23.07.2025.UT Daily Morning NewS.(It's A collection of SC.ST.Buddhist,Adivasi,reservation, atrocity, news of India.)by Team Sivaji.9444917060.asivaji1962@gmail.com.follow our WA Channel.
No plan to scrap post-matric scholarship for ST/SC students: Centre
Both schemes are currently being implemented with funding and eligibility parameters approved by the Cabinet and Expenditure Finance Committee, which remain valid from financial year 2021-22 to 2025-26.
Updated - July 23, 2025 02:44 pm IST - VILLUPURAM
Minister of State for Social Justice and Empowerment Ramdas Athawale. File | Photo Credit: PTI
The post-matric scholarship scheme for students from Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST) is open-ended and demand-driven, and the Centre has no proposal to discontinue it, Union Minister of State for Social Justice and Empowerment Ramdas Athawale stated.
Both scholarships are being implemented according to the funding pattern specified in the scheme guidelines, as approved by the Expenditure Finance Committee and the Cabinet, and are valid from fiscal 2021-22 to 2025-26.
Mr. Athawale said the funding pattern (the sharing ratio between the Centre and State/UT) under the scheme for SC students is 60:40 between the Centre and States, except the Northeastern States, where it is 90:10. For ST students, the funding ratio is 75:25 between the Centre and the States.
The respective State governments/UT administrations add their share of 25% and releases the scholarship amount directly into the bank accounts of the students, through Direct Benefit Transfer, in a single instalment.
Published - July 22, 2025 04:30
DPAR starts collecting data following allegations of flouting rules in reservation in promotions
Published - July 22, 2025 09:23 pm IST - Bengaluru
Following allegations of employees belonging to the Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) being denied opportunities in promotion across government departments, the Department of Personnel and Administrative Reforms (DPAR) has started collecting information from all departments.
Earlier, the Karnataka State Government SC/ST Employees Association had also petitioned the government, complaining that seniority was being ignored and promotion was being denied despite the Consequential Seniority Act coming into force.
Association president D. Chandrashekaraiah told The Hindu that the seniority list was not being drawn properly and every effort was being made to “deny” promotion to SC/ST employees. “We have flagged the issue to the government multiple times and despite our concerns, seniority is being overlooked by the department promotion committee,” he alleged.
Published - July 22, 2025 09:23 pm
Assam: Adivasi student body stage massive protest in Kokrajhar, demand ST status and land rights.
- Jul 22, 2025,
- Updated Jul 22, 2025, 1:29 Thousands of Adivasi men and women gathered in Kokrajhar on Tuesday, demanding Scheduled Tribe (ST) status and land rights for the Adivasi communities of Assam. The protest was organized by the All Adivasi Students’ Association of Assam (AASAA) at Children’s Park in Kokrajhar town.
Chanting slogans such as "No ST No Rest," "Provide Land Patta to Adivasis," and "UPPL Government Go Back," the demonstrators expressed frustration over the prolonged neglect of their constitutional and land rights. The three-hour sit-in turned the park into a vibrant epicenter of resistance, with placards, banners, and loud slogans echoing through the area.
The protest centered on three core demands:
Grant of Scheduled Tribe (ST) status to Adivasis in Assam.
Distribution of land pattas (ownership rights) to Adivasi families.
Assurance of socio-economic and political safeguards for the community.
In a follow-up to the demonstration, AASAA submitted a five-point memorandum to Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, Chief Secretary Ravi Kota, and the Governor of Assam. The association reiterated its long-pending demands and urged the government to take immediate action to address the historical injustice faced by the community.
Leaders of AASAA warned that continued inaction could lead to larger statewide movements if the demands remain unaddressed.
Dalit Christians allege discrimination in church, sit on hunger strike
The festival began on July 14. The church functions under the Roman Catholic Diocese of Kumbakonam. Bishop Jeevanandam Amalanathan said he would not take part in the chariot procession which is scheduled on Tuesday to register his protest against the “persisting caste discrimination in the parish”.
Dalit Christians said for decades, they have not been allowed to pay subscription to the church and were kept out of planning committees. Further, they alleged that the church chariot is not taken into their locality. “We were told by the priest and also several dominant caste Christians that this is not our festival.
The church refuses to collect subscription from us as it does from others. Instead, we’re asked to make donations,” said J Doss Prakash, a long-time parishioner. The protesters submitted a petition to the DRO during the weekly grievances meeting seeking action against the parish priest and others who allegedly threatened Dalits during a festival planning meeting on July 6.
“We were abused with casteist slurs and warned not to interfere,” said another member. R Raj Nobili, a parishoner, said “Once we pay subscription, we have the right to question. That is why they are not collecting it from us. Despite running seven chariots during the festival, not even the smallest one enters our streets.
The district administration should at least ensure that the chariot comes to our area,” he said. “This is a violation of equality guaranteed by the Constitution. Even after raising this through latter to authorities concerned, not one has intervened,” said Jo Kennedy, a human rights lawyer who was also part of the protest.
“The church must dismantle this caste wall from within,”he added. Their other demands include formation of an inclusive parish council, equal rights in religious and festival events, and legal action for caste-based discrimination. Bishop Jeevanandam Amalanathan told TNIE that he would boycott the chariot festival on Tuesday due to the persisting caste discrimination in the parish.
He said dominant caste Christians are stubborn in their stand to not give equal rights to Dalit Christians. He, however, maintained that the church did not discriminate against any one. Sources in the revenue department to whom these petitions were forwarded, said they have asked the local officials to inquire into the issue.
Dangers of ethnicising Dalits
Dalits must avoid identity politics, as it harms the social justice and equality campaign.
Mitra Pariyar
On July 15, 2025, the final round of a caste-based beauty pageant called “Mr and Miss Bishwakarma” took place in Kathmandu. It was the fourth annual event organised by a company of the members of the same caste, Bibros Entertainment—yet it caused quite a controversy within the Dalit community this time. The controversy principally focused on the ongoing but confounding debate surrounding the question of whether the Dalit movement should embrace identity politics, like Janajatis, or whether they should stick to the pursuit of equal rights, inclusion and individual freedom.
I support the latter position. Dalits must not venture into identity politics as it does more harm than good to the campaign for social justice and equality. In any case, we do not have separate languages, religious faiths, cultures, customs to qualify for ethnic identity. Besides, our facial features or skin colour or any other physical traits are inseparable from those of the high castes. So, I urge Dalits to remain vigilant and not do things that would potentially undermine our fight for equal rights.
Attempts at ethnicising Dalits
Many Dalits have been both amused and bemused, and perhaps some even contented, by the revelation of what the organisers claim to be the original and authentic ethnic dress of the Bishwakarma—the largest and the apex caste of the hierarchically arranged Dalit community in the hills. Independent research by a freelance writer from the Pariyar community was cited as proof of the ethnic attire of the Bishwakarma.
The female Bishwakarma dress didn’t look that unique. But the ethnic dress proudly worn by Mr Bishwakarma, Saurabh Bishwakarma, became controversial. It consisted of white pheta, white bhoto, earrings, a light white long skirt, a white waistband, a club tied to the waist and a sword in a scabbard.
Overall, at least from the supposedly ethnic dress hitherto unknown, including the carrying of a sword and club, it appeared as if the Bishwakarma were trying to present themselves as akin to the Chhetri, a warrior tribe or caste of a bygone era. The real intent or purpose has not been clearly articulated, but the man’s dress does give that impression.
This is not surprising, however. Ethnicities are often constructed by displaying differences, no matter how subtle, between groups claiming different identities. Just look at how the Pun and Magar have constructed a slight variation in their respective ethnic dresses to claim different identities—against the common understanding that both the Pun and Magar are basically the same group. The anthropologist Mary Lecomte-Tilouine is an expert in these debates on Magar cultures and customs.
American sociologist Joanne Nagel published a useful paper on the construction of ethnic identity in the journal Social Problems, in 1994. Here she states, “Identity and culture are two of the basic building blocks of ethnicity…through the construction of identity and culture, individuals and groups attempt to address the problematics of ethnic boundaries and meaning.”
Many anthropologists and sociologists have researched and analysed the construction of ethnicity and ethnic politics. Norwegian anthropologist Frederick Barth’s 1998 book Ethnic Groups and Boundaries is an important read for people working in the social sciences. Barth highlights that ethnic group formation may be important for asserting the rights of marginalised peoples, but it also conforms and consolidates inter-group boundaries.
Dangers involved
The beauty pageant and the new dress drew wider attention because it was endorsed by few well-known Dalit activists and intellectuals, most notably Min Bishwakarma—former Cabinet minister and senior member of the Nepali Congress. I am not sure whether he knew what he was doing, whether he was aware of the potential contention within the Dalit community. But one thing is clear: He too is proud of his blacksmith community and identity.
Afterwards, I spoke to some prominent intellectuals from the Bishwakarma community who have fought against the caste system for decades, including some ardent supporters of Dr Ambedkar’s ideology that freedom from caste oppression is only possible when Dalits exit the Hindu religion. However, they too thought one should be proud of one’s caste identity, which is a very paradoxical position.
As stated earlier, constructing ethnic identity involves creating social and cultural boundaries. It reifies those differences, real or perceived. Therefore, the ethnicisation of Dalit castes is certain to widen the gulf among Dalit castes themselves. This would further divide the Dalit community, rendering it even more powerless and ineffectual.
Ethnic identity claims are not inherently bad, as many scholars have pointed out. But it should match the ground realities. Even if we imagine new cultures and customs as a way of advancing ethnic politics, based on stories from thousands of years ago, they should somehow resonate with the current realities.
Professor Mahendra Limbu and many other noted scholars have done much work on the abrupt rise of ethnic politics in the 1990s. Likewise, the Madhesi ethnic uprising against the extreme racism and marginalisation at the hands of the hill ruling elites in the first decade of the 21st century was powerful and influential. It is no surprise that some Dalits want to replicate those for the liberation of Dalits.
But this is a dangerous game. In my opinion, the construction of Dalit ethnic identity is suicidal. Trying to ethnicise individual Dalit castes is even more divisive and self-harming.
I feel bemused by the arguments of some Dalit writers who make ethnic claims of Dalit castes based on some anecdotes and on the names of rivers, hills and regions. For example, they think the Karnali Region was once ruled by the Damai, because the river Karnali was named after karnal, a pipe traditionally played by the Damai.
There is no historical record to show that the Dalit castes had been rulers in certain pockets of the country. Even if they were, thousands of years ago, there is no way of returning them. Even if Dalit castes had their own linguistic traditions and dresses, it is impossible to retrieve them. It’s too late to make a splash in contemporary politics against caste hierarchy.
Conclusion
Dalits should not be misled by the few who want to emulate the ethnic politics of the past decades as a way of fighting caste oppression. This kind of politics does more harm than good.
We Dalits do, of course, have an identity. This identity has been constructed by the state as beggars, as financially dependent individuals, as ignorant fools, as outcasts. Such a stigmatisation of our identity is so flawed that it does not allow us to live a life of dignity and self-respect—it does not even allow us to rent rooms in cities like Kathmandu. Hence, we must work towards erasing our identity as modern-day slaves.
Mitra Pariyar
A graduate of Oxford University, Pariyar is a Dalit rights activist who has worked in universities in Australia and England.
23-year-old Dalit man found dead 12km away from where he went missing, cremated without ID check in Ahmedabad
Ahmedabad: For nearly four agonizing weeks, the family of 23-year-old Chirag Vala searched across the city, clinging to hope. What they didn't know was that the Dalit youth from Vejalpur had been found dead — just a day after he went missing — and quietly cremated by the police as an "unclaimed" body. The police apathy and failure of inter-departmental coordination meant his family never got a chance to say goodbye.
A sanitation worker by morning and an autorickshaw driver for an app-based service by day, Chirag lived in the Boot Bhavani slums of Vejalpur. He left home early on June 23, without his phone or Aadhaar card — a detail that deepens his family’s suspicion that he may have been forcibly taken. When he did not return that night, his family approached the Vejalpur police station. Instead of lodging a formal missing complaint, officers reportedly told the family to wait and cited rath yatra bandobast as the reason for their inaction, alleged family members.
When the family returned the next day, police reportedly just made a ‘janva jog (station diary note)”, and no FIR was filed. Desperate, the family handed over 28 photos of Chirag to assist the police. What Vejalpur police did not know was that on June 24, Bopal police recovered an unidentified male body from the Telav canal, just 12 kilometres from where Chirag went missing. Bopal police took the decomposed body to a community health centre, then shifted it to Civil Hospital, Asarwa, said police officers.
“Yet, no one from Bopal police made the effort to match the unidentified body with any missing person records from nearby police stations, a critical oversight,” alleged the victim’s mother Vali Vala. Meanwhile, Chirag’s family continued appealing to senior officers and scanning CCTV footage.
“After seven days, on July 1, we cremated the body as unclaimed,” said a Bopal police officer.
The truth surfaced only after Chirag’s wife, Manisha Vala, filed a habeas corpus petition in Gujarat high court on July 19. That evening, a Bopal police official called the family, asking them to visit the police station. There, male relatives were shown a photograph of Chirag’s lifeless body. “When the family members identified him, we were told that his body had already been cremated,” said Vali.
“My son was murdered. We were not even allowed to see his face one last time. This happened because Vejalpur and Bopal police failed to speak to each other,” said the grieving mother.
Activist Rakesh Maheria, who supported the family’s search, criticised the police: “Both police stations failed miserably. This is not mere negligence, it is inhuman.” Had there been timely sharing of information, the body could have been identified earlier, allowing the family to perform the last rites, he added.
Confirming the chain of events, Bopal police inspector B T Gohil said that the body was cremated after seven days as no one had claimed it. When asked whether any state-wide alert or coordination with other stations was done, he said: “That’s probably done after a month.”
Courtesy : TOI
Note: This news is originally published on https://timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights.
Andhra court allows re-investigation into Dalit youth’s murder by YSRCP MLC
A Special Court for SC/ST cases in Rajamahendravaram, Andhra Pradesh, has granted permission for a re-investigation into the alleged 2022 murder of Dalit youth Veedhi Subrahmanyam by YSRCP MLC Ananta Uday Bhaskar. The court directed that a supplementary charge sheet be filed within 90 days.
A Special Court for SC/ST cases in Rajamahendravaram town of Andhra Pradesh on Tuesday, July 22, allowed further investigation into the 2022 murder of a Dalit youth by YSRCP MLC Ananta Uday Bhaskar.
The court directed that the supplementary charge sheet in the case should be filed in 90 days.
The court order has cleared the way for re-investigation of the case ordered by the TDP-led NDA government.
YSRCP leader and Kakinada MLC Ananta Uday Bhaskar, also known as Ananta Babu, had allegedly murdered his former driver Veedhi Subrahmanyam, a Dalit, and dumped his body at his residence in 2022.
Ananta Babu had pushed the deceased during an argument, resulting in his fall and death on the night of May 19, 2022.
The MLC also allegedly inflicted injuries on Subrahmanyam’s body to present it as a death in a road accident. However, the driver’s family refused to believe his version and lodged a complaint with the police.
The MLC was arrested, and the YSRCP had subsequently suspended him from the party.
The MLC had told police that Subrahmanyam was in an inebriated condition, and he pulled him up for not giving up bad habits. He claimed that it angered the driver, who allegedly questioned him. Allegedly enraged over this, the MLC held him by the neck and pushed. Subrahmanyam fell down and sustained head injuries. When the driver tried to hit back, the MLC pushed him again, and this time, the driver received a grievous head injury, he claimed.
The MLC told police that he gave water to Subrahmanyam, but a few minutes after taking a sip, he was unresponsive. The legislator then thought of showing the incident as a road accident. He carried the body in the car to a dumping yard, where he inflicted injuries on the body with sticks.
The MLC later carried the body to Subrahmanyam’s house and told his family members that he died in a road accident. After seeing the nature of injuries on the body, they refused to believe his version. There was an argument between them, and the MLC subsequently left the place, leaving behind the body in his car.
As the investigation officer failed to submit the charge sheet within 90 days, Ananta Babu was released on default bail in December 2022.
After the TDP-led coalition government came to power last year, it decided to re-investigate the case.
In April this year, the government ordered re-investigation. Indian Police Service (IPS) officer and Kakinada DSP Manish Devraj Patil was appointed as the investigation officer.
The investigating officer was asked to take the court’s permission.
Written by : IANS
Courtesy : TNM
16-year-old Dalit boy sexually assaulted by 7 minors after he lost Rs 50 bet in Uttar Pradesh
MEERUT: A 16-year-old Dalit boy was allegedly sexually assaulted by as many as seven youths (all minors) after he lost a Rs 50 bet during a cricket match and could not pay. The culprits recorded a video of the incident and circulated it among peers, who also sexually assaulted him several times by threatening to upload the clip on social media.
Though the initial assault took place nearly a month ago at a village in Saharanpur district of Uttar Pradesh, the complaint was lodged only on Monday after the traumatised boy could not bear it any longer and narrated his ordeal to his family. The boy’s father said his son was so traumatised that he did not step out of the house for days.
“The boy was sexually assaulted several times by the group members, all minors, on the pretext of his obscene video,” said circle officer Vaibhav Pandey.
“Following a complaint, an FIR under sections 3 (2)(5) of the SC/ST Act, and 3A and 4 of the Pocso Act has been registered against seven youths, and three of them have been detained. Medical examination of the victim was done and his statements were recorded. Investigation is on. The dispute over the cricket match bet is also being investigated,” said Pandey.
Courtesy : TOI
‘SECL Chudi-Sari Pehne Lo’: When tribal women staged a semi-nude protest in Korba, Chhattisgarh!
This is the first time that women have staged a semi-nude protest inside such an office.
Korba- A shocking incident came to light in Kusmunda area of Korba district of Chhattisgarh, when about 20-25 land-displaced tribal women staged a semi-nude protest at the main gate of the office of South Eastern Coalfields Limited (SECL). On July 18, the women staged this protest demanding proper compensation, jobs and rehabilitation after the acquisition of their ancestral lands.
This is the first time that women have staged a semi-nude protest inside such an office. The women waved their bangles and sarees and shouted slogans- SECL Chudi-Sari Pehne Lo! Seeing this kind of anger and anger among the women, the administration was also shocked and the clips of the protest went viral on social media, after which the Chhattisgarh government was also severely criticized.
Korba is a major industrial and mining area of Chhattisgarh, known for coal mines and power generation. SECL’s coal mines in Kusmunda are one of the largest mining projects in India. Large scale land acquisition was done for these projects, which includes ancestral lands of Korwa and other scheduled tribes. These communities were earning their livelihood through farming and forest resources on these lands for generations.
Under the Forest Rights Act 2006, they have been given rights over land and forest resources, but these provisions have been violated repeatedly. SECL acquired these lands for coal mining and in return the affected families were promised compensation, jobs and rehabilitation. However, even after many years these promises have not been fulfilled, due to which there is deep disappointment and anger among the tribal communities.
The employment case of land-displaced people has been pending for a long time, for which many years have passed since applying, but the land-displaced people could not get employment. The protesting women told that they had demonstrated and struck many times in the mine earlier also.
The affected families said that their lands were snatched but they neither got proper compensation, nor jobs, nor rehabilitation facilities. SECL had promised jobs for the land displaced, but in many cases fake appointments were made. Some families alleged that other people were given jobs in their name or their rights were completely ignored. After the land snatching, these families have lost their livelihood and are facing financial difficulties.
The protesting women said that their lands were snatched in the name of industrial development, but the big industrialists got the benefit, while the local tribal community was neglected. The president of Bhu-Visthaap Rojgar Ekta Mahila Kisan Kusmunda said that the persons employed fraudulently in place of the real land displaced should be removed. Also, repeated applications were made to keep the real heir.
Despite complaining to the local administration and SECL officials several times, no concrete action was taken, which pushed these women to this extreme step.
This protest attracted widespread attention at the social and administrative level. The incident was widely discussed on social media, especially on Twitter, and many called it a symbol of the government’s insensitivity. However, no official government statement or action has been confirmed in the matter yet. The protest also reflects the growing threat to the cultural and social identity of tribal communities. After the land was taken away, these communities have not only become economically weak, but their cultural roots are also in danger.
Geetha Sunil Pillai
Courtesy : Hindi News
'God is Neutral, Caste is Man-Made': Madras High Court Slams Temple Entry Discrimination
Court said that denying Scheduled Caste persons the right to pray is an affront to their dignity and has no place in a country governed by the rule of law;
The bench of Justice N. Anand Venkatesh while hearing a plea filed by a Dalit petitioner, Venkatesan, from Elayaperumal Nallur Village in Ariyalur district, delivered the decision on July 17, 2025.
Venkatesan had approached the court after being barred, along with his community, from participating in the temple car festival of Arulmigu Puthukudi Ayyanar Temple, scheduled from July 16 to 31.
The petitioner sought a writ of mandamus against the district and police authorities, asking them to ensure his and his community’s right to worship and participate in the festival was upheld. The respondents included district administration officials, police officers, and one private individual allegedly involved in the exclusionary act.
During the hearing, the government counsel informed the court that the temple was not under the control of the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments (HR&CE) Department. However, the judge clarified that this did not affect the right of Scheduled Caste devotees to enter and worship, especially if the temple is open to the general public.
Justice Venkatesh, in his strongly worded judgment, cited Section 3 of the Tamil Nadu Temple Entry Authorisation Act, 1947, emphasizing that every Hindu, regardless of caste, is entitled to enter and worship in any Hindu temple.
“Caste and community are creations of human beings, and god is always considered to be neutral,” the court remarked, calling caste-based discrimination in temples an “actionable wrong.”
"If a temple is permitted to be visited by the general public, it assumes the character of a public temple. In such an event, irrespective of the caste or community of the devotees, they must be permitted to offer their prayers to god," he added.
Court further noted that denying temple access to a Scheduled Caste community was not only unconstitutional but a moral affront to their dignity. It underscored the historic struggle behind the 1947 law, aimed at removing discriminatory barriers and ensuring equality in religious practice.
"This act came into force after a long struggle by many leaders, who wanted to ensure that persons are not prevented from entering into the temples based on their caste. The Act was brought into force as a policy taken by the State Government to remove the disabilities imposed on certain classes of Hindus against entry into Hindu temples in the State," he wrote.
Issuing clear directions to the authorities, court ordered the Revenue Divisional Officer and police officials to ensure temple access to all Hindus, irrespective of caste. It also warned that any individual preventing Scheduled Castes from participating in the festival would face legal consequences.
Case Title: Venkatesan vs. The District Collector District Collectorate, Ariyalur and Ors
Judgment date: July 17, 2025
Bench: Justice N Anand Venkatesh
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