10.06.2025.UT Daily NewS.A collection of SC.ST.Buddhist,Adivasi,reservation atrocity news of India.by Team Sivaji.9444917060.asivaji1962@gmail.com
திராவிடர்களும் நாகர்களும் ஒரே மக்கள் - டாக்டர் அம்பேத்கர்
திராவிடர்கள் யார்? அவர்கள் நாகர்களிடமிருந்து வேறுபட்டவர்களா? அல்லது ஒரே இனத்தைச் சேர்ந்த மக்களுக்கு அவர்கள் இரண்டு வெவ்வேறு பெயர்களா? திராவிடர்கள் மற்றும் நாகர்கள் என்ற சொல் ஒரே மக்களைக் குறிக்கும் இரண்டு வெவ்வேறு பெயர்கள் என்பது உண்மை.
திராவிடர்களும் நாகர்களும் ஒரே மக்களின் இரண்டு வெவ்வேறு பெயர்கள் என்ற கருத்தை ஒப்புக்கொள்ள மிகச் சிலரே தயாராக இருப்பார்கள் என்பதை மறுக்க முடியாது, மேலும் நாகர்கள் என்ற திராவிடர்கள் தென்னிந்தியாவை மட்டுமல்ல, அவர்கள் முழு இந்தியாவையும் - தெற்கு மற்றும் வடக்கு இரண்டையும் - ஆக்கிரமித்திருந்தனர்.
இருப்பினும், இவை வரலாற்று உண்மைகள். நாகர்களும் திராவிடர்களும் ஒரே மக்கள்.
இவ்வளவு ஆதாரங்கள் இருந்தும், மக்கள் இந்த ஆய்வறிக்கையை ஏற்றுக்கொள்ளத் தயாராக இல்லாமல் இருக்கலாம். தென்னிந்திய மக்களை திராவிடர் என்ற பெயரால் அழைப்பதில்தான் இதை ஏற்றுக்கொள்வதில் முக்கிய சிரமம் உள்ளது.
தென்னிந்திய மக்கள் உண்மையிலேயே நாகர்கள் என்றால், திராவிடர்கள் என்ற சொல் ஏன் அவர்களுக்கு மட்டுமே என்று அவர்கள் கேட்பது இயல்பானது. விமர்சகர்கள் கேட்க வேண்டிய கட்டாயத்தில் உள்ளனர்: திராவிடர்களும் நாகர்களும் ஒரே மக்கள் என்றால், தென்னிந்திய மக்களைக் குறிக்க நாகர்கள் என்ற பெயர் ஏன் பயன்படுத்தப்படவில்லை...
'திராவிட' என்ற சொல் மூலச் சொல் அல்ல. அது 'தமிழ்' என்ற வார்த்தையின் சமஸ்கிருத வடிவமாகும். சமஸ்கிருதத்தில் இறக்குமதி செய்யப்பட்ட 'தமிழ்' என்ற மூலச் சொல் 'டாமில்லா'வாக மாறியது, பின்னர் 'தமிதா' என்பது திராவிடமாக மாறியது. திராவிட என்ற சொல் மக்களின் மொழியின் பெயராகும், அது மக்களின் இனத்தைக் குறிக்காது.
நினைவில் கொள்ள வேண்டிய மூன்றாவது விஷயம் என்னவென்றால், தமிழ் அல்லது திராவிடம் என்பது தென்னிந்தியாவின் மொழி மட்டுமல்ல, ஆரியர்கள் வருவதற்கு முன்பு அது முழு இந்தியாவிற்கும் பேசப்பட்ட மொழியாக இருந்தது, மேலும் காஷ்மீர் முதல் கேப் கொமோரின் வரை பேசப்பட்டது. உண்மையில், அது இந்தியா முழுவதும் நாகர்களின் மொழியாக இருந்தது.
அடுத்து கவனிக்க வேண்டியது ஆரியர்களுக்கும் நாகர்களுக்கும் இடையிலான தொடர்பும், அது நாகர்களிலும் அவர்களின் மொழியிலும் ஏற்படுத்திய விளைவும் ஆகும். விசித்திரமாகத் தோன்றினாலும், வட இந்திய நாகர்கள் மீதான இந்தத் தொடர்பின் விளைவு தென்னிந்திய நாகர்கள் மீதான விளைவுகளிலிருந்து மிகவும் வேறுபட்டது.
வட இந்தியாவில் இருந்த நாகர்கள் தங்கள் தாய்மொழியான தமிழைக் கைவிட்டு, அதற்குப் பதிலாக சமஸ்கிருதத்தை ஏற்றுக்கொண்டனர். தென்னிந்தியாவில் இருந்த நாகர்கள் தமிழைத் தங்கள் தாய்மொழியாகத் தக்க வைத்துக் கொண்டனர், ஆரியர்களின் மொழியான சமஸ்கிருதத்தை ஏற்றுக்கொள்ளவில்லை.
If this difference is borne in mind it will help to explain why the name Dravida came to be applied only to the people of South India. The necessity for the application of the name Dravida to the Nagas of Northern India had ceased because they had ceased to speak the Dravida language.
But so far as the Nagas of South India are concerned not only the propriety of calling them Dravida had remained in view of their adherence to the Dravida language but the necessity of calling them Dravida had become very urgent in view of their being the only people speaking the Dravida language after the Nagas of North had ceased to use it.
This is the real reason why the people of South India have come to be called Dravidians. The special application of the word Dravida for the people of South India must not, therefore, obscure the fact that the Nagas and Dravidas are the one and the same people. They are only two different names for the same people.
Nagas was a racial or cultural name and Dravida was their linguistic name.
Thus the Dasas are the same as the Nagas and the Nagas are the same as the Dravidians. In other words what we can say about the races of India is that there have been at the most only two races in the field, the Aryans and the Nagas.
– Dr. B. R. Ambedkar
Source – The Untouchables: Who were they and why they Became Untouchables book by Dr Ambedkar
Dalit Man Murdered Over Ration Dispute In Madhya Pradesh, His Brother Injured
A 19-year-old Dalit youth died after he was allegedly shot during an altercation at a ration shop in Chhatarpur, Madhya Pradesh, while his brother received pellet injuries.
A 19-year-old Dalit youth died after he was allegedly shot during an altercation at a ration shop in Chhatarpur, Madhya Pradesh, while his brother received pellet injuries, police said on Monday.
Condemning the incident, Leader of the Opposition Rahul Gandhi alleged that 19-year-old Pankaj Prajapati was shot dead in broad daylight only because he is a Dalit who demanded his share of rights.
Taking to X, he alleged that 11 years of the Modi government have been full of humiliation, violence and discrimination against Dalits, tribals, backward classes, and minorities.
The incident occurred on Sunday in Bilhari village under the Naugaon police station area, about 25 km from the Chhatarpur district headquarters, police said.
According to police, a dispute broke out between Pankaj Prajapati and three others while buying goods from the fair price shop, during which one of them fired a gun.
"Pankaj Prajapati died on the way to Gwalior," said Naugaon Sub-Divisional Police Officer (SDPO) Amit Meshram.
He said a case has been registered against Praveen alias Kattu Pateria, Naveen Pateria, and salesman Ramsevak Arjaria under relevant sections of the Bharatiya Nyay Sanhita (BNS), the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, and the Arms Act.
Police raided the houses of the accused persons, however, they managed to flee. A police team has been formed to trace them.
Gandhi, meanwhile, alleged that no FIR was registered and postmortem was postponed because "the guilty leader is sitting in the lap of power and the power belongs to the Manuwadi and anti-Bahujan BJP".
"The 11 years of the Modi government have been full of humiliation, violence and discrimination against Dalits, tribals, backward and minorities. The conspiracy to institutionally make them second-class citizens and keep them away from the mainstream is continuing," he said.
Gandhi demanded that culprits be arrested immediately and given the harshest punishment.
"I stand with the Prajapati family and every Bahujan in the country. This is a fight for respect, justice and equality, and we will win this fight at all costs," he added.
(Except for the headline, this story has not been edited by NDTV staff and is published from a syndicated feed.)
FIR against BJP leader, kin of Ex-PM Chandrashekhar's son, for threatening Dalit scholar
The scholar at the Lucknow University alleged that BJP leader Alok Singh called him, abused him and threatened to kill him.
Published - June 10, 2025 12:47 pm IST - Ballia, Uttar Pradesh
Image for representation only. | Photo Credit: Getty Images/iStockphoto
A BJP leader closely associated with former prime minister Chandrashekhar's son Neeraj Shekhar has been booked for allegedly threatening a Dalit research scholar from Lucknow University, police said on Tuesday (June 10, 2025).
According to police, the FIR was lodged late Monday (June 9, 2025) night at Ubhaon Police Station on the complaint of Deepak Kannaujia, a native of Turtipar village.
Police said that in his complaint, Mr. Kannaujia, a scholar at the Lucknow University, alleged that BJP leader Alok Singh called him on May 21 and abused him and threatened to kill him.
"Record this conversation if you want. I am not afraid of the administration or the law and order in Uttar Pradesh," Alok Singh said, according to the complaint.
BJP's Bilthara Road area president Arun Kant Tiwari confirmed that Alok Singh is affiliated with the BJP and is a close relative of Neeraj Shekhar.
Mr. Kannaujia alleged that Alok Singh had a longstanding political enmity with his family.
He said his father, Kamlesh Kannaujia, died of a heart attack on October 31 last year due to the stress caused by repeated harassment. He said he was afraid Alok Singh might get his mother, who lives alone in the village, killed.
Superintendent of Police Omveer Singh told PTI on Tuesday that an audio clip related to the incident had recently gone viral on social media.
A preliminary inquiry was conducted by Rasra Circle Officer Alok Gupta, after which Alok Singh was booked under sections 352 (intentional insult) and 351(3) (criminal intimidation) of the BNS, and provisions of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act.
Published - June 10, 2025 12:47 pm IST
The Kilvenmani massacre: When 44 Dalits were burned alive in one of India’s earliest caste-based atrocities
In 1968, 44 Dalits were burned alive in Kilvenmani village in present-day Nagapattinam district in Tamil Nadu following a labourers’ movement demanding higher wages.
- Written by Nikita Mohta
During a field visit to Kilvenmani in 2020, a thirsty Deivendra Kumar A recalls asking an elderly woman for drinking water. Her response stayed with him. “Neenga enna aalunga, neenga enga kitta thanni kudippeegala? (What caste are you? Will you take water from us?)” the woman asked. The question struck Kumar, then a Master’s student at a nearby university, for multiple reasons, but mainly because this Tamil Nadu village was the site of one of independent India’s earliest and most severe instances of caste-based violence.
More than half a century after that fateful day in 1968 when 44 Dalits were burned alive in Kilvenmani, Kumar A realised that little had changed in the remote village in the agriculturally rich Nagapattinam (earlier part of Thanjavur) district on the east coast of Tamil Nadu.
In his 2023 article in the journal Economic and Political Weekly, titled ‘In Memory of a Charred Village’, Kumar A evokes powerful imagery of a hut which has been turned into a memorial. Adjacent to it is a new memorial called Manimandapam, with 44 carved pillars and raised fists representing the martyrs, he notes.
But what happened in 1968? Who were the 44 victims of caste-based violence? Why was caste discrimination still prevalent in a newly independent India? And what was the aftermath of the violence?
Thanjavur and its skewed land ownership
In the 1960s, landlord oppression was prevalent in Thanjavur. Among most districts in Tamil Nadu, Thanjavur had the most skewed land ownership trend at the time. A 1973 article in the Economic and Political Weekly, titled the ‘Gentlemen Killers of Kilvenmani’, notes that since 1961, 3.8 per cent of cultivating households in the district held more than 25.88 per cent of the cultivated area while 76 per cent held only 37 per cent of the area. Thanjavur reportedly had a high number of landless labourers: for every 10 cultivators, there were at least nine labourers. Among the landless, Harijans formed the bulk. “It was here that feudal serfdom had fully developed,” the article noted.
During the 1940s, the Communists became active in the village and associated themselves with the Dalits, as per the article. By the 1960s, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) had successfully mobilised them, most of them agricultural labourers in Kilvenmani, to demand higher wages and resist the oppression of the feudal, upper-caste landlords.
Author and academic Elisabeth B Armstrong, in her 2014 book Gender and Neoliberalism: The All India Democratic Women’s Association and Globalization Politics, highlights how women from Kilvenmani also joined the growing leftist women’s movement. Together, Dalit men and women challenged what she calls “established traditions of social oppression, labour exploitation, and sexual predation”.
However, in 1966, upper-caste landlords under the leadership of Gopala Krishna Naidu founded the Paddy Producers Association (PPA). Naidu was one of the most powerful landowners in the area and owned estates in Kilvenmani and several neighbouring villages. The PPA helped bring labourers from outside Kilvenmani, replacing local labourers who were demanding salaries above the minimum wage.
“The landlords’ pent up anger, frustration and inability to reconcile themselves to the Harijans’ new found identity found expression on December 25, 1968…,” notes the 1973 article.
What happened on December 25, 1968
On December 25, 1968, a landlord in Kilvenmani hired labour supplied by the PPA to punish local labourers, who had gone on strike multiple times demanding higher wages. The atmosphere was quite tense. Eyewitness accounts record that on the same evening, a tea-shop owner was kidnapped by the landlords and beaten up for refusing to advise the labourers to join the PPA. Enraged, the labourers forced the release of the man. In the conflict, an agent of one of the landlords was killed.
The mirasdars (large landowners), according to Armstrong, sought revenge. At 10 pm that night, the landlords and their men arrived in police lorries and surrounded the Dalit neighbourhood from three sides, cutting all escape routes, she says. “They shot at the Harijans with guns, attacked them with sickles and sticks and set fire to their huts. Several Harijans were hurt, two very seriously. Some women, children and old men ran and took refuge in one of the huts. The murderers immediately surrounded the hut, and set fire to it,” she cites.
The next morning, 44 bodies were recovered.
In her 1999 book Caste, Society and Politics in India from the Eighteenth Century to the Modern Age, UK historian Susan Bayly noted that all the Kilvenmani victims were rural labourers belonging to the Harijan community. In contrast, among the 200 attackers reportedly involved in the violence were some of the richest landowners of the area.
While mainstream media portrayed the incident as a wage dispute, according to Armstrong, locals suggested that the violence was fuelled by upper-caste anxiety over the growing militancy of the agricultural workers and their defiance of caste-based practices. “The suggestion that it was simply the wage issue…was meant to cover up the underlying cause of the agrarian trouble that had attracted even judicial notice,” noted the 1973 article.
In his 2017 book, Dalit Women: Vanguard of an Alternative Politics in India, scholar and writer Anand Teltumbde notes: “These atrocities were unleashed by collectives of the dominating castes on collectives of the Dalit in a celebratory mode, not as punishment for specific contraventions of the caste code…”
The aftermath of the tragedy
“The role of the left women’s movement was as critical in Kilvenmani,” notes Armstrong. Women’s committees in the Communist Party of India produced some powerful women leaders, as seen in the protests that followed the Kilvenmani massacre, she says.
“These same Dalit women active in the agricultural workers’ union of the Thanjuvar district created the backbone for the Tamil Nadu Democratic Women’s Association (DWA) when it formed in 1974,” says Armstrong. In the founding convention of the Tamil Nadu DWA in 1974, she further notes, Dalit women activists from Thanjavur constituted half of its membership of 27,000 women.
However, with the 25 accused in the murder case, including Naidu, being acquitted, the alleged role of the bureaucracy and local administration in refusing to act against the upper castes had become increasingly evident.
According to Teltumbde, the “extreme caste-class prejudices of India’s judges” had been apparent since the Kilvenmani massacre. According to the 1973 Economic and Political Weekly article, “The evidence did not enable Their Lordships to identify and punish the guilty”.
The ‘Gentlemen Killers of Kilvenmani’ article notes how the (Madras) High Court ruled that it was beneath the dignity of the landlords to stain their hands with the blood of the lowly; such an act, they reasoned, was inconsistent with their social standing. A man who owned “extensive lands,” and “a car,” the court opined, could not possibly be so insensitive. “In brief, gentlemen farmers will also be gentlemen killers,” the article reads.
Although relegated to the pages of history, the Kilvenmani massacre remains one of independent India’s first and harshest caste-based violence. The memorial at the village honours the lives lost and also stands as testimony to how justice was denied to the victims.
Ironically, not much has changed in Kilvenmani even today. “Kilvenmani is caught in a time capsule, where most of the villagers are landless,” Kumar A notes in his article.
Telangana cabinet expansion: A calculated push for social justice and electoral strategy
Tejashwi Slams Nitish for Silence on Reservation Issue, Seeks Inclusion in 9th Schedule
PATNA — RJD leader Tejashwi Yadav has launched an attack on Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, accusing him of ignoring a letter he has written regarding the inclusion of Bihar’s enhanced reservation quota in the 9th Schedule of the Constitution.
In a post on X on Monday, Tejashwi questioned the Chief Minister’s silence on the issue. “Did Nitish Kumar not respond to my letter because he doesn’t have an answer? Or is this his usual pattern? Or perhaps officials didn’t even bring it to his notice?” Yadav asked.
Yadav expressed concern over the delay in securing constitutional protection for the 65 per cent reservation quota for SC, ST, OBC, and EBC communities passed by the previous Grand Alliance government. Inclusion in the 9th Schedule would shield the quota from judicial scrutiny, he said.
“The parties that boast about social justice can’t even get the 65 per cent reservation cap included in the 9th Schedule. Is politics only about clinging to power?” Tejashwi remarked, targeting not only Nitish Kumar but also NDA allies and Union Ministers Chirag Paswan, Jitan Ram Manjhi, and Upendra Kushwaha.
He questioned the collective political will of these leaders, suggesting they have failed to persuade Prime Minister Narendra Modi to act on the issue. “If these so-called champions of social justice cannot convince the Prime Minister, then what credibility do they have left?”
Tejashwi went a step further, challenging Nitish Kumar to take legislative action. “If the Chief Minister cannot raise the issue before the Prime Minister and the Home Minister, then he should at least convene a one-day special session of the Bihar Assembly. Let the people see who stands for social justice.”
The reservation quota issue is fast emerging as a key political flashpoint ahead of the upcoming Bihar assembly elections. The Grand Alliance government had passed the bill increasing reservations to 65 per cent, but it remains legally vulnerable in the absence of its inclusion in the 9th Schedule. –IANS
Why Dr. B.R. Ambedkar Rejected Islam and Christianity Before Embracing Buddhism
Following Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s historic declaration to renounce Hinduism, religious leaders from across India eagerly approached him, each hoping that Ambedkar would embrace their faith. However, Babasaheb listened patiently to each of them, critically examining their arguments. He also undertook extensive research—reading books, letters, and studying the social dynamics of the time—to decide which religion he would adopt after leaving Hinduism.
While Ambedkar’s dissatisfaction with Hinduism’s caste system and its social injustices is widely known, the reasons he rejected Islam and Christianity are equally compelling and deserve closer examination.
Why Ambedkar Rejected Islam
In the early 1920s, Ambedkar had a relatively positive view of Islam. He believed the religion had the potential to embrace all, irrespective of caste or background. But by 1929, his perspective began to shift. The turning point came with the opposition Muslim leaders showed to the Sarda Bill—introduced by Arya Samaj member Har Bilas Sarda—which sought to fix the minimum age for marriage at 14 for girls and 18 for boys.
Muslim members of the Central Legislative Assembly strongly opposed the bill, arguing it was against Islamic tenets. Despite the bill becoming law as the Child Marriage Restraint Act of 1929, Muslim leaders launched a protest movement inspired by the broader Civil Disobedience Movement.
In a letter published in Janata on December 24, 1932, Ambedkar, writing from London, expressed how this incident was his first major shock regarding Muslim leaders’ attitude toward social reform. Later, during the Third Round Table Conference, he further observed their regressive stance.
Hindu conservatives had also approached Muslim leaders for support in opposing temple entry bills, and to Ambedkar’s dismay, many Muslim representatives responded positively. This, he noted, aligned them more with reactionary Hindu elements than with reformers like Turkey’s Kemal Pasha. As a result, Ambedkar advised Dalits to be extremely cautious about converting to Islam.
Ambedkar also experienced caste prejudice among Muslims firsthand. In his essay Waiting for a Visa, he recalled an incident that revealed, “A person who is an untouchable for a Hindu is also an untouchable for a Muslim.”
Why Ambedkar Rejected Christianity
Ambedkar acknowledged the contributions of Christian missionaries in the fields of education and healthcare and initially had a favorable view of Christianity. However, he ultimately refrained from recommending it to the Dalits for conversion.
His primary concern was that conversion to Christianity did not significantly change the social status of Dalits. "Though one may become a Christian, in the eyes of the average Hindu, he remains an untouchable," he wrote.
Caste-based discrimination remained entrenched among Indian Christians as well. Those from the "touchable" castes were usually the better-educated and occupied higher social positions, while Dalit Christians continued to face exclusion and marginalization—even within the Church. There was little sense of solidarity between upper-caste and Dalit Christians, and regional Christians often identified more closely with local Hindus than with Christians from other regions.
Moreover, Ambedkar noted that Indian Christians, being relatively small in number and dependent on missions for their basic needs, had limited influence in public life. This lack of political clout also made Christianity a less practical choice for social transformation.
A Thoughtful and Strategic Decision
By the early 1940s, Ambedkar was unwavering in his resolve to leave Hinduism. But none of the alternative religions appeared to meet all his criteria. His reasons for rejecting Hinduism were rooted in deeply felt experiences of oppression, but his choice of a new religion was guided by strategic and practical considerations.
He was committed to separating the Dalits from the Hindu fold, but not at the cost of losing political representation, such as legislative reservations. In a country becoming increasingly communalized, Ambedkar also worried about the societal consequences if a large section of Dalits converted to Islam. His determination to convert was firm, but he was also deliberate, choosing to take time before making a final decision.
Dalit Marathi writers such as Shankarrao Kharat and Vasant Moon later wrote in their autobiographies about how Ambedkar’s awareness campaigns had left a deep imprint on the Dalit psyche. This long-term impact culminated two decades later, when nearly 500,000 people embraced Buddhism alongside Ambedkar in Nagpur in 1956.
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Monks urge ban on ‘commercial programmes’ on Poson Day
Published
2 days agoon
A display featuring a seated Buddha during the Poson festival, an annual Buddhist festival marking the introduction of the religion to Sri Lanka. Street shows meant for profit-making and entertainment overshadow the sacred meaning of the festival, they say
Buddhist monks have urged the government to ban commercial entertainment programmes, which violate Buddhist principles, during an annual festival commemorating the arrival of Buddhism on the island nation in the Indian Ocean centuries ago, according ot a report published by UCAN.
The monks said street dancing, folk performances, musical shows, comic acts, devil dances and haunted house exhibitions contradict Buddhist values. They lack religious significance and overshadow the sacred meaning of Poson Day.
The festival is celebrated on the full moon day of Poson — the seventh month in the Sinhalese calendar — which falls on June 10 this year. It marks the historic event in the 3rd century BC when Buddhist missionary monk Mahinda met King Devanampiyatissa at Mihintale, near Anuradhapura, and delivered his first sermon.
“We urge [the government] that this sacred day be recognised as one of the most important for Sri Lankan Buddhists,” said Ven. Thumbulle Seelakkanda Thera, Chairman of the All Ceylon Shasanarakshaka Bala Mandalaya, who addressed a press conference, with fellow monks, in Colombo, on June 4.
The monks sought a ban on street entertainment programmes and also appealed to people against organising them during Poson Week, celebrated in towns and villages across the country.
“Such activities should not take place. It is deeply regrettable if they do,” the chief monk added.
The monks said the event is meant for spiritual reflection, compassion, and moral discipline.
Traditionally, the Buddhist faithful observe sil (stressing moral conduct or virtue), visit temples, meditate, listen to sermons, offer alms, organise free food and flower stalls, light lanterns, and join pilgrimages, honouring the arrival of Buddhism with devotion and reflection. Many lay groups are also worried that sacred observances are being overshadowed by loud, secular performances and events.
Nileesha Chulani, a member of a Buddhist lay group and Sunday school teacher, said in the initial years, public displays depicting hell were meant to illustrate the consequences of sin, often incorporating artistic elements and offering some form of religious instruction.
“Today, these displays have turned commercial, driven by profits rather than spiritual purpose,” the 32-year-old Chulani told UCA News.
R.M.P. Rathnayake, the Commissioner for Buddhist affairs, said the events are granted permission as per the rules provided in government circulars. The organisers need approval from the police for the use of loudspeakers, etc., and pay entertainment tax.
“The use of Buddhist flags, particularly at free food stalls, has now been prohibited,” he said.
More than 70 percent of Sri Lanka’s 22 million people are followers of Buddhism.
For the past two years, the festivities were funded by the people as Buddhist monks turned down the Sri Lankan government’s offer for financial support, as the nation was passing through a severe foreign exchange crisis.
The monks walked the streets to collect funds for illuminating and providing facilities for the two million visitors at the Mihintale Rajamaha Viharaya, a historic landmark in the Buddhist-majority nation.
This year, the National Poson Festival will be state-sponsored, which the monks said is a relief for them.The festival is second only in importance to Vesak, which commemorates the birth, enlightenment, and passing of Buddha, who founded the contemplative religion of Buddhism in India.
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Let us unite in advancing a positive social transformation, based on the cultural heritage inherited through the teachings of the Buddha – President
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8 hours agoon
2025/06/10
President Anura Kumara Disanayake emphasized that the transformation which took place in Sri Lankan society with the introduction of Buddhism laid the foundation for a disciplined and culturally sophisticated nation.
The President expressed these views while participating in the National Poson Festival held today (10) at the sacred Mihintale temple grounds, organized under the theme “May the world be enlightened by the teachings of the Buddha.”
Highlighting that the arrival of Arahant Mahinda Thero marked a civilizational turning point, President Disanayake questioned how the Poson Festival could be meaningfully celebrated without remembering Mihintale and its profound significance.
The President highlighted that the spiritual and cultural heritage linked to Mihintale must be preserved and passed on to future generations, a responsibility the State must not ignore.
The President explained that only citizens who are spiritually and culturally grounded who remain connected to the earth and their heritage could truly uphold this responsibility, not those disconnected from reality. He said the government has already initiated a programme to restore and redevelop the ancient city of Anuradhapura in a manner that reinstates its former glory.
The President stated that the foundation for our country becoming a centre of Theravada Buddhist philosophy and tradition was established with the arrival of Anubudu Mihindu Thero in Sri Lanka. This remarkable event, which sparked spiritual enlightenment alongside social transformation, went beyond mere religious significance and enabled the development of more advanced frameworks across all aspects of our nation including cultural, social and political spheres.
President Anura Kumara Disanayake emphasized that the paramount responsibility lies in re-establishing that society on Sri Lankan soil and building a modern, cultured state for the country one that embraces new ethical, social and environmental principles and that this duty must be unwaveringly fulfilled.
The President stated that the government is undertaking the task of reconstructing Anuradhapura, the site of Sri Lanka’s first city, first reservoir, first surgical operation and the great irrigation canals like Yodha Ela, in a manner that restores its ancient heritage.
The President further noted that the Prime Minister of India has already expressed willingness to support this reconstruction initiative under Indian assistance.
Expressing further views on the occasion, President Anura Kumara Disanayake stated:
“Any nation needs a strong foundation to rise. For the Sri Lankan people, that strong foundation has been provided through the philosophy of the Buddha. In a society devoid of education, we cannot expect empowered citizens. More than two thousand years ago, it was Buddhism that introduced a transformative change in education to this country. By transforming temples into centres of learning “Pirivenas” Buddhism played a vital role in imparting not only spiritual guidance but also knowledge to the people. It paved the way for a well-disciplined and cultured social structure. For this immense contribution, the great monastic leaders who served this country throughout its 2,500-year history deserve the nation’s utmost respect and gratitude.
However, today that social structure has collapsed. Some members of the police have reached a point where they protect criminals. Certain officers at the Department of Immigration and Emigration are issuing travel documents illegally. Underworld figures have been granted passports. Some officials at the Department of Prisons have unlawfully released inmates. Even within the Department of Motor Traffic, some officers are engaged in illegal activities. Citizens do not view these institutions with confidence or peace of mind. Therefore, a well-disciplined civic programme must be established to foster a sense of civic responsibility among the people. The Buddhist philosophy can provide essential guidance in this regard.
As a disciplined nation, we are committed to restoring the integrity of these state institutions. We will not abandon this task, but to succeed, we need the cooperation of the general public. We must bring an end to this era of decline and lead the nation towards a victorious, spiritually and materially prosperous way of life. The people must unite to fulfil this vital responsibility”.
For the past two years, the National Poson Festival could not be held with state patronage. However, expressing gratitude for the firm decision taken to once again hold the National Poson Festival in Mihintale, the Chief Incumbent of the Mihintale Rajamaha Viharaya, Most Venerable Dr. Walawahengunawawe Dhammarathana Thero, extended his sincere thanks to the President during the ceremony.
The official welcome and the clarification of purpose were delivered by the Viharadikari of Mihintale, Venerable Surukkulame Indrarathana Thero.
Those in attendance at the event included the Chief Incumbent of Mihintale Rajamaha Viharaya, Venerable Dr. Walawahengunawawe Dhammarathana Thero, Minister of Buddhasasana, Religious and Cultural Affairs, Hiniduma Sunil Senevi, Minister Wasantha Samarasinghe, Deputy Minister of Religious and Cultural Affairs Gamagedara Dissanayake , Deputy Minister Susil Ranasinghe, Members of Parliament Sena Nanayakkara, Thilina Tharuka Samarakoon, Bhagya Sri Herath and Anuradhapura District Secretary Ranjith Wimalasuriya, along with a large number of participants.
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