30.04.2025.Friday.UT news. India.Chennai by Team Sivaji.9444917060.asivaji1962 @gmail.com
Compensation demand for deceased worker sparks social boycott against Dalits in Andhra Pradesh village
Bhaskar Basava & Bhavani Etikala
On April 16, while repairing a motor at the house of a dominant caste member Velisetti Jalla Babu, Pallapu Suresh Babu, who belongs to the Mala community (Scheduled Castes), was electrocuted in Mallam village of Andhra Pradesh’s Pithapuram constituency. He was declared dead en route to the hospital.
Grieving his sudden death, the Dalit community rallied together, calling for compensation to support his surviving wife and two young children. But the mobilisation triggered a backlash from the Kapu community to which Velisetti Jalla Babu belongs.
They initiated a social boycott against the Dalits in an act of collective punishment.
Other Backwards Classes (OBC) groups in the village imitated the Kapu community, classified under Other Castes (OC), and refused to provide services to the Mala community members. Not just denying them access, residents of the village were instructed not to accept goods or services from people of the Mala community.
According to activists and initial reports, Jalla Babu, the Kapu farmer, agreed to pay a compensation of ₹2,75,000 to Suresh Babu’s family with the police as the mediators. On April 18, he was supposed to pay ₹75,000 and promised to pay the remaining two lakhs over the next two months. However, when politically and socially influential elders of the Kapu community learned that Babu had agreed to pay the compensation, they were displeased.
An elected member to the Mandal Parishad Territorial Constituencies (MPTC) from the village, who belongs to Kapu caste spoke to Maktoob on condition of anonymity and claimed that the boycott was an “individual decision” by community members, not a collective one taken by the entire village (other backward and upper castes).
“The amount they demanded was neither feasible nor reasonable. It was unfair to demand compensation from Jalla Babu. He is a farmer with two daughters to marry off,” the MPTC said, adding that many in the Kapu community feared that this would set a “dangerous precedent”.
“This might lead to similar demands in the future. Even in cases when the members of their community (Dalits) might be at fault and die, “the MPTC said.
This decision of socially boycotting Dalits was kept a secret between the dominant caste and the backwards caste groups. Since Kapus owned most of the local businesses, the consequences were both immediate and suffocating.
On April 20, Alapati Chandra Rao, a 50-year-old dalit in the village, went to the nearby tea stall, his usual spot for a cup of chai. But the stall owner refused to serve him and replied, “Kapu Peddholu” (Kapu community elders) instructed local businessmen to not serve anyone from the Mala community”, Chandra Rao said.
When he returned to his neighbourhood, he saw community members gathered for a chat under a tree. They all had similar complaints.
“It was Sunday. People usually go shopping for groceries, grooming, etc, but we were humiliated by the local businessmen.”
“I went to the market area with fish worth ₹5,000 for the Sunday market, like I always do, setting up beside the roadside to sell,” said Suri Babu, a fish seller from the (SC) Mala community from the village. “But two men from the Kapu community were blocking people; they weren’t letting anyone come near me. After a while, I came to know about social ostracism in the village against my community members. I had no choice but to throw all the fish into the drain,” Suri Babu, along with Chandra Rao and others, told R TV, a regional Telugu channel, in his interview.
“In the beginning, no one from our community understood the reason behind the social boycott, until we approached our community leaders,” Banda Jayababu, a member of the dalit community, said.
K. Simhachalam, District Secretary of the erstwhile East Godavari districts for the Kula Vivaksha Porata Samithi (KVPS), an anti-caste group affiliated with CPI (M), said, “The Kapu community made a collective decision to ‘teach a lesson’ to the Dalits for their unity and demand for justice”
“Unfortunately, instead of viewing the dalit man’s death from humanitarian grounds, the caste leaders in the village viewed the matter through a caste lens. They decided to resist the growing unity among the Dalit community and assert their power. In retaliation, they used their social and political power to intimidate the marginalised community and discourage them from raising their demands by boycotting them. This is a serious, punishable offence under the law,” Simhachalam said.
No FIR filed
In response, the Dalits approached the police, seeking action. However, the police had not yet registered a First Information Report (FIR) under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act.
When asked about the matter, CI G. Srinivas told Maktoob that the police, revenue and the social welfare department had constituted a peace resolution committee, consisting of six representatives from each side, to resolve the issue amicably.
When asked if an FIR had been registered, he confirmed that there was an FIR regarding the death of the individual. However, he stated that no FIR had been filed under the SC/ST Atrocities Act. He claimed that the situation was only a matter of discussion between the two communities, and the issue had been resolved.
Jesu Ratna Kumar, a retired judge from Andhra Pradesh, questioned the legitimacy of the peace committee formed in response to such a serious cognizable offence.
“Who has the authority to appoint a peace committee in a case like this? There is no provision in law for it, and it holds no legal sanctity,” he said. “The police and authorities are duty-bound to register the case immediately. Only after that, if necessary to ease tensions, a peace committee can be formed, but not as a substitute for legal action.”
He further warned that in this case, “Encouraging such peace committees sets a dangerous precedent. Will they commit an offence and simply appoint a peace committee to escape accountability? This approach legally compromises justice for Dalits.”
Though the immediate tension appears to have been diffused, perhaps deliberately, to prevent it from making headlines, many fear uncertainty over their work and business.
Political influence of Kapu community
The divide and discrimination between the Kapus, a forward caste, and the Mala community is not new in the region.
Mallam village is predominantly dominated by the Kapu community. According to local estimates, in the panchayat, out of a total population of nearly 10,000, only around 1,000 belong to the Mala community. The remaining residents are predominantly from the Kapu caste, followed by Other Backwards Classes.
The village being currently led by an SC Sarpanch, Datla Suribabu, the Dalit community still facing mass ostracism.
“Given the numerical dominance of the Kapus, winning any local election without their electoral or financial backing is nearly impossible. As a result, candidates, regardless of their caste, often find themselves operating under the influence of the dominant caste leadership, sidelining the interests of the Dalit community,” said Banda Jayababu.
This is not an isolated case of caste atrocity. About two years ago, in the same village, 150 men reportedly from the Kapu community who were associated with different political parties stormed into the houses of Dalits with weapons and assaulted them physically and verbally. This included an MPTC member of the then-ruling YSRC Party.
The incident was allegedly triggered after Dalits demanded an apology for the insults directed at Dr BR Ambedkar.
After a Dalit individual from Mallam sought the National Commission for Scheduled Castes (NCSC) intervention, NCSC sought a report from the East Godavari district police. A detailed report was submitted to NCSC two years after the incident on November 6, 2024.
According to the report, “During the birth anniversary celebrations of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar in Mallam village, a member of the Dalit community (name withheld as requested) posted about the event on their Instagram status. In response, an individual from the Kapu community (name also withheld) commented on the post in a derogatory manner. However, the issue was initially resolved amicably with the intervention of village elders, after the individual from the Kapu community publicly apologised. Subsequently, on the night of April 29, 2022, during the Vanuvulamma Jathara, a local festival in the village, tensions resurfaced.”
A violent altercation broke out between members of both communities. It is reported that members of the Kapu community launched a mass attack on the SC colony.
Armed with deadly weapons, they allegedly used excessive force against male and female members of the SC community, causing physical injuries. The victims were reportedly subjected to verbal abuse, including caste-based slurs and humiliation.
Further in the brief details, it notes that a group of men physically assaulted the complainant, beating him and ransacking his household, damaging articles, breaking the fencing, and creating a state of panic. When the complainant attempted to intervene, he was thrown to the ground, verbally abused with caste slurs, and one of the attackers allegedly pulled his private parts, causing a bleeding injury. Others continued to kick and beat him with their hands and feet, dragging him along the ground and inflicting multiple injuries.
Several SC women were also assaulted, with their blouses torn, saris pulled, and hands forcefully placed on their chests. The attackers also threatened them with dire consequences, instilling fear of death.
According to G.S. Bhaskarcharyulu, who is representing the case for the SC community in the matter, said that two FIRs have been registered under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, and the cases are currently pending trial before the Special Judge Court at Rajamahendravaram. All twenty-nine accused from the Kapu community are presently out on bail. A counter case was also registered against three members of the SC community, based on a complaint filed by an individual from the Kapu community.
“Deputy Chief Minister must intervene”
Mallam falls under the Pithapuram constituency, which is represented by Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan, who also belongs to the Kapu Community. Pawan Kalyan is an actor-turned-politician who leads the Jana Sena Party (JSP) and was elected from the Pithapuram constituency in the 2024 Andhra Pradesh general elections.
Duvva Sesha Babji, the CPI(M) District Leader for the erstwhile East Godavari, demanded that, since this is the constituency of the Deputy Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh, and the individuals involved belong to his community, he must take decisive action against those responsible for these acts of injustice, and ease the tensions between the two communities.
He further urged the state to implement the insurance scheme for unorganised sector workers, stating that doing so would set a clear precedent and send a strong message about how such incidents should be addressed across the state.
Understanding Status of Dalit Education in India
India is home to more than 200 million Dalit individuals. While the living conditions of this community deteriorates by the day, India has been a witness to some of the inhumane marginalisation of this underserved population. This essay will analyse the politics of educational accessibility for Dalit learners in India.
Dalits, a term for the ‘untouchable’ community, make up approximately 16% of the Indian population has been persistently vilified till date. Through systematic patterns evident socially, economically, culturally and politically the community remains stripped off of humanity by the socially dominant. Consistent caste based violence, discrimination in schools, workplaces and in society has pushed the Dalit community to the fringes of humanity, starving for equal opportunities, skill- training and wages.
In the 1950s Kaka Kalelkar and Mandal Commissions were set up in order to recognize vulnerable communities in India in need of special attention from the government to ensure upliftment and growth of such classes. The Kaka Kalelkar Committee had prepared a list of 2,399 backward castes or communities for the entire country and of which 837 had been classified as the ‘most backward’. In addition to classification, they also provided recommendations to uplift such communities. One of the many recommendations was reservation for depressed classes. It is crucial to note that the government implemented reservation without taking into account other suggestions by the committee, leaving the state of the vulnerable and backward communities unchanged (if not worse). This is to root the argument that reservation is an unhelpful tool stemming from negligence. To contextualize the argument further, it can be asserted by extension that reservation in contemporary India is a flimsy bandaid over a much deeper, historical wound. This systemic failure is a perpetuation of generational violence and marginalization of Dalits in India.
In his essay Manish Kumar Rao asserts “The literacy rate among Dalits is 73.5%, which is lower than the national average of 80.9% (Census of India, 2020).
This is a direct result of the aforementioned systemic failure, regardless of any political party. Poor occupational opportunities, lack of vocational training and consistent discrimination directly affects the literacy rates in Dalits, therefore creating a vicious loop of illiteracy and negligible financial independence. This circle ensures that the violated remains at the very bottom of every hierarchy, constantly stomped upon by the socially and economically dominant.
The disposition of Dalits keeps them unwillingly dependent on the superstructure for livelihood creating a closely knit pattern, often rigorous to break.
Rohith Vemula, a researcher and activist in University of Hyderabad, hailing from a Dalit community committed suicide in 2016. Suspended by the university and victim of “social boycott”, Vemula is one of many countless victims of campus atrocities in India.
In his study, Bagesh Kumar asserts:
With changing politics in the country, growing social assertion from the Dalits and Adivasis in socio-political sphere, the continuance of discriminatory practices in higher education has taken centre-stage in academia along with print, electronic and social media. Although the Education Policy, 1986 explains the principles and purpose of National System of Education ‘…to remove prejudices and complexes transmitted through the social environment and the accident of birth.’), students in the institutions of higher learning continue to experience discrimination precisely on account of their accidental birth into socially marginalized communities.
While India has witnessed a general growth in economy, western education and literacy on might assume that these factors would play a role in stemming the issue of caste discrimination out, which in fact is untrue. Instead, incidents of unimaginable tactics of suppression surface news every other day facing systemic ignorance and apathy. A study conducted by the Tamil Nadu Untouchability Eradication Front revealed that approximately 30% of the schools surveyed in Tamil Nadu practiced caste based discrimination. 156 out of 441 schools showed some form of discrimination against dalit students, while some schools had more than one form. As many as 25 schools in Ramanathapuram, Cuddalore, Tenkasi and more, reported caste clashes amongst students. 15 schools had employed Dalit students to clean the toilets. Students from 33 schools said students wear wrist bands and dollar chains to explicitly show their caste identity.
Surinder Jodhak in his book Caste in Contemporary India notes:
Though caste prejudice is likely to be more pronounced in the private sphere and the traditional social/economic life, the so called modern institutions are also not free from it. The modern educational systems are a good example of this. Perhaps the most critical of these institutions are the local-level schools. The rural schools did not seem to directly discriminate against Dalit children. In most places they were not made to sit separately and could drink water from the common source. However, not everything was fine with these institutions. There were more than 20 per cent cases where caste distinctions were observed, overtly or subtly. Dalit teachers in the schools too felt that they were not completely accepted by their upper-caste colleagues. They therefore tended to interact more with other Dalit teachers.
What undeniably ties these experiences of marginalisation faced by Dalits is a thread of Brahminical legacy of generational ostracization of the Other. Fed by religious elitism, Brahminical forces manufactured a villain out of the unidentical, born to be exiled, the server and ultimately the lesser. Despite tremendous efforts, the society has failed to recognize the Dalit community as an equal, perpetuating stagnated social position.
Article 46 of the Indian Constitution calls for “Promotion of educational and economic interests of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and other weaker sections. The State shall promote with special care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people, and, in particular, of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes, and shall protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation.” Over the past decade, the BJP government has veered away from the principles enshrined in this article. Despite constitutional obligations, there has been a noticeable absence of prioritization for SCs and STs in crucial areas such as education, health and budgetary allocations. With the NDA government neglecting budget allocations and expenditures targeted for welfare and development of SCs and STs, the CDS report has called for necessary budgetary allocations.
Telangana Today, quoting the Centre for Dalit Study puts forth two measure from state governments for upliftment of Dalit students:
The Telangana Model
The report further stated that some State governments, such as Telangana, took proactive measures to safeguard interests of SCs and STs. Enactment of SC and ST Special Development Fund Act by the Telangana government exemplified such efforts. This legislation aimed to ensure funds allocated for development of SCs and STs were appropriately utilized, despite absence of a separate planned budget. The CDS report further stated that Telangana’s initiative served as a model for all States.
The Gujarat Model
The persistence of the Gujarat model narrative by Modi and the NDA government over the last decade belies the harsh reality faced by SCs in the State. The model has proven disastrous for Dalits during the BJP’s 25-year regime in the State, the report notes. Inadequate budget allocations for Dalits exacerbated their suffering and perpetuate socio-economic disparities.
The CDS has demanded incorporating life and technical skills into curriculum, enhancement of agricultural reforms, assessing land reforms and allocating feasible extents, ensuring land rights for farmers, Monitor introduction of entrepreneurship support schemes akin to the Telangana Dalit Bandhu initiative and offering grants and financial assistance to aspiring entrepreneurs, particularly from marginalized communities.
In the 2025 budget allocation, according to the Hindu, there has been a decline in the allocation for strengthening the machinery to enforce laws like the Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1995 and the Prevention of Atrocities Act, 1989 – from ₹500 crore (RE) last year to ₹463 crore this year. This is a blatant give away of the right-wing Hindutva government’s priorities. Complicit in the rising anti-Dalit mobilisations, the far right party actively misses to support the vulnerable.
India celebrates April as Dalit Visibility Month, but it comes with a duty of conscious resistance towards oppression, violence and discrimination towards the marginalized. It has been the tell tale of history that resistance roots from the economically vulnerable against the societal elites. Mass mobilisation against capitalistic dominance becomes crucial to the caste struggle. In India, no movement is entirely complete without resistance to the caste system, as all oppressions intertwine. One must scrutinize the dominant for attainment of autonomy, independence and freedom from the multiple echo chambers formed by individualistic vessels. Reproduction of caste based identity is by extension perpetuation of caste based violence.
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Supreme Court upholds conviction of 11 including 2 police officers for honour killing of TN couple
The Supreme Court on Monday upheld the conviction of eleven persons, including two police officers, for the honour killing of a young couple in Tamil Nadu in 2003 who had married across caste lines [K.P Tamilmaran vs. The State by Deputy Superintendent of Police].
Alternative reading of Bhima Koregaon: How a Maharashtra outfit is trying to advance Dalit cause from Hindutva orbit
While Dalit activism is generally understood as resistance to “Brahmanical Hinduism”, the Vivek Vichar Manch’s goal is to foster Hindu unity, something which is also a core ideological goal of the BJP and the Sangh
5 min read
While Dalit activism is generally understood as resistance to “Brahmanical Hinduism”, the Vivek Vichar Manch’s goal is to foster Hindu sentiments among Dalits, harmonise caste differences, and target Dalit activism critical of Hinduism and Hindutva.At a time when the Opposition, particularly the Congress, has made caste census, the representation of marginalised classes in structures of power, and their share in welfare benefits its key political planks, a recent initiative of Dalits subscribing to Hindutva and seeking to resolve caste faultlines is active in Maharashtra, with some support from the RSS and the BJP.
BJP national spokesperson Guru Prakash Paswan released a book last weekend in New Delhi on the battle of Bhima Koregaon, the turning point of the third Anglo-Maratha war that was fought near Pune on January 1, 1818. Paswan commended its author, Rohan Jamadar Madwalkar, who claims to be a seventh-generation descendant of a participant in the battle, for “bringing out evidence” to counter the narrative that the battle marked a defeat of the Brahmin Peshwas at the hands of Dalit Mahars. Two portraits graced the occasion, one of Dr B R Ambedkar and the other of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj.
Paswan praised an organisation called the Vivek Vichar Manch that is promoting the book to send across a message of social unity rather than caste divide. “Today, there is an industry trying to divide society in the name of Dalits. Who has given these people the contracts? Will Harvard, Oxford, and Cambridge now decide the reality of Bhima Koregaon? Repeated attempts are made to separate Dalits from the matrix of Hindutva,” he said at the April 26 event.
Last year, after the BJP suffered a setback in Maharashrtra in the Lok Sabha elections, the Vivek Vichar Manch organised meetings across districts in the state to counter the narrative that the Narendra Modi government intended to change the Constitution.
The BJP saw this narrative as one of the primary reasons for its Lok Sabha reversals, including in Maharashtra. As the state headed towards the Assembly polls later in the year, the Manch held Samajik Samvad Sammelans (social dialogue programmes) as part of the drive and invited local leaders of the Dalit communities with an eye on reversing the Constitution-in-danger narrative.
The organisation was born as a response to the Bhima Koregaon violence in 2018 on the 200th anniversary of the East India Company’s victory over the Maratha confederacy, something that several Dalit outfits mark as the victory of Dalits over Brahminism represented by the Peshwas.
The Manch also met the two-member commission that investigated the Bhima Koregaon violence, which, it believes, was provoked by the “Urban Naxals” who instigated Dalits a day before the riots erupted.
Now, the organisation is promoting Madwalkar’s book, which argues that multiple castes, and not just the Mahars, fought for the British at the battle. “On the side of the British were Marathas, Rajputs, Brahmins, Sikhs, and Meenas. On the side of the Marathas were Arabs and Gosavis. This is there in archival documents,” said Madwalkar.
The priorities of the Manch are clear. “Samrasta (harmony), samata (equality), and bandhu-bhaav (fraternity) are part of our ideology,” Sagar Shinde, the organisation’s Maharashtra coordinator, told The Indian Express. The Manch also has a clear idea of who its adversaries are: Maoists and their urban supporters, whom Shinde calls “Urban Naxals”, and Waman Meshram’s BAMCEF (Backward and Minority Communities Employees Federation) that is an organisation of government employees from Dalit, Adivasi, backward class, and minority communities.
“We can see that BAMCEF has connections with Khalistanis and PFI (Popular Front of India) too. They spread conspiracy theories against Brahmins and try to divide Hindu society and culture,” said Shinde.
While Dalit activism is generally understood as resistance to “Brahmanical Hinduism”, the Vivek Vichar Manch’s goal is to foster Hindu sentiments among Dalits, harmonise caste differences, and take on “divisive forces” critical of Hinduism and Hindutva. This dovetails with the BJP and the Sangh Parivar’s core ideological goal of achieving “Hindu unity”, or the creation of a social coalition where support from the upper castes is complemented by subaltern Hindutva, a term coined by political scientist Sajjan Kumar, and the fulfilment of demands of the backward classes, Dalits, and Adivasis for greater representation.
Shinde admitted that the organisation, whose president is former BJP MP Pradeep Trimbak Rawat, was “ideologically close” to the BJP. “We take up issues of atrocities against Dalits. We stand with Dalits, provide legal help, and also pursue the matter with the police. We are Hindutvavwadi by ideology and the BJP is in power. So, we can fast-track justice for Dalits,” he said, adding that the RSS’s work was also “positive” and it also believes in harmony.
“While handling issues related to human rights, whenever required, we do activism against the government, irrespective of the party in power,” he added.
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The Manch has links to the Maharashtra government leadership. In June 2023, then Maharashtra CM Eknath Shinde attended a social-justice conference that the outfit had organised. The Manch also hands out social justice awards and launched a campaign in Maharashtra last year for government-aided cremation grounds where people from across castes can be cremated. Dalits usually face problems with cremation as they do not have land.
Vikas Pathak is deputy associate editor with The Indian Express and writes on national politics. He has over 17 years of experience, and has worked earlier with The Hindustan Times and The Hindu, among other publications. He has covered the national BJP, some key central ministries and Parliament for years, and has covered the 2009 and 2019 Lok Sabha polls and many state assembly polls. He has interviewed many Union ministers and Chief Ministers. Vikas has taught as a full-time faculty member at Asian College of Journalism, Chennai; Symbiosis International University, Pune; Jio Institute, Navi Mumbai; and as a guest professor at Indian Institute of Mass Communication, New Delhi. Vikas has authored a book, Contesting Nationalisms: Hinduism, Secularism and Untouchability in Colonial Punjab (Primus, 2018), which has been widely reviewed by top academic journals and leading newspapers. He did his PhD, M Phil and MA from JNU, New Delhi, was Student of the Year (2005-06) at ACJ and gold medalist from University Rajasthan College in Jaipur in graduation. He has been invited to top academic institutions like JNU, St Stephen’s College, Delhi, and IIT Delhi as a guest speaker/panellist.... Read More
2 Years of Manipur Violence: Kuki-Zo Community to Observe May 3 as 'Separation Day', Know the Significance of the 'Wall of Remembrance'
Imphal- The Kuki-Zo community in Manipur will commemorate May 3 as 'Separation Day', marking two years since the ethnic violence erupted in the state in May 2023.
This day holds profound significance for the community, which has faced immense loss and displacement due to the conflict between the Kuki-Zo and Meitei communities.
The Indigenous Tribal Leaders’ Forum (ITLF) issued a statement on Wednesday, announcing that the mourning day will be observed at the ‘Wall of Remembrance’ in Tuibuong, Churachandpur district, a memorial dedicated to the Kuki-Zo people killed in the ethnic conflict. This wall stands as a symbol of collective grief, resilience, and unity.
The ITLF stated, “The event will be a day of reflection and remembrance for the victims of the ethnic conflict that has deeply impacted the Kuki-Zo communities. It will feature a series of programmes, including prayers and exhortations for the victims and their families, a keynote address, organisational reports, and speeches by various tribal leaders."
A significant part of the event will be the ‘Jangnadopna’ ceremony, a traditional mourning ritual held in honor of those killed in the conflict between the communities.
The ITLF clarified, “There will be no bandh on this day, but traffic will be restricted around the Wall of Remembrance to maintain the dignity and smooth conduct of the event.” The organization has appealed to all sections of the community to participate in this commemoration.
What is the Significance of the 'Wall of Remembrance' for the Kuki-Zo Community?
The 'Wall of Remembrance' is a memorial established by the Kuki-Zo community in Tuibuong, Churachandpur, to honor those killed in the ethnic violence that began on May 3, 2023.
The conflict, triggered by the All Tribal Students Union Manipur (ATSUM)'s 'Tribal Solidarity March' opposing the Meitei community's demand for Scheduled Tribe (ST) status, led to over 200 deaths, thousands injured, and the displacement of approximately 50,000 people, many of whom are still in relief camps.
This memorial serves as a sacred space where the Kuki-Zo community pays tribute to their loved ones lost in the violence. People gather here to offer prayers and seek peace, making it a focal point for mourning and solidarity. The wall not only commemorates the deceased but also embodies the community's resilience and their call for justice and peace in Manipur.
The violence in Manipur stemmed from tensions over the Meitei community's demand for ST status, opposed by the Kuki-Zo and other tribal groups. The resulting clashes caused widespread devastation, particularly in Churachandpur, a stronghold of the Kuki-Zo community. The 'Wall of Remembrance' stands as a testament to the community's suffering and their determination to honor the memory of those lost. It also underscores the ongoing demand for a resolution to the ethnic divide and the need for peace in the region.
Gang rape of Dalit minor girl in Kaushambi, UP ... Police in search of accused
Karnataka to get dedicated police stations for SC/ST atrocity cases, including two in Bengaluru: Report
The decision comes in response to Karnataka's low conviction rates in atrocity cases and years of calls to bolster the functioning of the DCRE.
In a significant move, the Karnataka government will operationalise 33 exclusive police stations on April 14 to handle cases under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act.
According to a report by Deccan Herald, the decision comes in response to Karnataka's low conviction rates in atrocity cases and years of calls to bolster the functioning of the DCRE. While Bengaluru will get two of these specialised stations, the rest will be distributed across the state with one in each district.
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This initiative is expected to change the way atrocity cases are investigated. Until now, the DCRE could only conduct inquiries, but lacked the authority to carry out full investigations. With the new police stations in place, the Additional Director General of Police (ADGP) for DCRE will be able to appoint Investigating Officers to take over cases from Sub-Divisional Police Officers and submit final reports to the designated courts, the report added.
The move follows a 2023–24 Budget promise by Chief Minister Siddaramaiah to make the DCRE more effective. It also comes amid concerns over a high number of counter-complaints in atrocity cases. Between 2020 and 2024, about 28 per cent of such cases registered in the state were countered with retaliatory complaints, Deccan Herald reported, citing data from the Social Welfare Department.
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Conviction rate remain low
Furthermore, the state's conviction rate in atrocity cases remains dismally low, just 2.47 per cent between 2012 and 2024, raising questions about the effectiveness of existing mechanisms.
The creation of these dedicated stations is seen as a corrective step in a system where civil rights enforcement has long lacked the institutional backing to carry out robust investigations.
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