22.07.2025.UT Daily morning NewS.(A collection of SC.ST.Buddhist,Adivasi,reservation,atrocity, news of India.by Team Sivaji.9444917060.asivaji1962@gmail.com.follow us in whatsappchannel.
- Power allows individuals or groups to shape policies, programs, and initiatives that affect the community. This could involve advocating for specific changes, lobbying decision-makers, or even directly participating in the decision-making process.
- Control over resources:Power can also involve control over resources like funding, infrastructure, or information. Those with power can allocate resources to certain areas or groups, potentially creating inequalities or favoring specific interests.
- Shaping community norms:Power can extend to influencing the values, beliefs, and behaviors within a community. This can be through cultural influence, social norms, or even by setting examples that others follow.
- Sources of power:Power can stem from various sources, including:
- Formal authority: Positions of authority like elected officials or appointed leaders.
- Social influence: Respect, charisma, or the ability to mobilize support.
- Economic resources: Control over wealth, property, or businesses.
- Knowledge and expertise: Possessing specialized knowledge or skills that are valuable to the community.
- Organized groups: Community organizations, advocacy groups, or political parties.
- Community power vs. individual power:While individual power can contribute to community power, it's important to distinguish between the two.
- Community power is about the collective capacity to influence the community, while individual power is about the influence a single person has.
Vaishali museum with relic casket of Lord Buddha to be inaugurated by month-end
Ambedkar’s Concept of Social Justice and its Relevance to the Schedule Tribes in India.
Mathiupuang Gonmei
Researcher & Social Worker
Introduction
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, one of the foremost social reformers and the principal architect of the Indian Constitution, developed a deeply transformative vision of social justice rooted in equality, liberty, and fraternity. While his advocacy is often primarily associated with the upliftment of Dalits (Scheduled Castes), his philosophy has significant relevance for Scheduled Tribes (STs) as well. Both groups have historically faced systemic discrimination, exclusion, and marginalization. This article will explore Dr. Ambedkar's concept of social justice and examines its contemporary relevance to the conditions and aspirations of India's Scheduled Tribes.
The Scheduled Tribes (STs) in India are indigenous communities recognized in the Indian Constitution as historically disadvantaged and marginalized groups of people. They are listed in a schedule (list) under Article 342 of the Constitution, hence the term "Scheduled Tribes." The word "Scheduled" in Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) comes from the fact that these communities are officially listed in a “schedule” (i.e., an appendix or list) of the Indian Constitution.
Reasons for using the word, “Schedule” in the context of Scheduled Cates and Schedule Tribes in India:
(1) Legal Listing in the Constitution.
When India was drafting its Constitution, the framers wanted to identify and protect socially and educationally disadvantaged communities, particularly those who had suffered centuries of discrimination or marginalization. So, they included official lists of such communities in Schedules (annexes) of the Constitution. These communities are “Scheduled” — meaning, listed in a schedule.
(2) Relevant Constitutional Provisions
Scheduled Castes are defined under Article 341 and Scheduled Tribes are defined under Article 342. Both articles empower the President of India (in consultation with Governors for states) to specify which castes or tribes shall be deemed SCs or STs for a particular State or Union Territory, through a notification.
(3) Why use a Schedule?
A “schedule” is a common legal term for an official appendix or list attached to a legal document or law. The Indian Constitution includes multiple such schedules for organizing lists, like the Union and State Lists, languages, and recognized communities. So, Scheduled Castes and Schedule Tribes are simply those castes and tribes that are included in these official constitutional schedule lists.
The schedule tribes often live in remote, forested, or hilly areas and have distinct cultures, languages, customs, and social practices. They are the indigenous communities in areas where they live except for some very few tribes. In many cases, some other advance communities use to dominate them in social, economic and political spheres.
Some of the key features of Scheduled Tribes are given below:
(1) Constitutional Recognition.
According to Article 366 (25) “Scheduled Tribes” means such tribes or tribal communities or parts of or groups within such tribes or tribal communities as are deemed under Article 342 to be Scheduled Tribes for the purpose of the Constitution of India. Article 342 allows the President of India to specify tribes as Scheduled Tribes in a State or Union Territory.
(2) Criteria for Recognition. Though there is no fixed constitutional definition, but some common characteristics of schedule tribes include:
(i) Geographical isolation
(ii) Distinct culture, language, or religion
(iii) Primitive traits or livelihood
(iv) Social and economic backwardness
(v) Low literacy rate
(vi) Shyness of contact with the mainstream societies
(3) Examples of Major Scheduled Tribes.
The major Scheduled Tribes of India are Gond, Bhil, Santhal, Oraon, Munda, Meena, Bodo, Khasi, Naga, and Mizo, among others.
(4) Legal and Policy Protections.
(i) Reservations in education, jobs, and legislatures.
(ii) Protective laws like the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989.
(iii) Developmental programs under Tribal Sub-Plan (TSP).
(iv) Creation of Ministry of Tribal Affairs for focused policy implementation.
(5) Population.
As per the 2011 Census, Schedule Tribes constitute about 8.6% of India’s population, spread unevenly across the country, with high concentrations in states like Madhya Pradesh, Odisha, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, and the North-Eastern states of India.
Ambedkar’s Concept of Social Justice.
Ambedkar’s idea of social justice went beyond formal legal equality and called for a radical restructuring of social relations based on the following:
1. Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity Ambedkar believed that the above three pillars were essential for true democracy. Without these three key pillars, political democracy would be hollowed.
2. Annihilation of Caste Ambedkar saw the caste system as a primary obstacle to social justice. He called for its total eradication, not just reform. While caste oppression primarily affected Dalits, tribal communities too suffered from social exclusion, land alienation, and economic marginalization.
3. State Intervention and Affirmative Action Ambedkar emphasized the proactive role of the state in ensuring justice for the oppressed communities through reservations, legal safeguards, and welfare measures.
4. Economic Justice
He advocated for land reforms, redistribution of resources, and access to education and employment to create a level playing field.
5. Cultural respect and dignity
Ambedkar expounded cultural respect and dignity for all communities Scheduled Tribes: Historical and Contemporary Challenges.
Scheduled Tribes in India, recognized under Article 342 of the Constitution, comprise around 8.6% of the population. Despite constitutional protections, they face enduring challenges on the following areas:
(i) Land alienation and displacement, especially due to mining, dam projects, and industrialization.
(ii) Lack of access to quality education and healthcare.
(iii) Cultural marginalization and erosion of traditional knowledge systems.
(iv) Underrepresentation in decision-making bodies.
(v) Increased vulnerability to violence, particularly in resource-rich tribal areas.
(vi) Caste system did not structure tribal society in the same way as with the Scheduled Castes; however, tribal communities have suffered from social neglect and economic deprivation.
Relevance of Ambedkar’s Vision for Scheduled Tribes
1. Constitutional Safeguards and Reservations Ambedkar played a crucial role in incorporating reservations for Schedule Tribes in education, jobs, and legislatures. This remains a cornerstone of tribal empowerment today.
2. Legal Protection Ambedkar’s advocacy led to the establishment of legal mechanisms to protect the rights of marginalized groups, such as:
(i) The Fifth and Sixth Schedules for tribal administration.
(ii) Later laws like the Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996
and the Forest Rights Act, 2006 reflect the spirit of Ambedkar’s justice- oriented approach.
3. Democratization of Governance Ambedkar’s stress on political representation has enabled greater tribal participation in governance through Panchayati Raj Institutions, particularly in Scheduled Areas.
4. Recognition of Identity and Dignity Ambedkar’s emphasis on dignity and social recognition applies powerfully to tribes, whose distinct cultures and identities are often marginalized.
5. Education as a Tool of Liberation Ambedkar famously said, “Educate, Agitate, Organize.” This mantra is vital for tribal empowerment, given their historically low literacy rates and limited access to quality education.
Challenges in Realizing Ambedkar’s Vision for Scheduled Tribes
Despite the constitutional provisions for the welfare and safeguards of schedule tribes, these communities continue to face inequalities in many areas. Many of them are still finding it very hard to overcome from the centuries-old social and political discrimination they have been enduring. Major challengers remain on the following major areas:
(i) Implementation Deficits: Many protective laws exist only on paper.
(ii) Continued Land Displacement: Development projects often override tribal rights.
(iii) Cultural Erosion: Developmental policies rarely incorporate indigenous knowledge systems.
(iv) Violence and Exploitation: Schedule Tribes are disproportionately affected by police violence and human rights abuses in many cases.
Case Study: Ambedkar’s Concept of Social Justice and its Ramification for the North East People
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s concept of social justice, anchored in liberty, equality, fraternity, and dignity, has served as a blueprint for inclusive nation-building. While his primary focus was on the caste-based oppression of Dalits, the broader philosophical and constitutional framework he advocated also has deep relevance for other marginalized groups — particularly the indigenous and tribal communities of North East India. The North East, with its diverse ethnic groups and tribal communities, has historically experienced political exclusion, economic neglect, cultural marginalization, and underrepresentation in the Indian mainstream. This case study examines how Ambedkar’s vision of social justice informs and impacts the lives, rights, and governance of the people in this region.
The North East Context: Challenges and Specificities
The North East is home to a large population of Scheduled Tribes and distinct ethnic nationalities, including Nagas, Mizos, Khasis, Bodos, and others, numbering more than 200 tribes. Despite being constitutionally recognized, these communities face unique challenges:
1. Historical Isolation: British colonial policies and post-independence integration left many of these ethnic groups feeling alienated.
2. Ethnic Marginalization: Cultural practices and identities often clash with dominant national narratives.
3. Armed Conflicts and Insurgency: Prolonged militarization, especially under the AFSPA (Armed Forces Special Powers Act), 1958 has led to human rights violations.
4. Underdevelopment: Poor infrastructure, limited education access and unemployment are rampant.
5. Land and Resource Exploitation: Traditional land systems are often bypassed in the name of development.
Ambedkar’s Concept of Social Justice and the Legal Safeguards for Schedule Tribes including large section of North East people.
1. Constitutional Safeguards and Political Representation
Ambedkar ensured special provisions for tribal regions through:
(i) Reservation of seats in Parliament and State Assemblies for Schedule Tribes.
(ii) Sixth Schedule (Articles 244(2) and 275(1)): Autonomous District and Regional Councils in Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura, and Mizoram.
(iii) Fifth Schedule for other tribal areas.
Impact: The Sixth Schedule has empowered tribal communities with self-governance and
cultural autonomy, a practical embodiment of Ambedkar’s idea of political justice.
2. Protection of Customary Laws and Land Rights
Ambedkar’s recognition of tribal distinctiveness is visible in provisions allowing:
(i) Tribal communities to maintain their customary laws.
(ii) Protection against land alienation.
Impact: North Eastern tribes enjoy legal protection of traditional land holdings — a core issue in tribal identity and economic justice.
3. Education and Empowerment
Ambedkar emphasized education as the foundation of social change. Today, various affirmative policies, such as ST quotas in higher education and scholarships, etc. reflect this principle. However, literacy rates in some parts of the North East remain low, and especially access to higher education & quality institutions are uneven, especially in remote areas.
4. Challenges to Fraternity and National Integration
Ambedkar warned that fraternity must not come at the cost of cultural homogenization. The North East continues to struggle with identity politics, ethnic tensions, and a perceived lack of inclusion in the national discourse.
Relevance: Ambedkar’s concept of unity in diversity provides a guiding framework for addressing alienation through respect for pluralism.
5. Legal Frameworks and State Intervention
Ambedkar believed that law should be an instrument of justice. While laws like the AFSPA contradict his vision of civil liberty, legislations like the Forest Rights Act and PESA (though not extended to the Sixth Schedule areas) align with his ideals.
Conflict: Continued use of AFSPA in the North East undermines Ambedkar’s call for state accountability and human dignity.
Conclusion
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s philosophy of social justice, though shaped in the context of caste, offers a robust framework for understanding and addressing the injustices faced by India’s Scheduled Tribes. His insistence on structural change, state responsibility and human dignity is deeply relevant in today’s context, where tribal communities continue to struggle for their rights over land, livelihood, and identity. Realizing Ambedkar’s vision requires political will, grassroots mobilization and policy innovation that place tribal voices at the centre of development and justice in India. Therefore, to truly fulfil Ambedkar’s ideals, India must address the following issues in more seriousness:
(1) Strengthen the implementation of constitutional safeguards.
(2) Re-assess laws like AFSPA in light of human rights.
(3) Promote inclusive development that respects tribal identity.
(4) Foster national integration through cultural pluralism, not uniformity.
(5) In the name of development the land and resources of the scheduled tribes should not be compromised.
(6) Decentralize democracy and protect indigenous identity.
(7) More tribal women should be politically empowered, etc.
Even though, Dr. Ambedkar’s vision of social justice was born in the context of caste oppression, it is also profoundly applicable to the schedule tribes all over the country including the ethnic and tribal complexities of North East India. His commitment to constitutional protections, affirmative action, self-governance, and human dignity finds strong resonance in the aspirations of North Eastern communities for equality, autonomy, and recognition. Thus, the concept of social justice propounded by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar has an overwhelming relevance to the Scheduled Tribes in contemporary India.
References:
• Ambedkar, Dr. B.R., The Annihilation of Cast, India, 15th May, 1936 (First Edition).
• Bakshi, P.M., The Constitution of India, 14th Edition, Universal Law Publishing, Gurgoan, 2017.
• Basu, Durga Das Introduction to the Constitution of India, 27th Edition, LexisNexis, Gurgoan, 2024.
• Xaxa, Virginius, State, Society, and Tribes: Issues in Post-Colonial India, Pearson, New Delhi, 26th May, 2008.
• Baruah, Sanjib, India Against Itself: Assam and the Politics of Nationality, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1999.
• Reports from the Ministry of Tribal Affairs (The Year End Review 2024 highlights MoTA’s key achievements during 2014–15 to 2022–23).
• North Eastern Council Reports (NEC publishes Monthly Achievement Reports).
• PESA Act, 1996; Forest Rights Act, 2006.
• Bezbaruah Committee Report of 11th July, 2014.
The writer can be contacted @: pmgonmei@gmail.com
Dozen Injured In Clash After Dalits Stopped From Worshipping In Temple In MP’s Morena
One woman had her arm broken and several suffered from head injuries
Morena (Madhya Pradesh): Over a dozen were injured in a clash after Dalits were prevented from worshipping at a temple in a village in Morena district on Monday.
Soon, dispute escalated and both groups attacked each other with sticks and other weapons. One woman had her arm broken and several suffered from head injuries.
Police said that Shivhare family, who built the temple, claims ownership. Tension had been brewing in the village for the past two months as members of the Prajapati community (Dalits) had started worshipping at the temple.
Dalit women reclaiming Punjab’s farmlands. ‘We are born on this land, have a right to it’
In village after village in the Malwa region, Dalit women have won the right to farm common land. They are now protesting and courting arrest to demand a new casteless settlement: Begumpura.
Sangrur: Jasveer Kaur arrives on a shiny blue tractor and climbs down, her torn chappals sinking into the tilled soil. With glittering eyes and a faint smile, she surveys the newly planted paddy crop. “This land is ours,” she said proudly.
It took Kaur several years of struggle to reach this moment. The seven acres of land in Sangrur’s Herike village aren’t in her name, but she fought and won the right to farm it. In village after village in the Malwa region, Dalit women like her are demanding what was long denied.
They have already leveraged a 1961 law and turned it into a rallying cry for land, dignity, and ownership. The fire of hakk, or rights, is burning in their bellies. Now, Jasveer and hundreds of other women are part of a fresh agitation to claim 927 acres of unused estate land in Bir Aishwan village. They are marching, protesting, and courting arrest to demand a new settlement: Begumpura, a casteless village imagined by poet-saint Ravidas.
“The Constitution of India has given us the right to own land, then why are we not given land just because we are from a lower caste?” said 41-year-old Jasveer. “We are born on this land and we have every right to have a piece of it.”
Mustard fields, the Green Revolution, and, more recently, the farmers’ protests are the stories most associated with farming in Punjab. But beneath this image is a fraught history of caste discrimination. Dominant castes—primarily Jat Sikhs, along with Kamboj and Saini Sikhs—have sway over most of the farmland. Dalits, who make up about 32 per cent of Punjab’s population, own just 3.5 per cent of the state’s land. Most work as daily-wage labourers through heat waves and biting cold for around Rs 300 a day, planting and harvesting crops they have no claim on.
But then, the Dalits in rural Punjab started fighting back. Their first weapon was a law that Punjab had passed in 1961. Under the Punjab Village Common Lands (Regulation) Act, one-third of village common land—known as panchayat land or shamlat deh— to be allotted to Scheduled Castes or Dalits for agricultural use. On paper, it gave Dalits the right to lease and farm these plots through panchayat auctions. In practice, the land stayed in the hands of dominant castes through dummy bidders and threats.
The first major pushback came in 2008, when Dalit labourers in Benra village, Sangrur, took over panchayat land. In 2014, the Zameen Prapti Sangharsh Committee (ZPSC) began organising across the region, turning scattered protests into a coordinated campaign.
Dalit women emerged as the heroes of this uprising. In their chappals and salwar-kameez, they stood on the roads, held up placards, and demanded their land. They faced off against Jats and other Chaudhrys (landlords) and braved arrests and beatings. The fierce battle spread like wildfire across the state.
We women did not tell our husbands about the abuse we faced every day on the paddy fields because we feared we would not be allowed to work. Today we are here fighting for land
In the Malwa region alone, Dalit families are now cultivating around 4,000 acres of land, according to the ZPSC. And now, many like Jasveer are demanding more. They are fighting for be-chirag (heirless) land to be redistributed to landless Dalits.
The grit of Punjab’s Dalit women comes from years of daily indignities and casteist slurs on farms where they laboured or collected fodder. Today, they know they don’t have to tolerate it.
“Dalit women have faced exploitation in the fields. They reared cattle and gathered fodder from the lands of the dominant caste,” said Ronki Ram, political science professor at Panjab University. “They did not want to depend on others’ land anymore and be subjected to everyday exploitation.”
From a ‘nightmare’ to victory
Until four years ago, Jasveer Kaur was just another woman in Herike village—feeding cattle, collecting fodder, raising her children, and working on a landlord’s fields. Her husband sold food from a thela, and the family scraped by on her daily earnings of Rs 300 from farm labour and selling milk. Men in the gurdwara called her “Churu Chamar”. Now she says they worry that Dalits like her might soon be called something else: landowners.
On a pleasant July morning, the monsoon breeze brushed Jasveer’s hip-length hair as she briskly combed it. She was getting ready for a day in the fields. On such days, she likes to plait her hair. She gulped down three rotis with aloo ki sabzi and drank a glass of chilled water. Then she picked up her bright red dupatta and rushed to feed her three buffaloes—the mother, the father, and their newborn daughter.
“Till three years ago, I was working at the farmland of the Chaudhrys. I used to collect the grass to feed the cattle from their field,” she said, as she scattered bhusa (fodder) for the animals.
In many villages here, Dalit families rely on a mix of cattle rearing and daily-wage labour. Selling milk brings in some income, but fodder is always a challenge. For years, women like Jasveer gathered grass from the dominant caste’s fields and were regularly insulted for it.
“It was a nightmare. It was usual for them to use abuse targeting our mothers and forefathers,” she recalled.
Jasveer’s transformation began when members of the Zameen Prapti Sangharsh Committee came to Herike in 2021. She had never heard of the 1961 land law before. For the first time, someone told her she had a right to the soil beneath her feet. That same year, she and 14 other Dalit families in the village raised their voices during a panchayat land auction. They sat on dharnas and refused to work on the fields. After two years of pressure, the gram panchayat relented. In 2023, the land was formally leased to them.
We work on your land, we take your harvest to the mandis, we take care of the crop, water them, protect them, and the Chaudhrys and Jats think we are untouchables
Dalit women, unlike many of their upper-caste counterparts, have always worked outside the home and thus have fewer inhibitions about public confrontations, according to Ranjit Singh Ghuman, economist and retired professor of Punjabi University, Patiala.
“The SC women were already working in the field alongside the men. They were also working in MNREGA,” he added.
Today, Jasveer and the others farm the land as a collective. They started by planting grass for their cattle. This season, the fields are full of paddy. She earns around Rs 7,000 to 10,000 a month, and is expecting a profit this year. Her family lives in a two-room house built on panchayat land allotted for housing. When she first came here as a bride, the house would flood each monsoon. Now, it’s been rebuilt with bricks and freshly painted.
“We don’t own this land—it was given to us to build a house,” said Jasveer. “If we have a steady income from the farmland, we’ll renovate the house properly.” She’s ensuring a life of upward mobility for her children, with two sons in college and a daughter studying for her PhD.
Jasveer starts the scooty she bought two years ago. The paddy fields are a few kilometres away, past the Dalit households at the edge of the village.
After a ride down the narrow bund between two fields, she parks her scooty under a tree where a few men from the collective are waiting.
“I love challenges, and I have never stopped myself from taking them on,” said Jasveer with a bright smile.
A fight over land and caste
When the announcement for the panchayat land auction went out over the village loudspeaker in 2021, Jasveer Kaur didn’t ignore it like she usually did. This time, she made her way to the village square, where government and panchayat officials were in attendance. It was her first time there. A local Chaudhry spotted her and scoffed.
“How can you ask for property? You don’t even have money for the bid,” she recalled him saying.
But even after the Dalit residents were given the lease, slurs like chhoti jaat are still used openly in Herike. The unfairness of it all rankles Jasveer.
“We work on your land, we take your harvest to the mandis, we take care of the crop, water them, protect them, and the Chaudhrys and Jats think we are untouchables,” said Jasveer, as she grabbed the tractor keys from a male counterpart.
That anger over caste structures began slowly coalescing into a movement in Punjab’s Malwa region decades ago. Large tracts of land here had once belonged to princely estates like Patiala and Malerkotla. After Independence, some of it was handed to landlords, while the rest was vested in panchayats as common land. But dominant castes found ways to usurp it, often by planting proxy Dalit bidders.
Women became an important part of the movement and stood at the forefront. Even today, from organising protests to leading marches, women are standing in the fight. They get beaten by police lathis, yet they never get deterred
-Mukesh Malod, ZPSC leader
Left organisations tried to mobilise Dalits in the late 2000s, but it was only in 2014 that the campaign truly took shape. That year, grassroots activists formed the Zameen Prapti Sangharsh Committee (ZPSC), which began encouraging Dalit families to bid collectively. Without rival bidders, lease rates remained affordable, and the land was farmed cooperatively.
Since then, the movement has reached thousands of villages, according to the ZPSC, with women taking up the cause in a big way.
Raj Kaur, from Badrukhan village in Sangrur, was one of the first women to join. She and four others attended a ZPSC gathering, and something clicked.
“Looking at us, 15 more women came with us. Today, we have around 50 families from the village with us,” said Raj Kaur, adding she now earns enough to support her family.
Dalit women farmers’ movement
But the assertion of land and caste rights has met stiff resistance, not just from Jats but also the state machinery.
In June 2014, Dalits in Balad Kalan tried to stop dominant caste villagers from cornering land in an auction. The police lathi-charged the protesters and arrested 41 people, jailing them for nearly two months. At the same time, Jat Sikh villagers attacked Dalit homes and allegedly even beat and molested women.
In response, activists led rallies and street meetings. They went to Dalit homes and made loudspeaker announcements about the common lands law. There were protests in other parts of Punjab as well. Ultimately, the panchayat relinquished control of 121 acres of land to 143 Dalit families.
This spurred agitations in other villages, but clashes continued to flare up. In October 2016, several Dalits from Sangrur’s Jalur village were injured after they were attacked by a group of landlords while returning from a dharna to demand a lease on 6 acres of common land. A month later, one of the women, 70-year-old Gurdev Kaur, succumbed to her injuries. The ZPSC called her the “first martyr” of their uprising.
“Around 35-40 people were injured in the protest that happened in Jalur village,” said ZPSC leader Mukesh Malod. “Women became an important part of the movement and stood at the forefront. Even today, from organising protests to leading marches, women are standing in the fight. They get beaten by police lathis, yet they never get deterred.”
But there are also fissures within the Dalit community.
Dalits vs Dalits
Under a tree in Patiala’s Mandour village, about 20 Dalit women are sitting on a round-the-clock protest. They’re demanding their share of 39 acres of panchayat land, which they say was snatched from them through a dummy auction.
In Punjab, Dalit unity isn’t a given. The Scheduled Castes are internally fragmented, with rival groups often split by caste subgroups, political affiliations, and survival strategies. Political scientist Ram has described this as “caste within caste”, where parties like the Congress and Akali Dal have historically courted different Dalit subsets, weakening collective mobilisation.
That division is playing out in Mandour. Last year, Sukhvinder Kaur and Satpal Singh, both Dalits, jointly farmed 39 acres of common land. But this year, they’re standing on opposite sides.
Sukhvinder is now accusing Satpal of working in cahoots with the panchayat head Harpreet.
The upper caste has created a rift between Dalit brothers
-Sukhvinder Kaur, Mandaur village
Matters came to a head during the annual auction on 9 June, when the land was awarded to Satpal and about 50 families associated with him. Sukhvinder and 250 other families were declared defaulters from the previous season. It was later decided that 13 acres would go to Sukhvinder’s side, but she says they will only settle for equal distribution of land.
“There are high chances the land will be given to some thekedar for farming and Satpal won’t use it. This is what used to happen in proxy auctions,” said an irate Sukhvinder. “The upper caste has created a rift between Dalit brothers.”
Harpreet, however, denied that any wrongdoing had taken place or that a rift had been strategically created between Dalit groups.
“If they had the money, why didn’t they pay on auction day?” asked Harpreet. “These people are disturbing the peace of the village. If they default today, tomorrow those from the general category will also stop paying on time. That will affect the finances of the village.”
But paying upfront isn’t always easy for Dalit families. Most depend on daily wages or cattle rearing. They rarely have the money needed for leases, fuel, or seeds, let alone technology at par with their more privileged neighbours.
The culture of discrimination has also been hard to shake.
“We got the land, but the abuse did not stop,” sighed Jasveer Kaur. Her feet deep in the water of the paddy field, she starts cutting the grass that has grown on the embankment for her cattle.
She has to be careful. The bund or embankment isn’t clearly owned, so it’s treated like a battleground for petty power plays.
“The Jats and Chaudhrys spray pesticide on the grass grown on the bund so that we do not cut it,” she said.
Jasveer quickly wraps up her work and changes into a crisp white kurta with a green dupatta. She’s headed to an event in Sangrur city, part of the ongoing agitation over Begumpura—a cause that landed her in jail for a week in May.
Demand for a ‘village with no sorrow’
The fight for panchayat land is morphing into something bigger. This time, the demand is not just for farmland but for a more secure future. Protesters want to build a new settlement, Begampura, on 927 acres of unused estate land in Bir Aishwan village near Sangrur.
The property belonged to the titular king of Jind who died without an heir in 2023. This time, the ZPSC is invoking the Punjab Land Reform Act, 1972, which caps ownership at 17.5 acres.
On 28 February, thousands of men and women marched to the village. They beat drums, danced, lit chirags, and symbolically took over the be-chirag (heirless) land, demanding that it be converted to public land and redistributed to landless Dalits. Once again, this was not just about land but about caste assertion. They chanted Kanshi Ram’s slogan, “Jo zameen sarkari hai, wo zameen hamari hai” (The land that belongs to the state belongs to the Bahujans) and spoke of building Begumpura, the ‘land without sorrow’ imagined by Ravidas and enshrined in the Guru Granth Sahib.
And it’s not just Bir Aishwan. The ZPSC has reportedly identified 153 other villages across Punjab with large tracts of be-chirag land that they say should be redistributed.
But much like the panchayat land struggle, this too has triggered a crackdown.
During a march to Bir Aishwan on 20 May, at least 200 men and women—including Jasveer— were placed in preventive detention. A few days later, many started a hunger strike from jail and claiming inhumane treatment.
Sandeep Rishiji, deputy commissioner of Sangrur, told ThePrint that more than 650 acres of the land in question are classified as protected forest.
“The rest is disputed,” he said. “I’ve told the organisation [ZPSC] that they cannot claim the land like this. If they want it, they should come in the proper way.”
But this time too, the women of Sangrur are keeping the flame burning.
On 10 July, more than 60 women gathered at Guru Ravidas Gurudwara in Sangrur. They all said the same thing. This was a fight for land to feed their children. A fight for respect.
Jasveer Kaur and Raj Kaur, who are leading the movement, addressed the crowd. They raised slogans demanding Begumpura. On every lip was the cry: “We want our rights.” Women who had been arrested were honoured with mementos that lauded their protest during the Begampura agitation.
“We women did not tell our husbands about the abuse we faced every day on the paddy fields because we feared we would not be allowed to work. Today we are here fighting for land,” said Jasveer Kaur. “We will have our own land someday, where we do not need to pay anyone.”
Manisha Mondal, (Edited by Asavari Singh)
Courtesy : The Print
“The church is ours, but why does the chariot not come to our streets?” — When Dalit Christians raised their voice, the bishop also rebelled!
Dalit Christians allege that the chariot is not brought to their locality, they are denied membership, the bishop protested
Tamil Nadu/Tiruchi: Dalit Christians of Kottapalayam village near Thuraiyur began a hunger strike near the Tiruchi Collectorate on Monday. They alleged that they have been deliberately excluded from the ongoing annual festival of the century-old St. Mary Magdalene Church and are constantly being subjected to caste discrimination.
The festival began on July 14 and the church comes under the Roman Catholic Diocese of Kumbakonam. The protesters say that they have not been included in the festival plans for decades, have not been given a place in the church committee and the Rath Yatra is not taken to their area.
“Donate, but do not ask questions”
J., who has been associated with the church for a long time. “We are not charged with various church memberships like others are charged with. Instead, we are only asked to pay ‘donations’. The aim is to stop us from raising our voices,” said Dos Prakash.
Bishop’s symbolic protest
According to a report in The New Indian Express, the church’s bishop, Jeevanandam Amalanathan, said he will not participate in Tuesday’s Rath Yatra. “The caste discrimination that continues in the parish is worrisome. Christians from dominant castes are not willing to give equal rights to Dalit Christians,” he said. However, he also said that there has been no discrimination from the church’s side.
“Not a single chariot comes to our streets”
The protesters said that a total of seven chariots are taken out during the festival, but not a single chariot comes to the streets of Dalit settlements. “We were abused with casteist slurs and threatened not to intervene at the festival planning meeting on July 6,” said a protester.
Parishioner Raj Nobili said, “Only after giving membership do we get the right to ask questions. That is why we are not being made members. The administration should at least ensure that a chariot comes to our street as well.”
“Violation of Constitution”
Human rights lawyer Joe Kennedy, who was part of the protest, said, “This is a violation of the right to equality given in the Constitution of India. The church has to break the wall of casteism that has spread within it.”
The protesters submitted a memorandum to the District Revenue Officer (DRO) and demanded legal action against the church pastor and others who allegedly made casteist remarks and threatened them.
Key demands:
- Equal rights in all religious and festive activities
- Formation of an inclusive parish council
- Legal action on caste discrimination
According to revenue department sources, the concerned officials have been directed to investigate the matter.
Rajan Chaudhary
Courtesy : Hindi News
‘SECL Chudi-Sari Pehne Lo’: When tribal women staged a semi-nude protest in Korba, Chhattisgarh!
This is the first time that women have staged a semi-nude protest inside such an office.
Korba- A shocking incident came to light in Kusmunda area of Korba district of Chhattisgarh, when about 20-25 land-displaced tribal women staged a semi-nude protest at the main gate of the office of South Eastern Coalfields Limited (SECL). On July 18, the women staged this protest demanding proper compensation, jobs and rehabilitation after the acquisition of their ancestral lands.
This is the first time that women have staged a semi-nude protest inside such an office. The women waved their bangles and sarees and shouted slogans- SECL Chudi-Sari Pehne Lo! Seeing this kind of anger and anger among the women, the administration was also shocked and the clips of the protest went viral on social media, after which the Chhattisgarh government was also severely criticized.
Korba is a major industrial and mining area of Chhattisgarh, known for coal mines and power generation. SECL’s coal mines in Kusmunda are one of the largest mining projects in India. Large scale land acquisition was done for these projects, which includes ancestral lands of Korwa and other scheduled tribes. These communities were earning their livelihood through farming and forest resources on these lands for generations.
Under the Forest Rights Act 2006, they have been given rights over land and forest resources, but these provisions have been violated repeatedly. SECL acquired these lands for coal mining and in return the affected families were promised compensation, jobs and rehabilitation. However, even after many years these promises have not been fulfilled, due to which there is deep disappointment and anger among the tribal communities.
The employment case of land-displaced people has been pending for a long time, for which many years have passed since applying, but the land-displaced people could not get employment. The protesting women told that they had demonstrated and struck many times in the mine earlier also.
The affected families said that their lands were snatched but they neither got proper compensation, nor jobs, nor rehabilitation facilities. SECL had promised jobs for the land displaced, but in many cases fake appointments were made. Some families alleged that other people were given jobs in their name or their rights were completely ignored. After the land snatching, these families have lost their livelihood and are facing financial difficulties.
The protesting women said that their lands were snatched in the name of industrial development, but the big industrialists got the benefit, while the local tribal community was neglected. The president of Bhu-Visthaap Rojgar Ekta Mahila Kisan Kusmunda said that the persons employed fraudulently in place of the real land displaced should be removed. Also, repeated applications were made to keep the real heir.
Despite complaining to the local administration and SECL officials several times, no concrete action was taken, which pushed these women to this extreme step.
This protest attracted widespread attention at the social and administrative level. The incident was widely discussed on social media, especially on Twitter, and many called it a symbol of the government’s insensitivity. However, no official government statement or action has been confirmed in the matter yet. The protest also reflects the growing threat to the cultural and social identity of tribal communities. After the land was taken away, these communities have not only become economically weak, but their cultural roots are also in danger.
Geetha Sunil Pillai
MP Chhatarpur Police accused of torturing tribal youths by putting chilli powder in their private parts, three policemen suspended
Superintendent of Police Aagam Jain has suspended Naugaon police station's ASI Shiv Dayal Valmiki, head constable Ram Jat and constable Arvind Sharma with immediate effect.
Bhopal. A sensational case of brutality of Naugaon police station has come to light in Chhatarpur district of Madhya Pradesh. Four youths of tribal society were taken into custody on suspicion of theft and not only brutally beaten, but also given inhuman torture by putting chilli powder in their private parts. In protest against the incident, Bhim Army workers gheraoed the Chhatarpur Superintendent of Police office on Saturday evening. When the matter escalated, three policemen were suspended. Meanwhile, Congress leader Digvijay Singh and Leader of Opposition Umang Singhar have assured justice by talking to the victims over the phone.
What is the whole matter?
Pratap Adivasi, a resident of Dharmapura village of Naugaon police station area, while talking to the media said that on the evening of July 15, at around 7:30 pm, he had gone towards Shikarpura road with his companions Shriram, Ritu, Meera and Balandi Adivasi. During this time, Naugaon police caught them and took them to the police station.
According to Pratap, the police released them after questioning at 10:30 pm on July 15. But on July 16, they were again called to the police station and made to sit till 11 pm. On July 17, at 12 noon, the four youths were again taken into custody and brutally beaten on suspicion of stealing oil from the transformer. Not only this, according to the youths, the police crossed the limits of brutality by putting chilli powder in their private parts. After this, they were driven away from the police station without any case. The matter came to light when the condition of the victims deteriorated.
Bheem Army gheraoed the Superintendent of Police office
Bheem Army workers, along with the victims, gheraoed the office of Superintendent of Police Aagam Jain late on Saturday evening. The activists said that the youth of the tribal society have been treated like animals, which will not be tolerated.
Three policemen suspended, investigation started
Taking immediate action in the case, Superintendent of Police Agam Jain has suspended ASI Shiv Dayal Valmiki, Head Constable Ram Jat and Constable Arvind Sharma of Naugaon police station with immediate effect.
Station in-charge Satish Singh clarified that some people were questioned on suspicion of theft, but no kind of beating or inhuman behavior was done. However, after the allegations of the victims and eyewitnesses, the role of the police is under suspicion.
Digvijay Singh and Umang Singhar demanded action
As soon as the information about the incident was received, senior Congress leader and Rajya Sabha MP Digvijay Singh spoke to the victim youths over the phone and assured them of justice. He also attacked the state government and said that atrocities are being committed against the tribals and the weaker sections continuously, and the administration is a mute spectator.
Leader of Opposition Umang Singhar has also termed the matter serious and demanded strict action against the culprits. He said that police in Madhya Pradesh is becoming unbridled and tribal society is being continuously targeted.
Ankit Pachauri
Courtesy: Hindi News
Dalit woman and pregnant niece attacked in Gujarat! Caste violence captured in CCTV footage – Know what is the whole matter?
The Dalit woman accused the neighbors of using casteist abuses, assault and threats, while the other side also complained of forceful intrusion and attack.
Gujarat: A dispute between neighbors that started over underground electricity repairs in Baroda village in Daskroi taluka of Ahmedabad district escalated to allegations of casteist abuses and assault. Both sides have lodged a police complaint against each other.
According to the police, a 66-year-old Dalit woman has alleged that her upper caste neighbors abused her and her pregnant niece with casteist words, physically assaulted them and threatened to kill them. The incident took place on Sunday evening when the woman warned not to dig deep in the electricity repair work going on near her house, as there was a possibility of underground wiring.
In the complaint, the woman said that when she was not heeded and the work continued, the dispute escalated and turned into violence. It is alleged that the neighbours snatched her stick and beat her as well as her niece. The woman says that the niece has injuries on her face and legs. She has submitted three video clips of the incident to the police as evidence and also named two people who allegedly intervened during the incident.
On the other hand, the neighbours have also filed a complaint in return. They alleged that the Dalit woman and her niece forcibly entered their house and attacked them with an iron pipe and a wooden stick. The upper caste complainants say that they were threatened that they would be implicated in a false atrocity case and expelled from the society.
The Vivekanand Nagar police station has registered an FIR under relevant sections of the Indian Penal Code (BNS) and the Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act on the basis of complaints from both sides. Police say that the investigation into the case is ongoing.
Rajan Chaudhary
Courtesy : Hindi News
Comments
Post a Comment