05.05.2025.UT News.(Untouchable,SC.ST.Dalit news collection)bt Team Chennai.Sivaji.9444917060.asivaji1962@gmail.com
‘How Dare You Join a Brahmin Wedding?’ — The Incident That Awakened Jyotiba Phule’s Revolt Against Caste
This formative event is powerfully depicted in the book ‘Jyoti Kalash’, written by renowned Hindi author Sanjeev — editor of the iconic magazine Hans, a columnist, and recipient of the Sahitya Akademi Award. Published by Rajkamal Prakashan, the book serves as a chronological documentation of real-life events from Phule's life. In its very first chapter, Sanjeev recounts the incident that led young Jyotiba to become fiercely committed to the cause of Dalits and backward communities.
According to the book, Jyotiba receives a wedding invitation from his classmate, Paranjpe. The note ends with an affectionate threat: "If you don’t come, our friendship is over." Excited, young Jyotiba begins to prepare himself for the grand wedding procession.
Seeing his son dressed up, his father Govindrao asks, “Where are you going?”
“To Paranjpe’s wedding procession,” Jyotiba replies cheerfully.
Govindrao is reminded of bitter experiences of humiliation in Brahmin weddings in the past. The memories sting like thorns. Still, not wanting to dampen his son's spirit, he says nothing.
The wedding procession is in full swing, with drums, music, and fireworks. Paranjpe, the groom, is dressed regally and seated in a decorated chariot alongside his younger brother. Amidst the festive chaos, there’s a problem — the man in charge of setting off the ceremonial fireworks, Patil, is missing. People murmur anxiously, wondering who will light the fireworks now.
When the boys are asked if anyone can do it, most express fear. But Jyotiba steps forward and says, “I’m not afraid.” He picks up the firework launcher and begins firing celebratory shots into the sky, leading the procession.
Just then, a heavily adorned Brahmin man — wearing a tripund (sacred ash mark) on his forehead and a traditional turban — steps forward and stops Jyotiba.
“You…?” the man sneers. “Aren’t you the son of Govindrao Ghonhe?”
“Yes,” Jyotiba replies.
With visible disdain, the Brahmin thunders, “How dare you join a Brahmin wedding procession?”
“I was invited,” Jyotiba responds.
“Invited, huh? What Paranjpe did was wrong, but you — how could you forget that you’re a Shudra? And this is a Brahmin wedding. Have you lost your mind? Since when did you become equal to Brahmins?”
A more compassionate Brahmin steps in and tries to pacify the situation. “Let it go — he’s just a boy. He was invited by his friend. He even handled the fireworks.”
“Let him stay — but only at the back,” the turbaned man declares. “With the Ramoshis and the baggage carriers.”
Humiliated, Jyotiba moves to the back of the procession. A Ramoshi — a man from a lower caste — standing nearby approaches him and says, “Thrown out by the Brahmins, huh? What were you thinking? Did you forget how Brahmins treat Shudras and untouchables? Go home, child! The garlands aren’t for you. The music isn’t for you. The lights, the celebration — none of it is for you. You’re a Shudra. Thrown out, just like always.”
Heartbroken, Jyotiba returns home. His father notices his downcast face. “What happened? Didn’t you go?”
Jyotiba narrates the whole humiliating incident. His father listens in silence, watching his son's darkened face. Memories of his own past humiliation come flooding back. “I wanted to stop you,” he finally says. “But I stayed quiet, fearing it would break your spirit.” After a pause, he adds, “They didn’t beat you, didn’t punish you — isn’t that mercy enough? You were wrong to go.”
Tears well up in Jyotiba’s eyes. Govindrao consoles him: “No, son. We can never be equal to them. They are Brahmins, and we — we are Shudras.”
A broken Jyotiba is still reeling from the incident when the Ramoshi appears again and says bitterly, “Why did you even go? I never go. It’s our fate — they were born Brahmins, you a Shudra, I a Ramoshi. What can we do?”
That night passed slowly and painfully. For Jyotiba Phule, it was perhaps the first personal brush with caste-based humiliation — one that deeply shook his soul and awakened in him a resolve to challenge the unjust social order.
In ‘Jyoti Kalash’, Sanjeev documents many such untold and poignant moments from Mahatma Jyotiba Phule’s life — stories he lived, witnessed, and bravely fought against. The book brings to life the emotional, social, and ideological evolution of one of India's greatest social reformers.
UPSC at Crossroads: Reservation Backlogs, Lateral Entry and Bias in the Interview
This article tries to uncover the structural barriers, focusing on reservation backlogs, the lateral entry scheme, and bias in UPSC interviews.
Reservation Backlogs and Underrepresentation of Marginalised Communities
According to an analysis by Christophe Jaffrelot and Kalaiyarasan (2020), the number of UPSC shortlisted candidates for the Civil Services Examination dropped sharply from 1,236 in 2014 to 759 in 2018, a decline of nearly 40%, reflecting a shrinking pool of opportunities where reservation quotas for SC, ST, and OBC can be applied. This reduction coincides with a surge in central government vacancies, rising from 5.5 lakh in 2006 to 7.5 lakh in 2014, with no recent data available, suggesting a potential backlog in filling reserved posts. Additionally, the total number of central government employees fell from 32.69 lakh in 2003 to 26.30 lakh in 2012, reducing SC beneficiaries by 16% (from 5.40 lakh to 4.55 lakh), despite rising representation percentages. (Jaffrelot & Kalaiyarasan, 2020)
Lateral entry initiatives, such as in February 2019 shortlisting of 89 applicants (out of 6000 candidates from private sector) for the recruitment 10 Joint Secretary posts, further bypass reservation quotas, exacerbating the backlog in UPSC-recruited services. These trends highlight systemic barriers to achieving the 15% SC, 7.5% ST, and 27% OBC quotas, necessitating reforms to address the growing reservation backlog. (Jaffrelot & Kalaiyarasan, 2020).
Nethra Pal is an IRS (Indian Revenue Service) and author of The Pain of Merit and The Inspiring Ambedkar. He writes that the stark underrepresentation SC, ST, and (OBC) in senior roles within India’s Central Government staffing scheme. At the Secretary level, SCs, STs, and OBCs combined represent just 4.39%, with OBCs and STs having zero representation. General category officers dominate with 95.51% at this level. A similar trend persists at the Additional Secretary and Joint Secretary levels, with representation for marginalized groups remaining very low (below 7%). Even at the Director level,SC/ST/OBC representation remains significantly far below the mandated 49.5% reservation (15% SC, 7.5% ST, 27% OBC)Among the 928 positions at the director level and above, only 13% (120 officers) belong to the SC/ST category, falling short of the 208 officials required under the 22.5% reservation policy (15% for SC and 7.5% for ST) (Pal, 2023). The proportion of SC/ST officers decreases significantly from 15.52% at the deputy secretary/director level to 4.8% at the secretary level as seniority increases. Of the 87 secretaries in central ministries and departments, just 4 (4.8%) are from the SC/ST group. Additionally, only 12 additional secretaries and 25 joint secretaries are SC/ST, compared to the sanctioned numbers of 90 and 242, respectively. At the deputy secretary/director level, 79 out of 509 posts (15.52%) are held by SC/ST officers.(Pal, 2023)Lateral Entry: Reservation Exclusion and the Threat to Social Justice
The Union Public Service Commission (UPSC) announced on August 17, 2024 to fill 45 significant positions, including ten joint secretary roles and 35 director/deputy secretary positions, through a lateral entry process. This move sparked controversy, with opposition parties criticizing it a deliberate strategy to end reservation. In a parliamentary response in July, Minister of State for Personnel, Public Grievances and Pensions Jitendra Singh addressed a question from Nagina MP Chandra Shekhar regarding the representation of SC,ST, and OBC in lateral entries, stating that such demographic data is not tracked. To date, 63 individuals have been appointed via lateral entry, with 35 coming from the private sector, and 57 currently serving across various ministries. (The Wire, 2024).
Chandra Shekhar Aazad of the Aazad Samaj Party (Kanshi Ram) has criticized the government, claiming that between 2017 and 2023, approximately 52 appointments to joint secretary, deputy secretary, and director posts were made violating the reservation norms. He further stressed that the latest advertisement for 45 posts implies a clear preference for candidates aligned with the Sangh (RSS) and supportive of BJP’s political agenda. (The Wire, 2024).Political bias concerns, including potential favoritism toward politically aligned candidates, are highlighted by former UPSC chairman Deepak Gupta in Forum IAS Blog, published on June 6, 2023. (Forum IAS Blog, 2023).
Ashok Bharti from the National Confederation of Dalit and Adivasi Organisations labeled the government’s move to allow lateral entry as a tactic to create a “politically committed bureaucracy,” ending reservation for SC, ST, and OBC candidates (Indian Express, 2018). Jitendra Meena, a spokesperson for the Bharat Adivasi Party, called lateral entry a “scam,” alleging that it facilitates the filling of higher posts with upper-caste individuals, sidelining ST and SC candidates (The Wire, 2024).
Interview Bias: Discrimination in UPSC Interview Scores
Nethrapal conducted an in-depth study of the Union Public Service Commission (UPSC) Civil Service Examination (CSE) trends over a decade, from 2007 to 2017, analyzing data from 10,678 candidates. His reasearch reveal a minimal percentage mark gap—typically under two to five percent—between General and reserved category candidates. The average final score for General category candidates during this period was 47.85%, while OBC candidates averaged 46.56%, SC candidates 45.30%, and ST candidates 44.70%. When focusing solely on written test scores, the gap narrows further: General category candidates scored 45.65% on average, OBC 44.59%, SC 43.30%, and ST 42.52%. Nethrapal noted that the disparity in final scores often stems from the Personality Test (Interview) rather than the written exams. A closer look at the top 100 SC candidates showed they tend to score lower in the Personality Test despite strong written test performance, with only one out of these 100 scoring above 200 out of 300 marks in the interview. This highlights potential biases in the interview process affecting reserved category candidates’ overall rankings. (EdexLive, 2024).
In July 2021, Delhi's Social Welfare Minister, Rajendra Pal Gautam, raised concerns regarding caste-based discrimination in the Union Public Service Commission (UPSC) interview process. He penned a letter to the UPSC Chairman, Pradeep Kumar Joshi, highlighting allegations from reserved category candidates who were systematically awarded lower marks during interviews compared to their general category counterparts. To deal with such biases, Gautam proposed that the UPSC should ensure the anonymity of candidates' caste identities during interviews. He also recommended randomizing the selection of interviewees, rather than grouping candidates based on their reservation status. (The Indian Express, 2021)
This issue isn't isolated. In 2016, the Akhil Bharatiya Dalit and Muslim Mahasangh (ABDMM) raised concerns about SC/ST candidates receiving lower interview scores despite higher written exam results, indicating the bias in the interview process.(The Hindu, 2016) Furthermore, in 2023, the All India OBC Students Association (AIOBCSA) highlighted government data indicating violations of reservation policies in education and employment sectors, pointing to practices like not filling reserved posts by declaring candidates "not found suitable" . (AIOBCSA, 2023)
Conclusion
Reservation backlogs, with a 40% decline in shortlisted candidates and persistent underrepresentation, reveal critical conditions to uphold constitutional rights. Lateral entry schemes, bypassing reservation for 63 appointments. Interview biases further disadvantage SC/ST/OBC candidates, as seen in lower Personality Test scores despite competitive written Test score. A strong law to fill the reservation backlog while ending the lateral entry, and transparent interview process are essential to ensure the constitutional rights of marginalised communities.
Caste census: Congress poses 3 questions to PM Modi over 'desperate U-turn' in policy
Claiming that Prime Minister Narendra Modi made a "desperate U-turn" on the caste census, the Congress on Sunday asked whether he would have the honesty to acknowledge that his government had officially changed its policy on the subject and commit to a timeline for such a survey.
Congress general secretary in-charge communications Jairam Ramesh said evidence abounds on Prime Minister Modi's "sudden, complete, and desperate U-turn" on the caste census. Citing examples, Ramesh said that in a TV interview on April 28, 2024, Modi branded all those demanding a caste census as "urban naxals." "On July 20, 2021, the Modi Government told Parliament that it had 'decided as a matter of policy not to enumerate caste-wise population other than SCs and STs in the Census'," the Congress leader said on X.
In its affidavit to the Supreme Court dated September 21, 2021, the Modi government clearly stated that "the exclusion of information regarding any other caste (outside of SCs and STs) from the purview of census (2021) is a conscious policy decision taken by the Central Government as explained in the preceding paragraphs", he said.
"In fact, the Modi Government explicitly urged the Supreme Court not to order a caste census for the OBCs - In such a situation, any direction from this Hon'ble Court to Census Department to include the enumeration of Socio-Economic data to the extent relating to BCCs of Rural India in the upcoming Census, 2021, as prayed, would tantamount to interfering with a policy decision as framed under Section 8 of the Act'," Ramesh said.
Posing three questions to the Prime Minister, Ramesh asked whether he would have the honesty to acknowledge that his government had officially changed its policy on the caste census over the last 11 years.
Would he explain to the people and Parliament the reasons for the change in the government's policy, Ramesh further asked.
He also questioned whether the PM would commit to a timeline for the caste census.
The Congress has said the government's caste census decision is in line with its pattern of first opposing every good scheme or policy, defaming it and then adopting the same policy in the face of public pressure and reality.
The opposition party has also claimed that Prime Minister Modi is the "master of giving a headline without a deadline" and called the government's caste census decision a "diversionary tactic" in the face of demands for taking strong action against Pakistan following the Pahalgam terror attack.
The Centre on Wednesday announced that caste enumeration would be part of the next population census, with the inclusion of caste details for the first time since Independence.
Opposition parties, including the Congress, had been demanding a nationwide caste census, making it a major election issue. Some states like Bihar, Telangana and Karnataka have conducted such surveys.
Announcing the decision taken by the Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs, Union Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw had said the census came under the purview of the Centre, but some states had done caste enumeration in the name of surveys "non-transparently" which had created doubts in the society.
The Congress Working Committee (CWC) on Friday asked the government to announce a "clear timeline" for every stage of the caste survey and reiterated its demand for removing the "arbitrary ceiling" of 50 per cent on reservations for SCs, STs and OBCs.
The opposition party made the assertion in a resolution passed at the CWC meeting which was chaired by party president Mallikarjun Kharge and attended by former chiefs Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi, and general secretaries Jairam Ramesh, KC Venugopal and Priyanka Gandhi Vadra, among others.
"After 11 years of continued opposition and stubborn refusal, the Modi government has finally conceded to the demand of the Congress to collect population data caste wise as part of the next census. For 11 years, the prime minister attacked the Congress leadership for raising this demand," the CWC had said in the resolution.
No details, however, had been provided of what the government intends to do and no financial allocations have been made, it said.
The Congress has also demanded the removal of the 50 per cent cap on reservations and urgent implementation of Article 15(5) of the Constitution, which enables the provision of reservation for OBCs, Dalits and Adivasis in private educational institutions. PTI.
Counting castes among Dalits Premium
Karnataka’s new caste survey seeks to resolve internal reservation issues
Published - May 05, 2025 12:47 am IST
Intense discussion on the population of castes and their interplay with politics seems to be the season’s flavour in Karnataka. Even before the opposition from dominant castes to the Socio-Economic and Educational Survey (popularly known as the caste census) recommendations could come to a head, another caste survey is set to begin in Karnataka on Monday, findings of which will hopefully address the demand for internal reservation among the Scheduled Castes.
The latest survey comes in the backdrop of the Supreme Court’s direction in August 2024, which paved the way to resolve the vexed issue of internal reservation among SCs. States have now been allowed to divide the reservation matrix among different SC groups based on empirical data. In Karnataka, 101 SCs receive 17% reservation, and the Dalit left caste (Madiga) has for decades sought internal reservation, accusing the Dalit right (Holeya) of cornering the benefits of reservation.
Also read | Internal reservation: Dalit right and left groups start awareness campaigns on choice of nomenclature
The population data from the survey will help the commission, headed by retired High Court judge H.N. Nagmohan Das, to determine the quantum of reservation to be provided to both sections, considered the “untouchable” castes within the SC category. The “touchable” castes under SC also benefit under the 17% reservation policy.
This survey comes close on the heels of the Karnataka State Commission for Backward Classes’ Socio-Economic and Educational Survey report being accepted by the Cabinet. While the Cabinet deferred decision on the issue as discussions remained incomplete, the fate of the survey findings now hangs in balance as the Centre has announced a caste census alongside the 2026 national Census.
The long-standing caste conundrum in Karnataka has challenged political dispensations from all hues, with parties shying away from taking bold decisions, due to fears of political fallout. While the 2015 caste census remained in cold storage for nearly a decade, its findings have been rejected by Vokkaligas and Lingayats, the politically dominant land-owning communities. Similarly, parties kept away from the internal reservation issue.
Another commission, headed by retired judge A.J. Sadashiva, had recommended internal reservation back in 2012, but its findings were never made public. Based on leaked information, the Dalit right factions have challenged the population data used to recommend internal reservation. While the BJP government, ahead of the 2023 Assembly polls, announced an internal reservation matrix based on population figures collated from the Sadashiva Commission — a move widely seen as a political attempt to placate the Dalit left. However, it was criticised by Dalit right, and the “touchable” castes.
The population data of SCs in Karnataka has become contentious due to the use of a common nomenclature that overlaps depending on the region they reside in. During British rule, the Madras Presidency classified Tamil-speaking SCs as Adi Dravida and Telugu-speaking SCs as Adi Andhra through a 1922 order.
Similarly, in 1925, the Mysore Princely State coined the term Adi Karnataka (AK) to group Kannada-speaking SC right and SC left castes under one nomenclature. Over time, both factions have AK certificates. In some districts, the Dalit left is known as Adi Karnataka, while in others, the Dalit right is known by that name, causing confusion during enumeration.
The latest survey hopes to put such confusion to rest and provide socio-economic and educational data to find out backwardness and eventually form the basis for the reservation matrix.
Caste groups are now engaging with the communities to ensure that members write their original caste name instead of the nomenclatures coined by the British or the Mysore rulers during enumeration. This survey comes as an opportunity to set right the decades-old problem, which will also settle the internal reservation quota within the 17% matrix. For, ultimately, it would be this data that would determine the quantum of reservation.
Meanwhile, the government has taken a stand by putting public recruitment on hold till the Das-led Commission comes up with a report, signalling its intent to implement internal reservation. While the survey results are expected in a few months, it will be a wait-and-watch game for both factions till then.
Published - May 05, 2025 12:47 am IST.
‘Scratched my chest…’ Jodhpur Dalit nurse dies by suicide after assault, police inaction
Police have now registered a case of abetment to suicide against the four accused.
Representational Image
Hyderabad: A 26-year-old Dalit nurse died by suicide on May 2, after allegedly being molested, assaulted, and humiliated by her upper-caste neighbours in Rajasthan’s Jodhpur district.
The young woman was the eldest of five siblings and worked as a nurse. Her suicide has triggered protests and outrage.
Dispute over water
The incident occurred on April 30, after a few drops of water from cleaning the courtyard reportedly landed on the neighbour’s car. This led to a violent attack by Shankar Lal Bishnoi, his wife, and their sons Rajendra alias Raj and Vikas alias Vicky. They allegedly assaulted the victim, her mother, and her younger brother.
According to The Observer Post, the victim’s family said she was scratched on her chest and face. In her handwritten suicide note, she named the accused and described the attack as caste-motivated. “They scratched my chest, insulted my dignity. I don’t want a life filled with casteism and people’s filthy gazes,” her letter read.
She also accused the police of failing to act. Despite waiting for over nine hours at the Mata Ka Than police station, only minor charges were filed, and the accused were released immediately. In her note, the victim reportedly named station house officer (SHO) Bhanwar Singh Jakhad and local councillor Jani Devi, writing, “The councillor said they have high-level connections. The SHO told us: ‘Nothing will happen to them.’”
The victim’s final words remain etched in the hearts of many: “No one stood by me. Not the police. Not the system. Not even my own.”
Police register abetment case
The incident has led to protests outside the police station. Demonstrators blocked Bhadwasiya Road and demanded the arrest of the accused and the suspension of the SHO. They have refused to allow the post-mortem until action is taken.
Police have now registered a case of abetment to suicide against the four accused. The assistant commissioner of police, Nagendra Kuma,r said action will be taken.
This post was last modified on May 5, 2025 9:13 pm
Christianity has no caste, Dalit converts cannot invoke SC/ST Act: Andhra Pradesh High Court
The Andhra Pradesh High Court recently held that the caste system is alien to Christianity and once a person converts to that religion, they cannot invoke the provisions of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act (SC/ST Act) [Akkala Ram Reddy v The State of Andhra Pradesh].
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