01.05.2025.UT news. India.Chennai by Team Sivaji.9444917060.asivaji1962 @gmail.com
What is caste census, Modi govt's big announcement?
A caste census surveys caste-wise population data, including distribution, socio-economic status, education levels, and other related demographic details.
In a major decision, the Union government announced on Wednesday that caste enumeration would be part of the upcoming census and assured it would be carried out in a "transparent" manner.
Addressing the media on the Cabinet's decisions, information and broadcasting minister Ashwini Vaishnaw said while some states have conducted caste surveys, conducting a census falls under the purview of the Centre. He added that the Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs (CCPA) has resolved to include caste enumeration in the next census.
Several opposition leaders welcomed the Centre’s announcement, saying it would support the government in addressing reservation demands from various caste groups.
The Congress, which has consistently called for a caste census, has reiterated the demand in numerous public addresses by its leaders.
What is caste-census?
A caste census is a population-based survey that collects data on the caste composition of a region or country. It includes details such as the distribution of caste groups, their socio-economic conditions, educational status, and related fact
The key objective is to understand the demographic and developmental profile of various castes and to inform government decisions related to policy planning, resource allocation, and affirmative action.
In this exercise, caste information is also gathered along with general citizen data. This enables the government to assess the socio-economic position and representation of different caste groups, especially in areas like public employment and access to welfare schemes. It helps identify which communities have benefited from government initiatives and which remain marginalised, allowing for more targeted and inclusive development strategies.
Following independence, the Indian government classified citizens into four broad groups based on social and educational criteria: Scheduled Tribes (ST), Scheduled Castes (SC), Other Backward Classes (OBC), and the General category.
When was the last caste-census conducted?
Since independence, every Census in India from 1951 to 2011 has collected and published data on Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs), but not on other caste groups. In contrast, caste-based data was a regular feature in every Census conducted before 1931, under British rule.
The last comprehensive caste census in India took place in 1931. After that, independent India excluded broader caste enumeration from the decennial census, limiting data collection to SC and ST categories. As a result, groups like the Other Backward Classes (OBCs) have not been officially counted in recent national censuses.
In 2011, the government conducted the Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC), which aimed to gather broader caste data. However, the results were never formally released due to questions surrounding data accuracy and consistency.
According to a previous report by Hindustan Times, the British carried out caste enumeration in decadal censuses from 1881 to 1931. After 1931, this practice was discontinued and was not revived in post-independence India. The report also noted that the proportion of SC-ST population was 21.54% in the 1971 Census and increased to 25.26% in the 2011 Census. This rise aligns with the trend that economically disadvantaged populations, like SCs and STs, tend to have higher fertility rates, particularly when income levels are lower.
Assam man facing Pocso case released on bail, kills woman who filed FIR
Mukha Basumatary, who was previously in jail for trying to rape a minor girl, was arrested for killing the woman in Assam’s Chirang district on Wednesday morningswa
SILCHAR: A 30-year-old man released on bail in an attempted rape case on Tuesday killed the woman who had filed the police complaint for trying to rape a minor in 2023, police said.
Police said the suspect, Mukha Basumatary, who was previously in jail for trying to rape a minor girl, was arrested for murder in Assam’s Chirang district on Wednesday morning.
Chirang superintendent of police (SP) Akshat Garg said the accused was being interrogated. “The body has been sent for postmortem and our officials have collected some important evidence,” he said.
Mukha Basumatary had been arrested earlier this year under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (Pocso) Act in connection with a 2023 case registered in connection with the attempted rape of a minor girl.
The FIR had been registered against him on the basis of a complaint lodged by the woman who pursued the case. Last week, Basumatary was granted bail by a local court.
Basumatary was released from the district jail on Tuesday afternoon and went straight to the woman’s village under Chirang’s Runikata police station.
Dalits Facing Boycott in Andhra Village Get a ‘Peace Committee’ but No FIR
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Visakhapatnam: Dalit residents faced a social boycott last week in a village in Andhra Pradesh, in deputy chief minister Pawan Kalyan’s Pithapuram constituency, following the accidental death of an electrical worker. Human rights groups have sharply criticised officials for allegedly prioritising a hastily formed ‘peace committee’ over registering a legally mandated case under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act against those who enforced the boycott.
The incident occurred in Mallam village, Kakinada district. Pallapu Suresh Babu (38), a Dalit electrical worker from the village’s SC Colony, was electrocuted and died on April 16 while working at the home of Elisetti Jellababu, who belongs to the dominant Kapu caste from Mallam Pedda Veedhi (Main Street). Suresh Babu is survived by his wife and two school-age children.
Following the death, Suresh Babu’s community members demanded compensation from the house owner, Jellababu. An agreement was privately reached the next day for Rs 2.70 lakh. However, tensions rose when only Rs 70,000 was allegedly paid, because Jellababu, despite belonging to the politically and numerically dominant Kapu community, was not wealthy.
Pallapu Suresh Babu (38), a Dalit electrical worker from the village’s SC Colony, died from electrocution. Photo: Human Rights Forum
“When only Rs 70,000 was paid as compensation, the issue flared up. The victim’s family and members of the Dalit community immediately protested near the village’s Ambedkar statue, demanding justice,” Namadi Sridhar, General Secretary of the Human Rights Forum (HRF), told The Wire.
“We believe it was precisely this act of Dalits daring to demand justice publicly that led to the social boycott,” he said.
10 booked for attacking Dalit couple in Bidar
The crime comes in the aftermath of a public procession being disrupted in Khudawandpur village
Dalit Journalist Beaten at PVR for Reviewing ‘Phule’ Film — Entire Attack Caught on Camera!
Prayagraj, UP (formerly Allahabad)— A Dalit journalist, Sanjay Ambedkar, was allegedly assaulted by PVR staff while attempting to take audience reviews of the film Phule in Prayagraj. The incident, captured on video, has gone viral on social media, sparking outrage and demands for strict action against those involved.
Ambedkar, who runs a YouTube channel called Bheemraj Dastak, had visited PVR Cinemas to talk to viewers exiting the theatre after watching Phule. Despite the film being screened, he noted there were no posters or promotional materials for it inside the premises. When he tried to speak to moviegoers, PVR employees and bouncers allegedly confronted and attacked him.
Recounting the incident to The Mooknayak, Sanjay said, "I came to take reviews of the film Phule. While I was speaking with some viewers, I was suddenly stopped. I continued my work, but soon the situation escalated, and they began assaulting us."
Sanjay explained that he and his colleague, Ravi Kumar, were both present. “They caught hold of Ravi first, and when I intervened and asked them to stop, they started beating me too. We were dragged to the third floor, mistreated, and assaulted. Somehow, I managed to escape and informed the authorities. Ravi was held hostage inside and was released after half an hour.”
He also claimed the entire incident was recorded on camera, identifying the attackers as PVR staff and bouncers. “We've filed an official complaint, and an FIR has been registered. The investigation is underway,” he said.
Expressing his concern, Sanjay added, “Journalists across the country are being targeted. In Fatehpur, journalist Dilip Saini was stabbed to death, Mukesh Chandrakar was killed, and Raghvendra Bajpai was shot dead in Sitapur. Journalists are not safe under the Yogi government. Is taking a movie review now a crime?”
In response to the viral video, the official X (formerly Twitter) handle of DCP Prayagraj City confirmed: “Based on the complaint received, an FIR has been registered at Civil Lines Police Station under relevant sections. Legal proceedings are underway.”
Police have registered the case based on a complaint filed by Ravi Kumar. The FIR names unknown PVR employees and includes charges under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) 2023 Sections 115(2), 352, 351(2), 351(3), 309(4), and under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 (Amendment 2015), Sections 3(2)(v), 3(1)(d), and 3(1)(dh).
It’s worth noting that the Phule film has already been surrounded by controversy, with several Brahmin groups calling for a boycott and opposing its screening. The backlash led to certain edits and modifications in the film.
Dalit labourer found hanging in Saharanpur, family suspects murder; probe launched
Police teams, accompanied by a forensic unit and the deceased's family, arrived at the scene soon after receiving the alert. The body was then taken into custody and sent for a post-mortem to determine the exact cause of death.
"According to preliminary information, Rajesh had gone around 2 am to operate a tubewell in the fields where he was working," Jain said. "Later in the morning, villagers heading to their fields spotted his body hanging from a tree and immediately informed the police."
Rajesh is survived by his wife, two sons, and a daughter, said the police.
Dalit woman raped in front of 4-year-old child in UP
The woman and her child were returning home when the men approached her and offered Rs 20,000 as financial help.
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A 40-year-old Dalit woman was allegedly raped by two upper caste men in front of her four-year-old son in Uttar Pradesh’s Mainpuri district.
The Dalit family was suffering from financial hardship. According to her complaint, the crime took place on April 17.
She and her son were returning home when the two accused approached her and offered Rs 20,000 as financial help.
They convinced her to ride with them on the bike to receive the loan amount, and she agreed.
However, the two men took her to an isolated place. She alleges in her police complaint that one of them held a gun to her son’s forehead and threatened to blow his head off if she resisted.
Her horror did not end here. After raping her, they started harassing her with frequent phone calls. She finally gathered the courage to tell her husband, who filed a complaint.
Speaking to the Times of India, Mainpuri SHO Anuj Kumar confirmed an FIR has been registered. “One of the accused has been identified as Ramji Yadav. He belongs to the same village. We have initiated an FIR under the SC/ST Act. The Dalit woman has been sent for medical tests. Investigations are on,” the police officer was quoted by TOI.
This post was last modified on April 30, 2025 7:59 pm.
Youth are questioning marginalisation and creating art, music, stand-up comedy: Jyoti Nisha
The young Ambedkarite filmmaker, who is out with a new documentary, says she made the film on the Dalit icon because “film is a powerful medium”.
Published : Apr 30, 2025 14:22 IST
The documentary filmmaker says that the appropriation of Ambedkar is taking place, alongside critical thinking and allyship. | Photo Credit: SUDHAKARA JAIN / THE HINDU
Jyoti Nisha is a young filmmaker from Mumbai whose new documentary, Dr. B R Ambedkar Now and Then, looks at the many complex and interesting dimensions of Ambedkar and his contributions to shaping contemporary India. Frontline spoke to Nisha about her thought process behind the documentary and how relevant the Dalit icon stays even today. Excerpts:
Congratulations on this wonderful documentary on Ambedkar’s life and his relevance in today’s India. Why did you believe that it was an important story to tell?
I think since 2014, especially, you know, a lot of things have been happening in the country, whether it was Rohith Vemula [who died by suicide in 2016] or what was happening in JNU [Jawaharlal Nehru University]. There was a kind of control over the freedom of expression even in cinema. Everybody was also talking about Ambedkar suddenly, and I felt a clear connection, and since I had heard of Dr. Ambedkar all my life, it felt like the right story to tell, and also being aware that nobody else can make this film, the way I do. Therefore, I decided to make a film because film is a really powerful medium.
You use a lot of sketches in the film. What is the significance of art?
Two very important thoughts behind it. One was aesthetic, naturally. There has to be a language in cinema as well, and I was kind of trying to find an aesthetic that was very original. Look at the artwork of Sunil Abhiman Awachar [Mumbai-based Ambedkarite Poet and Artist].
Second, [old] footage and archive material have been used several times in documentaries, and we did not have the money to buy them.
Also Read | Cinema, media, and academia are highly Brahminical spaces: Somnath Waghmare
The representation of Dalits in all forms of media is very poor. Almost zero. Do you think there is a kind of prejudice against covering Dalit issues, tribal issues in India?
Prejudice, naturally. Cultural experiences of people are not understood because there is almost no representation in positions of power. But you need to report on these people. Not because it’s a Dalit question, but it’s a human rights question, actually, but also a moral, ethical, social, sociological, political and anthropological one.
Do you believe that institutes such as the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, where you studied, are spaces that are now under threat with the current political regime?
Oh, it has changed so much. Earlier, departments had the autonomy, or students had that kind of autonomy, to make or screen a film. You know, there was freedom of speech and expression. But now you have to really go through a whole mechanism to screen a film. I think that’s very tedious and such a waste of time. I think social science, political science, cultural studies, and cinema should be part of the curriculum. If you understand your society better, you can do better, you know. When I understood caste, class, or gender and their intersectionality with power, I truly understood power structures and how discourses are formed.
While documenting the Rohit Vemula case, you spoke of the incident in Ambedkar’s own life where he had to take Parsi name in Baroda. Do you think the situation has changed?
No, it has changed, certainly. I mean, it has changed in the sense that you are starting to talk about caste. I will never say untouchability does not exist. One has to be really conscious and rational, and critical to really question and ask, “Oh, why are we doing this? Why is it that a menstruating girl is told she cannot touch a jar of pickles or is not allowed to sit on this bed or that? There are still villages in Gujarat where people cannot access clean drinking water”? There is still untouchability.
In these times of identity politics, do you think the anti-caste movement is weakening in India?
No, it is not weakening at all. It is growing. It will continue to grow. There are some leaders who are just focusing on identity politics, but you need that as well, because how will you talk about representation? But there is definitely work that is happening in cinema. We need to now create more spaces, but very structural conversations have to take place. I think the Indian media has mostly misled the issues of the marginalised people. When you talk about reservations then people are like “they are snatching our seats or our jobs”. So, you need to explain and engage with them and make them understand the reasons behind affirmative action. The younger generation has definitely begun questioning. They’re creating art, music, stand-up comedy.
One interesting thing I found in your film is that Ambedkar gives a mantra: Educate, fight, educate, unite, and struggle. I can think of Rohit Vemula, Jignesh Mevani, Chandrashekhar Azad?
I think it is your reading, and he has definitely given this mantra about educate, agitate, and organise. I think upper-caste people and women should also engage with the idea of Ambedkar’s thoughts. We don’t just talk about it. It’s not an agenda for us. It’s our life.
You are also engaging in violence against Dalit women. And you are emphasising that there is a difference between the violence against a privileged woman and a Dalit woman. And you are saying Indian feminism or liberal feminism has missed this point.
They have missed this point because all people’s movements, whether about leadership or labour, have been led by women. But they have never been given the space. There is history, there is literature. So, you cannot deny it. Urmila Pawar talks about it in my film. It happened to me. Upper-caste women have sided with and not given me space, so it’s very interesting. The violence against marginalised women is collective, by society. If it’s a Dalit or tribal woman, you are shamed, paraded naked on the streets, and murdered. Your family is killed, and your property is destroyed. That kind of violence doesn’t happen with upper caste women.
Also Read | Ambedkar beyond the Constitution: A guide, comrade, and kin
So, basically, you started by saying that most of this country does not find space in popular culture. Could you elaborate on it?
Absolutely. That’s the whole point of making this film. [The marginalised] do not find representation. When I studied pre- and post-independent cinema, you find discourse on class. Nobody says don’t talk about untouchability, but you don’t question the why behind it. Did they have a history? How long is this history? Do we know only about Ambedkar? But there was the Bhakti movement. There was a social and political movement. There are so many people critiquing our hierarchical society.
I’m not a Hindu, I’m a Buddhist, I have been raised in an Ambedkarite family. If I have to find myself, my personhood as a non-Brahminical person, I will find it through an Ambedkarite epistemology. That’s called an Oppositional Bahujan Agency. My theory is published in the Routledge compilation of caste and cinema.
If you see any national movement, a Gandhian movement, then you will consistently see there is a parallel. And that’s the whole point that you see in the film as well. Whether it was the Dandi March or the Quit India movement. Mahad Satyagraha and Ambedkar’s movements were very close. So, yeah, that’s not part of 100 years of cinema. But I thought nobody has the right to use this ideological gaze of looking at us. We’re not that sorry. Your imagination is. It’s very privileged, entitled. It’s very removed. It is not real. It’s a fantasy. It doesn’t exist. Because if you have not interacted with us, if you have not visited our places and our history, our sites, our literature, then it surely is fantasy. It’s a very different imagination. And our life is really based on history, based on the Anticaste movement and resistance against caste. There is a huge literature and history, and leaders and icons.
How do you see the US movement? Because in many circles now, literature, films, and posters are coming. I’m not talking about electoral politics. But the Ambedkarite cultural movement is going forward through all mediums. How do you see the future?
You know, people have started engaging with this question critically every day. If we start talking about it, it’s a great sign. I think the time has now come when you are being told that you don’t know, and you have to learn it. That kind of critical thinking and allyship is also happening. But appropriation is also taking place. Appropriation of Ambedkar’s iconography is also seen in popular culture. I mean, apart from Bahujan spectatorship.
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