05.06.2025.UT Daily NewS.A collection of SC.ST.Buddhist,Adivasi,reservation atrocity news of India.by Team Sivaji.9444917060.asivaji1962@gmail.com
Bad News....
Dalit groups protest against Jagan Reddy’s visit toTenali
The accused were arrested in relation to a case registered on April 25 on the basis of a complaint lodged by constable Kanna Chiranjeevi.
Local Dalit activists staged protests against YSR Congress Party (YSRCP) president and former Andhra Pradesh chief minister YS Jagan Mohan Reddy’s visit to Tenali town in Guntur district on Tuesday to meet the families of three men who were allegedly beaten up by the police on April 26.
The incident occurred in Tenali town after the three men — Chebrolu John Victor (25), Sheikh Babulal alias Karimulla (21), from Tenali and Doma Rakesh (25), from Mangalgiri — were allegedly thrashed in public by the Tenali town-II police. A purported video of the incident surfaced on social media on May 26, triggering strong criticism from human rights groups and the YSRCP. All three accused are from underprivileged sections of society.
The accused were arrested in relation to a case registered on April 25 on the basis of a complaint lodged by constable Kanna Chiranjeevi. The constable alleged that the accused had attacked him the previous night near Aithanagar in Tenali town, reportedly due to prior enmity and his role in summoning them for counselling in a drug-related case.
On Tuesday, Jagan met the families of the accused and told reporters that he strongly condemned the high-handedness of the police for beating the youths up in full public glare and for shaming them and their families.
“The three men only questioned a constable who was in civil dress in connection with a local clash. If they were at fault, they should have been arrested and produced in the court, but the police cannot take law into their hands,” he said.
However, Jagan’s visit to Tenali triggered a tense atmosphere in the town. Several activists belonging to Dalit and other people’s organisations held a road blockade opposing Jagan’s visit. They formed a human chain at the market centre as a mark of protest.
“When a man from the Dalit community, Nuthakki Kiran, was murdered during the YSRCP regime in the same town, Jagan never came to call on the family of the victim. Now, he is standing in support of rowdy-sheeters. This is outrageous,” a Dalit activist said.
In response to Jagan’s visit, the TDP lashed out at the YSRCP leader for calling on the families of the Tenali youth.TDP MLA MS Raju questioned how a former CM could associate with ganja gangs, rowdy-sheeters, and anti-social elements.
“Visiting the families of the rowdy sheeters reflects Jagan’s criminal mindset. This is shameful behaviour. He consoles criminals, but never those who made sacrifices for the nation or the state. Not once has he consoled any public activist or freedom fighter,” Raju said.
He recalled that several Dalits had suffered from atrocities under Jagan’s rule. “Did he ever visit or support families like those of Subrahmanyam, a driver who was killed by YSRCP MLC Anantha Babu, who door-delivered the body to his family? What was Jagan doing when the police had beaten up Dalit medical professional Dr Sudhakar, whose crime was only to demand supply of surgical masks for the doctors during the COVID pandemic?” he asked.
The TDP released the list of cases pending against the three Tenali youth, some of which were filed even during the previous YSRCP regime. “John Victor has nine cases against him, including illicit liquor trade, theft, kidnapping, forgery, assault, and attempted murder, while Rakesh has cases of harassment of women, kidnapping, theft, assault, and attempted murder; and Karimulla was accused in a constable murder attempt case,” the party said.
Meanwhile, Jagan alleged that the TDP government was using the police to indiscriminately file false cases against YSRCP leaders, MLAs, leaders and cadres. “Now, innocent youth are being tortured. The patience of people is being tested by such activities,” he added.
Former minister and another TDP lawmaker Nakka Ananda Babu said Jagan should be ashamed of supporting ganja dealers, drug peddlers, and criminal gangs. “Going to Tenali to support rowdy-sheeters is disgraceful,” he said.
Atrocity News......
Dalit minor rape case: Bihar government takes action against two medical officials
The 11-year old child was raped and found with nearly 20 knife wounds in Muzaffarpur on May 26; she died at the PMCH on June 1 after waiting in the ambulance for over five hours, waiting to be admitted
Updated - June 03, 2025 09:00 pm IST - PATNA
Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) Women’s Cell protests against the Nitish Kumar government in Patna on Tuesday, June 3, 2025, over the death of Dalit minor rape victim. Photo credit: Special arrangement
Acting on mounting pressure from the Opposition, the Bihar government on Tuesday (June 3, 2025) swung into action over the death of an 11-year old Dalit girl who was raped and brutally assaulted with a knife, and then succumbed to her injuries on Sunday at Patna Medical College and Hospital (PMCH).
(What is the difference between Phahelgam attack and this killing,they are Pakistan terrorist and this people are Indian terrorists)
The PMCH did not allot a bed to the girl, who had been transferred from Muzaffarpur, and she had to wait for five hours in the ambulance before she was admitted.
In response to the outrage, the Health Department took action against PMCH Deputy Superintendent-in-Charge Abhijeet Singh, who has been relieved from his post. Kumari Bibha, the Superintendent of Sri Krishna Medical College and Hospital (SKMCH) in Muzaffarpur has also been suspended.
The official notification from the Health Department said that the death of a minor rape victim has come to its notice, adding that detailed investigation is being conducted into the matter. It said that, prima facie, it had been found that the Deputy Superintendent-in-Charge of Patna Medical College and Hospital did not discharge his duties properly, indicating administrative failure.
“Superintendent, SKMCH, Muzaffarpur did not follow the referral policy and did not discharge [her] duties properly. Also, extreme insensitivity was shown in the treatment of the victim. Ms. Bibha is suspended with immediate effect till further orders,” the Health Department order said.
She has been suspended under the relevant provisions of Rule 9 of the Bihar Government Servant (Classification, Control and Appeal) Rules-2005. A separate charge sheet will be prepared once the investigation is complete. During her suspension period, Dr. Bibha’s headquarters will be set as the State Health Department in Patna, and she will only be paid a subsistence allowance, in the light of Rule 10 of the Bihar Government Servant (Classification, Control and Appeal) Rules-2005.
Brutal assault, deadly negligence
The 11-year old Dalit child was raped and found in a pit at a brick kiln in Muzaffarpur on May 26, according to the police. She had nearly 20 knife wounds on and around her neck. A first information report (FIR) was lodged against a 30-year-old man on the complaint of the girl’s uncle, and the accused was arrested the same evening.
The child was initially taken to the SKMCH and then transferred to Patna on May 31, for better medical treatment. However, she was allegedly left in pain inside the ambulance outside the Patna hospital for about five hours, and was admitted only after intervention by Bihar Congress president Rajesh Kumar. She died at the PMCH on June 1.
‘No one will be spared’
The Leader of Opposition in the Bihar Legislative Assembly Tejashwi Yadav visited the child’s house in Muzaffarpur on Tuesday (June 3, 2025), and slammed the State government for the death by negligence and the alleged failure of law and order in the State. Attacking Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, Mr. Yadav said that beds at government hospitals are sold at premium prices.
BJP leader and Deputy Chief Minister Samrat Choudhary accepted that the death of the rape victim was due to medical negligence, adding that the State government has taken strict action against the top medical officials of two medical college hospitals.
“No one will be spared and the culprits of rape will be punished by conducting a speedy trial. Nitish Kumar’s government works on the policy of zero tolerance towards all kinds of crimes. Strict action will be taken against those found guilty in the Muzaffarpur incident. The Opposition should not do politics on this incident,” Mr. Choudhary told journalists in Patna.
Published - June 03, 2025 08:10 pm IST
Brutal News.....
Ujla Andhera — This Heartbreaking Novel Exposes the Brutal Reality of Dalit Life in India
A gripping tale of caste, courage, and survival — Kailash Wankhede’s Ujla Andhera reveals the everyday struggles of Dalit communities in modern India through the eyes of a young boy.
“Ujla Andhera” (The Bright Darkness), authored by renowned Hindi writer Kailash Wankhede, is a poignant and deeply moving novel that brings to light the lived realities of Dalit settlements in modern India. Published by Rajkamal Prakashan, this novel powerfully captures the essence of daily struggles, aspirations, and systemic neglect faced by marginalized communities, all through the innocent yet insightful lens of a young Dalit boy named Milind.
Kailash Wankhede, recipient of the prestigious Hans Katha Samman and Madhukar Singh Smriti Samman, uses his signature realism to transport the reader into the heart of a Dalit locality that lies geographically close but socially distant from the urban elite. His narrative breaks down complex caste hierarchies, political indifference, and deeply ingrained social prejudices in a simple, accessible, and emotionally resonant manner.
A Child’s View of a Fractured Society
At the center of the story is young Milind, who presents a first-hand account of life in his Dalit neighborhood. His father, a principled Ambedkarite, repairs punctured tires for a living. Despite extreme poverty, he remains committed to constitutional values and celebrates Ambedkar Jayanti with pride and dignity — distributing sweets to children even when there’s not enough food at home.
Through Milind’s eyes, we see a detailed and touching portrayal of his family: a hardworking mother, a supportive elder brother, and a loving grandmother. The mother, in particular, emerges as a symbol of invisible labor and silent suffering. Wankhede, via Milind’s narration, observes:
"Evening is mother’s best friend. When it arrives, she stops speaking and becomes a machine. Her hands begin to move faster, picking up the mess of the house. Is it only a mother’s duty to keep the house in order?"
Rain, Rage, and Repression
The novel doesn’t just document daily life — it critiques it. The monsoon season becomes a metaphor for the state's indifference, as homes in the Dalit colony leak, stink, and flood. Women drink less water to avoid defecating in the open due to the lack of toilets. The narrative raises a sharp but subtle question: Why do Dalit women die younger?
The central tension of the novel builds around a disturbing incident during a Dalit wedding. When the groom, a relative of Milind, mounts a horse — a symbol of pride and honor — the upper-caste neighbors attack the wedding procession. “Dalits don’t have the right to ride horses,” they say, as they beat up the entire baraat (wedding party). The family is forced to seek police protection, but even the police, steeped in caste bias, refuse to help.
"The authorities believed that over time, enthusiasm dies down... the crowd will lose interest, and the demand will fade. Life, caught between daily survival and social humiliation, forgets its dreams."
This episode becomes the crux of the novel’s critique — of the continued caste-based humiliation that exists even after 75 years of independence.
Language, Power, and Erasure
In a powerful meta-commentary, Wankhede criticizes how language itself becomes a tool of exclusion:
“The dictionary is a conspiracy against life… It excluded the language of our homes, our lanes, and our lives. Language was used not just to communicate, but to suppress.”
The book argues that dominant castes shaped language, religion, and literature to project themselves as superior and to erase the existence of marginalized voices. Dalits were excluded not just from land and temples, but from the very vocabulary that defines human dignity.
This deeply philosophical commentary draws a chilling parallel — tools that once built life are now used to destroy it. Words have become weapons.
Education, Humiliation, and the Police State
The novel also explores how lack of education and healthcare continues to haunt Dalit colonies. When a teacher calls Milind’s community “dirty people,” he is left confused and hurt, questioning his family about why others think that way.
The narrative also highlights how young Dalit boys are falsely accused of thefts in nearby areas and are sent to jail without evidence. This pattern of criminalizing the oppressed is shown not as an exception but as a rule — part of a systemic cycle of caste-based injustice.
Death, Loss, and Unanswered Questions
Tragedy strikes when Milind’s elder brother dies due to poor medical access. His father, too, is left on the brink of death. Yet, despite the personal losses and social attacks, Milind’s observations remain tender, intelligent, and quietly radical.
Even as the novel concludes, the reader is left with an aching sense of incompleteness — not due to a lack of closure, but because the questions it raises remain unanswered in real life as well. Why is justice still denied? Why is equality still aspirational?
Final Thoughts
“Ujla Andhera” is not just a novel; it is a necessary document of our times. It serves as both a mirror and a warning — reflecting the ongoing marginalization of Dalits while challenging readers to confront uncomfortable truths. With poetic language, powerful metaphors, and a child’s perspective full of clarity, Kailash Wankhede has created a masterpiece that deserves to be widely read, debated, and remembered.
15 sent to jail for imposing social boycott on Dalit family
About the Author
Ch Sushil Rao
- Punjab Cabinet approves loan waiver worth ₹68 crore for Dalit families
Punjab Cabinet approves loan waiver worth ₹68 crore for Dalit families
At a cabinet meeting chaired by Mann in Chandigarh, it was decided that debt accrued till March 31, 2020 will be waived
The Punjab Cabinet on Tuesday gave its nod to waive loans amounting Rs 68 crore taken by over 4,000 Dalit families from the Punjab Scheduled Castes Land Development and Finance Corporation, Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann said.
At a cabinet meeting chaired by Mann in Chandigarh, it was decided that debt accrued till March 31, 2020 will be waived.
Addressing the media after the meeting, the chief minister said the state government will waive the debt incurred due to loans taken by Dalit families from the corporation for various purposes, including for opening shops, dairy farming, etc.
The decision will benefit 4,727 beneficiaries, he said.
Mann said Finance Minister Harpal Sigh Cheema in his budget speech this March had promised to waive the debt. With the cabinet approval, the promise will now be fulfilled, he said!e7
Cheema, who was also at the media briefing, said the debt would include the principal amount and any interest on it, including penal interest. It is a big relief for the SC community, he said.
The minister said the debt had been pending for the past 20 years and added that neither the Congress nor the Akali Dal-BJP governments of the past cared for SC families when they were in power.
(Only the headline and picture of this report may have been reworked by the Business Standard staff; the rest of the content is auto-generated from a syndicated feed.)
Good News...
Pariah: Why the name of a Tamil Dalit caste entered European vocabulary to mean the ‘ostracised’
The roots of the term ‘pariah’ lie in the name of a caste group called ‘Pariayar’, which originated in Tamil Nadu. In the West, however, the term took on a political meaning of its own in the European Enlightenment of the 18th and 19th centuries.
- Written by Adrija9 Roychowdhury
In February 2022, when Russian President Vladimir Putin invaded Ukraine, large parts of the Western world, including the United States and its European allies, responded with a plan to isolate Russia. The word being used repeatedly by political experts and the media to describe the Russian situation was that of an international ‘pariah’. ‘Pariah’ was also what the former US president Joe Biden had vowed to make Saudi Arabia, for the country’s role in the assassination of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in 2018. That same year, Hollywood producer Harvey Weinstein was called a ‘pariah’ by Time Magazine after more than 70 women accused him of sexual assault and misconduct. Israel has been termed ‘pariah’ in recent international discourse in response to its actions in Gaza, and so has Syria in the past due to its prolonged civil war and human rights violations.
A global favourite to refer to any entity deemed devious and worthy of being ostracised, the word ‘pariah’ is in fact rooted in the Indian social landscape, more specifically, in our country’s unique caste consciousness. Although its usage in recent times is removed from caste associations, the weight of a gruesome history attached to the word has often made its application controversial.
The etymological roots of the term ‘pariah’ lie in the name of a caste group called ‘Pariayar’, which originated in Tamil Nadu and can be found concentrated today across the Tamil region, Sri Lanka, and Kerala. The name of the caste, in turn, is believed to have originated from the Tamil word ‘parai’, which means drum.
Historically, the Pariayar are known to have been drummers, and were confined to the status of an outcast or an ‘untouchable’ in the Hindu caste order.
Whether drumming was the occupation of all Paraiyars is subject to debate. However, scholars agree that they were seen as an outcaste, which is how the name lent itself to the English vocabulary to mean one who is socially excluded.The journey of the word, however, was not simple. While initially received through the lens of colonial knowledge production, it took on a political meaning of its own in the context of the European Enlightenment of the 18th and 19th centuries. It is a French writer and botanist who is credited with being the first to make the ‘pariah’ figure popular in Europe.
Adrija Roychowdhury leads the research section at Indianexpress.com. She writes long features on history, culture and politics. She uses a unique form of journalism to make academic research available and appealing to a wide audience. She has mastered skills of archival research, conducting interviews with historians and social scientists, oral history interviews and secondary research. During her free time she loves to read, especially historical fiction.
Out UT News opinion.
๐๐๐๐๐๐๐
PARAIYAR..sssss
๐๐๐๐๐๐๐
1.It is the largest Scheduled Caste in Tamil nadu, and are available in Srilanka,malaysia,singapore,and Kerala...
2.The people use to beat parai(drums) are called parayars.They are also engaged in cultivation.As per Hindu mythology they are outcaste,Untouchables.
............Internationally the word paraiya was used as follows........
3.The Russia was called 'international pariya' for their brave military actions on ukraine.(For brave)
4.The US president called Saudi Arabia..for killing journalist.(Braveness)
5.Hollywood producer Harvey weinsten was called 'Pariya'..by Times Magazine because of his sexual assault of 70 girls.(King of Sex)
6.Isrel was called pariya for its action on Ghaza.(Warriors)
7.Syria was called pariya for its activities.(Warriors)
INDIA
Good News.....
Waiting for a hundred dalit billionaires.
SA Aiyar
Swaminathan S Anklesaria Aiyar is consulting editor of The Economic Times. He has frequently been a consultant to the World B ... MORE
On June 6, a new venture capital fund was launched by the Dalit Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (DICCI) to raise Rs 500 crore from investors for investment in companies run by dalits and tribals. Let goody-goody piece of affirmative action. The fund aims to provide investors with a commercial 25% pre-tax internal rate of return, comparable with the returns mutual funds aim to garner from top Sensex stocks.
A pipedream? No, it’s a real possibility, despite risks. Corporate Social Responsibility norms mean that top business houses will go out of their way to get supplies from dalit vendors. New government norms now reserve 4% of procurement from small and medium SC/ ST enterprises. This promises strident growth for dalit businesses. Once they take off, hopefully many will become big businesses without crutches.
This is a breathtaking change in a country that has long treated dalits and tribals as victims, to be given sundry subsidies and reservations. But economic reforms since 1991 have opened new economic spaces, into which some dalits have soared.
DICCI now has 3,000 millionaire dalit members. Over a thousand of these have turnovers exceeding Rs 100 crore. The richest, Rajesh Saraiya, runs Steel-Mont Pvt Ltd, based in Ukraine and spanning eight countries. His turnover exceeds Rs 2,000 crore, and he is the first dalit billionaire.
However, such success has not been easy. Dalit and tribal entrepreneurs find it difficult to get funding or mentoring. To make this easier, the DICCI SME Fund aims to raise money to provide equity, loans and technical advice to small and medium enterprises run by dalits and tribals. The aim is not to get donations from bleeding hearts for the needy. The minimum subscription for investors in the fund is one crore rupees! So, the fund is telling rich investors that they can become even richer by investing in companies run by dalits and tribals . This is a vision of shared equality among castes, not of trickle down. It is a vision of dalit entrepreneurs taking their place at the top of the pyramid, and offering to share their profits with investors from all the castes that historically dominated them.
Milind Kamble, chairman of DICCI, is clear that dalits no longer want to be objects of pity: they want to be objects of envy. He sees capitalism as a revolutionary force that has finally blasted apart the caste system, and allowed dalits to rise. Adam Smith is the enemy of Manu, and hence the friend of dalits.
Historically, says Kamble, business was dominated by traditional occupational castes who did not let others come in or compete. The licence-permit raj of Nehru and Indira Gandhi was supposedly socialist, yet protected a few big business houses (who hogged all licences) from competition from below.
Economic reform and globalization after 1991 finally launched competition with a capital C. No longer could a Garg or Aggarwal afford to buy supplies only from fellow Gargs and Aggarwals: he had to look for the cheapest supplier, whatever his caste. Money became more important than caste. Thus did liberalisation and globalisation finally end the closed monopoly of commercial castes.
Competition forced the outsourcing of what was once produced entirely within a group of companies. Outsourcing gave new entrepreneurs a chance to compete. This chance was seized by the 3,000 dalit entrepreneurs who have made it big, and become members of DICCI.
The old socialist solution for caste oppression was affirmative action, through reservations and subsidies . Kamble says these certainly helped in providing education and status. But affirmative action is no more than a starting point.
He says the time has passed for dalits to be just job seekers. They must now become job givers. They have already achieved a substantial presence in the civil services and professions. They must now do so in business too. Dalits have become chief ministers and presidents . Why not captains of industry too?
Kamble’s vision draws on two sources—Ambedkar and black businesses in the US. Ambedkar clearly saw the potential of capitalism in breaking traditional caste and occupational shackles. This did not happen in his time. It has finally happened after the economic reforms of 1991.
The US once focused on affirmative action for blacks. But in the last two decades thousands of black millionaires — and some billionaires — have risen from lowly origins. Some have become CEOs of the biggest global companies — Citibank (Richard Parsons), American Express (Kenneth Chenault), Xerox (Ursula Burns), Mc-Donald’s (Don Thompson), and Merck (Kenneth Frazier). That should be an inspiration for all dalits. May the DICCI SME Fund launch a hundred dalit billionaires.
Next Census to conclude by March 2027, says government
The delayed population count will be India’s first digital Census and will include an enumeration of castes for the first time in Independent India; dates of the two phases to be notified on June 16
Updated - June 05, 2025 01:01 am IST - New Delhi
The last Census of India was conducted in 2011 in two phases. The 2027 exercise will be the first digital Census. | Photo Credit: AP
India will count its population by March 1, 2027, in a census to be held after an unprecedented 16-year gap, the Union Ministry of Home Affairs announced on Wednesday (June 4, 2025). This will be the country’s first digital census, and the first in independent India to include an enumeration of castes as well.
The census will be conducted in two phases by February 28, 2027 and the data will have a reference date of 12 a.m. on March 1, 2027. However, the government has not yet notified the date of commencement of the exercise. The notification of the Centre’s intention to conduct the census, and the dates of the two phases will be “published in the official gazette tentatively on June 16 as per provision of section 3 of the Census Act 1948.”
As per the constitutional mandate, the first census after 2026 can be used as the basis to redraw Lok Sabha constituencies. The next general election is expected to be held in 2029.
The last census was held in 2011 and the subsequent exercise scheduled to take place in 2021 was delayed indefinitely, initially due to the COVID-19 pandemic. On April 30, the Union Cabinet had decided to include caste enumeration as part of the next census exercise.
EDITORIAL | Cast of characters: On the caste census
Two-phase process
For the Union Territory of Ladakh and the non-synchronous snow-bound areas of the UT of Jammu and Kashmir and the States of Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand, the reference date for the population count will be 12 a.m. on October 1, 2026.
India’s census is conducted under the provisions of the Census Act, 1948 and the Census Rules, 1990, and will be completed in two phases: first, the house listing and housing schedule; and then, the population enumeration. Both phases usually span a period of 11 months from April 1 to February 28 the following year. This time around, caste will be enumerated in the second phase.
The last census was conducted in 2010 and 2011, with the first phase completed between April 1 and September 30, 2010, and the second phase from February 9 to February 28, 2011.
A senior official said that the process of the census begins with the issuance of the notification in the gazette of India. “The second and final phase will begin on February 27 and conclude on March 1, the same year,” the official added.
Also Read | Is the caste Census a useful exercise?
Retraining enumerators
The 24 lakh enumeration blocks that were finalised for the planned 2021 census are likely to be used for the 2027 exercise. Around 30 lakh enumerators, including a sizeable number of government school teachers, will be trained afresh on the mobile application that has been readied for the exercise.
“A significant addition to the training manual would be the enumeration of caste. Another drop box to record the castes is likely to be added next to the Scheduled Caste (SC) and Scheduled Tribe (ST) tables, the only two categories counted so far,” a senior government official said.
No mention of NPR updation
There was no announcement on updating the National Population Register (NPR), which already has a database of 119 crore residents. The population register was to be updated during the first phase of the planned 2021 census.
Citizens may also get an opportunity to “self-enumerate” as the Office of the Registrar General of India, which conducts the census, had developed a self-enumeration portal in English for the planned 2021 census. This option, however, will only be available to those households that have updated the NPR online.
According to the Citizenship Rules 2003, the NPR is the first step towards compilation of a National Register of Indian Citizens (NRIC/NRC). The collection of these details has been opposed by several Opposition-ruled States in the past.
Redrawing constituencies
The census will impact the next delimitation of Lok Sabha and State Assembly seats and the proposed 33% reservation for women in Parliament and Assemblies. A Delimitation Commission will have to be set up and intense deliberations will be needed given the opposition expressed by several southern States against a delimitation exercise based on population count alone.
According to the 84th Constitutional Amendment Act of 2001, the redrawing of constituency boundaries is to be carried out on the basis of population data of the first census after 2026. The current seats are drawn on the basis of 1971 census data.
According to the women’s reservation law, one-third reservation of seats for women in the Lok Sabha and State Assemblies shall come into effect after an exercise of delimitation is undertaken based on the relevant figures of the first census recorded after the Act has commenced.
Published - June 04, 2025 06:39 pm IST.
Minority institutions in Mumbai up in arms as seats in open category shrink following SC/ST/OBC quota
As per the established practice, 45 per cent of the total intake in minority institutions is kept open to all students, irrespective of category, after reserving 50 per cent for the particular minority, and 5 per cent for management quota.
A government official said the only communication in this regard is a Government Resolution (GR) issued on May 6 on the FYJC admission process. The sentence from the GR that the officer referred to deals with vacant seats under the minority quota after three rounds of admissions.A major controversy has erupted in the First Year Junior College (FYJC) admission process in minority trust-run junior colleges in Maharashtra this year after the state government has applied SC/ST/OBC reservations on the open/general seats. Alleging that this change is arbitrary and without any intimation, minority colleges in the city are now exploring options to legally challenge it.
This has sparked widespread confusion among junior colleges run by minority institutions, as they say the Supreme Court has explicitly prohibited such reservation in minority institutions, as it would increase the number of quota seats to beyond 80 per cent. Authorities at the minority colleges are also irked that there was no clear communication on the change, as most of them only noticed it on the admission portal. “With no clarity from the government, there is no option but to seek justice at the court of law. Future course of action will be decided after understanding implications of this new rule and its legal complications,” said principal of a minority-trust run junior college in Mumbai.
A government official said the only communication in this regard is a Government Resolution (GR) issued on May 6 on the FYJC admission process. The sentence from the GR that the officer referred to deals with vacant seats under the minority quota after three rounds of admissions.
The officer also referred to a decision by minority department of Government of Maharashtra from May 2013 which states that after reserving 50 percent seats for candidates coming from their minority, on remaining 50 percent seats that are filled by non-minority, it is mandatory to admit candidates from SC/ST/OBC and other deprived castes on the seats reserved for the weaker elements as per policy of education department of state government. “The government is only implementing this now which has been pending for so long,” said the officer.
Colleges, however, highlighted that the May 6 GR effectively means that constitutional reservation will apply to seats left vacant in the minority quota. “But nowhere does the document mention that the state has decided to implement the constitutional reservation to all seats in minority colleges which are going for the Centralised Admission Process (CAP). These seats until last year have been open for all to be filled only on the basis of merit. We cannot know of the changes until informed about it,” said principal of another minority-trust run college adding that there was no discussion or meeting in this regard for colleges to know about it without a written communication in this regard.
“That is the point of conducting centralised admission process so that the system is the same in all colleges. There should not be any confusion over this,” the officer added.
A uniform 10% EWS quota across states is quite contentious
The Union Government has been implementing a fixed 10 per cent reservation quota for the economically weaker sections (EWS), exclusively for the general category (GC) population (castes other than SCs/STs/OBCs) in line with the 103rd Constitution Amendment Act in 2019.
When it was challenged, the Supreme Court (Janhit case) upheld it in 2022. Most state governments began implementing a 10 per cent EWS quota, irrespective of the percentage of the GC population, which varies from state to state.
Ironically, reservations for SCs, STs and OBCs vary across states.
Such universality in the EWS quota is QUITE contentious. There are also other contradictions regarding the policy basis of this specific provision.
Initial attempts:
The quota for EWS began after overcoming the hurdles posed against its implementation in 1989. The then prime minister V P Singh proposed a five to 10 per cent EWS quota. However, this did not materialise. Subsequently, the P V Narasimha Rao government took the initiative forward and in 1991 mandated implementation of 10 per cent EWS quota and 27% OBC quota.
The Supreme Court, however, struck down the EBC-quota in the Indira Sawhney case (1992) while upholding the Mandal Commission’s recommendation of 27 per cent OBCs quota. The reasons cited was that the EWS quota was made purely on an economic-criterion, which has been contended in the judicial scrutiny of OBCs reservation in various occasions. A further, 10 per cent EWS quota exceeds the 50 per cent ceiling laid down by the apex court (Balaji and other cases).
Commission and Amendment:
The UPA government in 2006 constituted a S R Sinho Commission to study economic backwardness among the general category (GC) population and recommend specific policy provisions. In its 2010 report, the panel suggested an economic criterion for identifying EWS in the GC population- all persons in BPL families and those with annual income below the non-taxable income tax slab.
The NDA Government considered the Sinho Commission report and brought in the 103rd Constitution Amendment Act 2019. When it was challenged in the Janhit case, the Supreme Court in 2022 upheld the 10 per cent EWS quota, following which the Centre laid a less than Rs eight lakh income-criterion for identifying the EWS eligible among GC population. Subsequently, the Union Government’s Expert Group retained the criterion. Pending the final verdict, the apex court permitted the criterion.
Contradictions:
Certain contradictions persist in the implementation of 10 per cent EWS quota.
Firstly, its policy basis is itself contradictory; study, methodology and procedures. Kaka Kalelkar chaired the first Commission for Backward Classes (1953-55) and identified BCs on the basis of four indicators-social status, education, government employment and participation in industry, trade and commerce).
The B.P. Mandal chaired the second commission (1979-80) devised a three-dimensional (social, education and economic) 11-indicator criterion for identifying backward classes. The thrust was on social, educational and economic dimensions of backwardness. The Mandal Commission conducted a massive survey across 405 districts, including in urban areas. Concomitantly, many state-level committees and commissions for BCs contemplated a rigorous criterion in identifying backward classes.
In contrast, the Sinho Commission solely relied on economic criteria without such rigorous study and methodology. Its recommendations are based on its visits to states and Union Territories and interacting with officials and functionaries implementing the welfare policies, experts and civil society organisations.
When they were contested, the judicial proceedings did not validate the methodology and procedures conducted for the commissions and committees. In all previous verdicts, the economic-criterion has been contended the most in identifying BCs. However, there is a marked difference vis-ร -vis the Sinho panel report.
Secondly, the EWS quota exceeding the 50 per cent ceiling is allowed while strictly restricting the SC/ST/OBCs reservation to 50 per cent. The SC/ST quotas are fixed in proportion to the population share in states. Hence, a space for the OBCs reservation quota, at the Centre and in states, is the balance. The OBCs quota is adjusted for the creamy-layer among the OBCs. The OBCs’ creamy-layer criteria differ across the Centre and states.
In contrast, EWS quota at the Centre and in states is not bound by the above limitations. Of course, exclusion of GC creamy layer benefiting from EWS quota is applicable on the Rs eight lakh income criterion, the basis of which is again contentious (verdict pending). The 10 per cent EWS quota across states shall also follow the same creamy layer criterion. It is not subject to varying income levels across states and differences between the Centre and states.
Thirdly, the uniform 10 per cent EWS quota is contentious as the population of SCs, STs and OBCs varies across states. Neither is the EWS quota adjusted to the GC share in a state, nor the EWS creamy-layer income to the state income. When the Centre’s 27 per cent OBCs quota is not mandatory across states, then why should the 10 per cent EWS quota be?
For instance it makes sense if Uttarakhand implements the 10 per cent EWS quota as more than a quarter of its population come under the GC category, which is not the same case as regards other states, in proportionate terms.
BCs are the losers:
The OBCs are the losers. Each social category is entitled to equal opportunity. Following democracy’s basic principle of proportionate representation, quota should be earmarked in accordance with the population share in the states.
The Constitution has ensured that reservations are near to the population share of SCs and STs. However, most Indian states have OBCs that are in excess of 50 per cent of their state population. The OBC quota is around 32 per cent. In many states, around 10 to 15 per cent of the population are in the GC bracket.
Quota is earmarked for all the four mutually exclusive social categories-SC/ST/OBC/GC. However, the difference between reservation quota and population share of each indicates it is the highest for OBCs and hence their relative deprivation is higher.
As a result, EWSs in GCs are safeguarded more than OBCs, who are historically deprived.
(The writer is Associate Professor and Coordinator (Research Cell on Education), CESS, Hydrabad.
๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐
Comments
Post a Comment