day-to-day needs of about 400 families. Since the overhead tank was in a dilapidated condition it was demolished by the authorities. They gave assurance to the residents that a new one would be constructed in its place, they said.
News Updates/DMK MP P Wilson's Private Bill... DMK MP P Wilson's Private Bill Proposes Reservation For SC/ST/OBC Community In Judicial Appointments Upasana Sajeev 10 Feb 2025 10:37 AM Share this Dravida Munn
https://www.livelaw.in/news-updates/dmk-mp-wilson-proposes-bill-transparency-judicial-appointments-representation-283410.
Follow the News-Untouchable. channel on WhatsApp: https://whatsapp.com/channel/0029VaOwmSMEgGfKBvRSHX2T
Comments
Post a Comment