24.07.2025.UT Daily Morning NewS.(Its A collection of SC.ST.Buddhist,Adivasi,reservation,atrocity, news of India.)by Team Sivaji.(6) 9444917060.whatsapp,call.8778789661...asivaji1962@gmail.com.
Dangers of ethnicising Dalits.(Claiming caste/sub.caste)
Dalits must avoid identity politics, as it harms the social justice and equality campaign.
Mitra Pariyar
On July 15, 2025, the final round of a caste-based beauty pageant called “Mr and Miss Bishwakarma” took place in Kathmandu. It was the fourth annual event organised by a company of the members of the same caste, Bibros Entertainment—yet it caused quite a controversy within the Dalit community this time. The controversy principally focused on the ongoing but confounding debate surrounding the question of whether the Dalit movement should embrace identity politics, like Janajatis, or whether they should stick to the pursuit of equal rights, inclusion and individual freedom.
I support the latter position. Dalits must not venture into identity politics as it does more harm than good to the campaign for social justice and equality. In any case, we do not have separate languages, religious faiths, cultures, customs to qualify for ethnic identity. Besides, our facial features or skin colour or any other physical traits are inseparable from those of the high castes. So, I urge Dalits to remain vigilant and not do things that would potentially undermine our fight for equal rights.
Attempts at ethnicising Dalits
Many Dalits have been both amused and bemused, and perhaps some even contented, by the revelation of what the organisers claim to be the original and authentic ethnic dress of the Bishwakarma—the largest and the apex caste of the hierarchically arranged Dalit community in the hills. Independent research by a freelance writer from the Pariyar community was cited as proof of the ethnic attire of the Bishwakarma.
The female Bishwakarma dress didn’t look that unique. But the ethnic dress proudly worn by Mr Bishwakarma, Saurabh Bishwakarma, became controversial. It consisted of white pheta, white bhoto, earrings, a light white long skirt, a white waistband, a club tied to the waist and a sword in a scabbard.
Overall, at least from the supposedly ethnic dress hitherto unknown, including the carrying of a sword and club, it appeared as if the Bishwakarma were trying to present themselves as akin to the Chhetri, a warrior tribe or caste of a bygone era. The real intent or purpose has not been clearly articulated, but the man’s dress does give that impression.
This is not surprising, however. Ethnicities are often constructed by displaying differences, no matter how subtle, between groups claiming different identities. Just look at how the Pun and Magar have constructed a slight variation in their respective ethnic dresses to claim different identities—against the common understanding that both the Pun and Magar are basically the same group. The anthropologist Mary Lecomte-Tilouine is an expert in these debates on Magar cultures and customs.
American sociologist Joanne Nagel published a useful paper on the construction of ethnic identity in the journal Social Problems, in 1994. Here she states, “Identity and culture are two of the basic building blocks of ethnicity…through the construction of identity and culture, individuals and groups attempt to address the problematics of ethnic boundaries and meaning.”
Many anthropologists and sociologists have researched and analysed the construction of ethnicity and ethnic politics. Norwegian anthropologist Frederick Barth’s 1998 book Ethnic Groups and Boundaries is an important read for people working in the social sciences. Barth highlights that ethnic group formation may be important for asserting the rights of marginalised peoples, but it also conforms and consolidates inter-group boundaries.
Dangers involved
The beauty pageant and the new dress drew wider attention because it was endorsed by few well-known Dalit activists and intellectuals, most notably Min Bishwakarma—former Cabinet minister and senior member of the Nepali Congress. I am not sure whether he knew what he was doing, whether he was aware of the potential contention within the Dalit community. But one thing is clear: He too is proud of his blacksmith community and identity.
Afterwards, I spoke to some prominent intellectuals from the Bishwakarma community who have fought against the caste system for decades, including some ardent supporters of Dr Ambedkar’s ideology that freedom from caste oppression is only possible when Dalits exit the Hindu religion. However, they too thought one should be proud of one’s caste identity, which is a very paradoxical position.
As stated earlier, constructing ethnic identity involves creating social and cultural boundaries. It reifies those differences, real or perceived. Therefore, the ethnicisation of Dalit castes is certain to widen the gulf among Dalit castes themselves. This would further divide the Dalit community, rendering it even more powerless and ineffectual.
Ethnic identity claims are not inherently bad, as many scholars have pointed out. But it should match the ground realities. Even if we imagine new cultures and customs as a way of advancing ethnic politics, based on stories from thousands of years ago, they should somehow resonate with the current realities.
Professor Mahendra Limbu and many other noted scholars have done much work on the abrupt rise of ethnic politics in the 1990s. Likewise, the Madhesi ethnic uprising against the extreme racism and marginalisation at the hands of the hill ruling elites in the first decade of the 21st century was powerful and influential. It is no surprise that some Dalits want to replicate those for the liberation of Dalits.
But this is a dangerous game. In my opinion, the construction of Dalit ethnic identity is suicidal. Trying to ethnicise individual Dalit castes is even more divisive and self-harming.
I feel bemused by the arguments of some Dalit writers who make ethnic claims of Dalit castes based on some anecdotes and on the names of rivers, hills and regions. For example, they think the Karnali Region was once ruled by the Damai, because the river Karnali was named after karnal, a pipe traditionally played by the Damai.
There is no historical record to show that the Dalit castes had been rulers in certain pockets of the country. Even if they were, thousands of years ago, there is no way of returning them. Even if Dalit castes had their own linguistic traditions and dresses, it is impossible to retrieve them. It’s too late to make a splash in contemporary politics against caste hierarchy.
Conclusion
Dalits should not be misled by the few who want to emulate the ethnic politics of the past decades as a way of fighting caste oppression. This kind of politics does more harm than good.
We Dalits do, of course, have an identity. This identity has been constructed by the state as beggars, as financially dependent individuals, as ignorant fools, as outcasts. Such a stigmatisation of our identity is so flawed that it does not allow us to live a life of dignity and self-respect—it does not even allow us to rent rooms in cities like Kathmandu. Hence, we must work towards erasing our identity as modern-day slaves.
Mitra Pariyar
A graduate of Oxford University, Pariyar is a Dalit rights activist who has worked in universities in Australia and England.
Reservation Policy: Can a middle ground be found?
Affirmative action should never come at the cost of alienating an entire group; equity cannot translate into injustice for others
In the ongoing discussion about reservation policies in Jammu and Kashmir, the focus has largely been on principles of inclusion, upliftment, and historical justice. While these principles are fundamental to India’s constitutional morality, a significant and often overlooked sentiment is emerging from the General Category – individuals not covered by caste-based or regional quotas. This group increasingly feels marginalized within their own land, perceiving themselves as second-class citizens.
Following the abrogation of Article 370 and the reorganization of the erstwhile state, Jammu and Kashmir adopted a reservation framework that, while mirroring the national structure, has introduced additional layers of complexity. The inclusion of new groups like Pahari-speaking people and residents of International Border (IB) areas has significantly inflated the percentage of reserved seats in both education and government employment.
Currently, the reservation breakdown stands as follows: 10% for Scheduled Tribes (ST), 8% for Scheduled Castes (SC), 4% for Other Backward Classes (OBC), 10% for Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) within the General Category, 20% for Residents of Backward Areas (RBA), 4% for residents near the International Border, and 4% for Pahari-speaking people. Cumulatively, this means that over 60% of opportunities in higher education and government jobs in J&K are now reserved.
The “open merit” or General Category, often erroneously linked with privilege, finds itself competing in an ever-shrinking pool of opportunities, without any institutional support. It’s crucial to dispel the misconception that all individuals in the General Category are inherently privileged or economically well-off.
Many come from lower-middle-class or struggling families, bearing the full brunt of merit-based competition without any social safety nets. This is particularly frustrating for academically meritorious individuals from this category who, despite higher scores, are sidelined not due to lack of effort or ability, but simply by virtue of being born into an “unreserved” family. The implicit message is clear: identity often trumps merit.
The introduction of a 10% reservation for Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) within the General Category was seen as a corrective measure, but its impact has been limited. The annual income threshold of Rs 8 lakh is often too high to effectively identify the truly needy, and its implementation lacks the robust outreach and administrative support enjoyed by other quotas.
Furthermore, EWS candidates frequently still find themselves competing within the larger unreserved pool, leading to a psychological perception of being “still general” and thus disadvantaged in practice. The consequences of this imbalance extend beyond mere statistics, creating deep emotional and social repercussions.
A quiet segment of Kashmiri youth, predominantly from the General Category, feels alienated and demoralized. They speak in hushed tones of unfair treatment, a dwindling faith in public sector jobs, and the futility of “competing on merit” in a system that appears to have already allocated positions based on identity. This disillusionment prompts many to seek opportunities outside J&K or turn to the private sector, even if their aspirations lay in public administration.
For some, the emotional fatigue leads to giving up entirely; as hard work seemingly no longer yields proportionate rewards. To reinstate faith in fairness and the principle of equality, the reservation structure demands rationalization. Periodic reviews, anchored in updated socio-economic data and ground realities, must be institutionalized.
Reservations should function as transitional support for historically disadvantaged groups, not permanent entitlements. The total percentage of reserved seats must be capped within constitutional limits, especially given how regional and linguistic quotas have inflated the overall figure beyond original intentions.
Also, merit protection needs to be woven into policy. This would not only reward high-performing candidates across all communities but also safeguard the credibility of vital institutions such as universities, medical colleges, and civil services. If poverty is indeed cross-sectional, then the EWS quota’s implementation should be executed with the same seriousness, thorough verification, and clarity as SC/ST/OBC reservations, rather than being treated as an afterthought. Crucially, a policymaking culture grounded in empathy, not merely electoral calculations, is needed. Affirmative action should never come at the cost of alienating an entire group; equity cannot translate into injustice for others.
One of the most pressing reforms required today is the establishment of a district-level oversight mechanism to ensure the fair and responsible implementation of the reservation policy. A Reservation Scrutiny Committee, chaired by the Additional Deputy Commissioner or Assistant Commissioner Revenue should be instituted in every Deputy Commissioner’s office across Jammu and Kashmir.
This committee must comprise officers from the Social Welfare, Revenue, and Legal Services Authority, thereby combining legal insight, administrative authority, and grassroots data. Beyond simply verifying certificates, this body must rigorously scrutinize the legitimacy of each claim, ensuring that the spirit of reservation – intended for genuine upliftment – is not diluted by misuse or political favouritism.
Every approved or rejected case should be digitally recorded and published on a publicly accessible online portal, fostering a transparent record that the public can trust. Moreover, the committee’s findings and decisions must be regularly submitted to the Chief Secretary’s office, guaranteeing high-level oversight, timely corrections, and accountability.
A system as sensitive and impactful as reservations cannot operate in obscurity; it must be visible, verifiable, and answerable not just to the law, but to the very people it purports to serve. A separate post, Assistant Commissioner Reservations, can also be created in each district to be entrusted with this duty at the district level.
Ultimately, the aim of reservation should be empowerment, not appeasement. In Jammu and Kashmir, the policy urgently needs recalibration to align with the realities of a rapidly evolving socio-economic landscape. The General Category youth are not demanding special treatment; they simply seek a fair chance to succeed based on their merit and effort. Ignoring their voices today risks a heavy social cost tomorrow, manifested in mistrust, outward migration, and apathy. A truly just system is one that elevates the weak without simultaneously crushing the strong. The time to achieve that balance is now.
(Author’s engagement extends to broader themes of public policy, governance, and the pursuit of social justice. Through his writings, he consistently advocates for transparency, accountability, and the equitable implementation of policies designed for societal upliftment and inclusive development. He can be reached on lawtahirmajeed@gmail.com)
- NE News
AASAA stages dharna in Tezpur demanding ST status and wage hike for Adivasis
The Sonitpur district committee of the All Adivasi Students’ Association of Assam (AASAA) staged a two-hour dharna at Court Chariali, Tezpur on Tuesday,
OUR CORRESPONDENT
TEZPUR: The Sonitpur district committee of the All Adivasi Students’ Association of Assam (AASAA) staged a two-hour dharna at Court Chariali, Tezpur on Tuesday, pressing the government to address long-standing demands of the Adivasi community.
The demonstrators demanded an increase in daily wages to Rs 551 for tea garden workers and the granting of Scheduled Tribe (ST) status to Adivasis in Assam. Over a hundred members of the tea tribe community participated in the protest, raising slogans and holding placards and banners highlighting their demands.
During the protest, a memorandum was submitted to Chief Minister Dr Himanta Biswa Sarma through the District Commissioner of Sonitpur, reiterating demands including ST status for Adivasis of Assam, Land rights for Adivasi people, Caste-wise CEC certification and Protection of Adivasi rights under the 125th Constitutional Amendment Bill, 2019.
Speaking to reporters, Amarjit Kerkatta, President of the AASAA Sonitpur unit, emphasized that the demand for ST status is not new. “Communities such as the Oraong, Munda, Santhal, Udia, Kharia, Gond, Sawra, Bhumij, and Proja, who belong to the tea tribe community in Assam, have been deprived of constitutional recognition despite their counterparts in other Indian states already enjoying Scheduled Tribe status,” Kerkatta said.
He added that the time had come for the government to acknowledge the historical and cultural identity of Adivasis in Assam and extend them the benefits and protections available under the Scheduled Tribe category.
The demonstration concluded peacefully, with protesters voicing their hope that the state government would respond positively to their demands.
Major injustice with Dalits in Bangalore University? Serious allegations of casteism against Vice Chancellor, CM orders investigation!
Allegations of violation of reservation policy, depriving SC-ST teachers of responsibilities and irregular transfers. Chief Minister sought report from Higher Education Secretary in 7 days.
Bangalore: Several teachers and students of Bangalore University have made serious allegations of institutional caste discrimination and demanded the removal of Vice Chancellor Jayakar Shetty M. Taking the matter seriously, Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah has directed the Higher Education Secretary to investigate the allegations and submit a report within 7 days.
The Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe Teachers Association of the university wrote a letter to the Vice Chancellor on July 5, giving a detailed account of the allegations and demanding immediate rectification.
The major allegations include transfer of professors from other universities without sanctioned posts, violation of reservation roster, depriving Scheduled Caste teachers of administrative responsibilities and allowances, and delay in appointments to reserved posts.
On July 15, the university’s postgraduate and research students’ association also wrote to the chief minister, accusing the vice-chancellor of institutional casteism and demanding his removal.
The SC/ST Teachers’ Association said, “We condemn these anti-Dalit actions of the university which hurt the dignity of Dalit teachers.”
Objection to transfer without sanctioned posts
The association says five professors were transferred to Bangalore University without sanctioned posts, affecting appointments and reservation system.
“Such transfers affect the hiring capacity of the university and violate the reservation policy laid down by the Constitution,” said Prof. G. Krishnamurthy, president, SC/ST Teachers’ Association.
State universities get a limited number of sanctioned posts department-wise. If a professor is transferred without a post, the number of vacancies in the university he is sent to decreases — thereby hampering appointments to reserved posts.
The association said that none of the transferred professors belong to the Scheduled Castes or Tribes and it has not yet been decided under which roster they will be placed.
Names of transferred professors:
- Prof. Basavaraj Benne (Sri Krishnadevaraya University, Ballari)
- Prof. Srinath B.S. (Mangalore University)
- Prof. Yerriswamy (Rani Chennamma University)
- Prof. K.S. Chandrasekhariah (Mangalore University)
- Prof. Ashwini K.N. (Karnataka State Akka Mahadevi Women’s University, Vijayapura)
CM Siddaramaiah orders probe
On July 11, Chief Minister Siddaramaiah wrote a letter to Higher Education Secretary K.G. Jagadeesha asking him to investigate the matter and submit a report within 7 days.
In the letter, the Chief Minister admitted that the professors were transferred “without posts” and none of them belong to the SC/ST category, which is a violation of the reservation policy. He also said that 67 professors have demanded the university to clarify the roster and seniority.
Rules ignored in handing over charge too?
The teachers have also alleged that when the Vice Chancellor went on leave, he did not hand over the charge to the senior-most Dean as per Section 16(1) of the Karnataka State University Act 2000.
The Vice Chancellors of Davanagere University, Bengaluru City University and Kuvempu University followed this law and handed over the charge to the senior-most Dean during their leave.
Rajan Chaudhary
Courtesy : Hindi News
Dalit labourer lost his life while saving children in Bathinda, government still silent – waiting for compensation!
After the death of Dalit labourer Raj Kumar Singh in an explosion, the family has appealed to the government for financial assistance for livelihood and children's education.
Bathinda, Punjab – The family of a Dalit man who died in a plane crash and explosion on May 7 in Bathinda has formally demanded compensation from the government. This accident took place during the recent India-Pakistan conflict.
Paramjit Kaur, wife of Raj Kumar Singh (38), submitted an application to the Naib Tehsildar of Goniana last week, demanding financial assistance for the maintenance of the family and education of the children.
Singh, who was a resident of Kothe Natha Singh Wale, Mehma Sawai village, was a farm labourer. He was present in the fields on the day of the accident when a military aircraft crashed in the fields near Akaliya Kalan village. While Singh and his son Jagmeet Singh (15) were helping villagers douse the fire, another blast occurred in which they were seriously injured. They were referred first to the government hospital in Goniana Mandi and then to Bathinda for treatment. As their condition deteriorated, they were taken to AIIMS, Bathinda, where they died four days later.
The first death in the accident was Govind Kumar (32), a resident of Haryana who had come to work as a farm labourer. He was among those who reached the spot immediately after the incident and was caught in the blast.
Paramjit Kaur wrote in her application that the family’s livelihood was entirely dependent on labour and they have no other support after her husband’s death. Both her children—Jagmeet Singh and Gagandeep Kaur (14)—are studying in school and have no financial support.
The incident has been confirmed in the general diary report filed by the local police on May 11. According to the statement of Singh’s younger brother Virwal, Raj Kumar stayed in the field that night and reached the spot with the villagers after the plane crash. Both he and his son were injured during the explosion.
According to the police report, the explosion was an accident, no conspiracy or criminal intent has been found. The family has refused to take any legal action against anyone. Based on the statement of Singh’s brother, the police have initiated action under Section 194 (investigation of death) of the Indian Civil Security Code (BNSS).
The deceased Govind Kumar is survived by his wife Mamta and two children—daughter Pari and son Prashant. He was the youngest of four siblings and lost his parents in his teens. Recently, he had come to Bathinda with his cousin and friends and was working as a wheat sack loader in a local mandi. All these workers were staying in a temporary shelter built in a field.
Govind Kumar’s family has also demanded financial compensation from the Bathinda district administration.
Rajan Chaudhary
Courtesy: Hindi News
Opposed molestation… and was killed! Dalit farmer gets justice after 17 years
In 2008, Dalit farmer Saheb Singh was beaten to death in Mainpuri district of Uttar Pradesh. Now the SC/ST court has held the main accused guilty and sentenced him to life imprisonment and a fine of Rs 30,000.
Mainpuri (Agra): After nearly 17 years, a special SC/ST court in Mainpuri on Wednesday convicted the main accused Anand Kumar (48) in the murder case of Dalit farmer Saheb Singh and sentenced him to life imprisonment. The court has also imposed a fine of Rs 30,000 on him.
According to the police, on 22 December 2008, Saheb Singh and his son Ashok were returning from the field in Gangsi village of Mainpuri, when they were attacked by neighbor Anand Kumar, his father Munnalal Rai and uncle Hari Prakash with sticks and heavy objects. Both were seriously injured in the attack. Saheb Singh died during treatment.
Additional District Government Counsel (ADGC) MP Singh said that Saheb Singh had complained against the neighbour’s son Anand Kumar for molesting his daughter-in-law. Tension had increased between the two families over this matter, which became the reason for this violent attack.
According to the complaint of Saheb Singh’s wife, the accused had also used caste-related abuses and provoked others. The police had filed a charge sheet in this case under section 302 (murder) of IPC and sections of SC/ST Act.
Accused Munnalal and Hari Prakash have died during the trial. The court held the main accused Anand Kumar guilty and sentenced him to life imprisonment and also imposed a fine of Rs 30,000.
Rajan Chaudhary
Courtesy : Hindi News
Uttar Pradesh Shocker: 13-Year-Old Dalit Girl Allegedly Gang-Raped By 3 Known Accused In Lucknow’s Hazratganj; Police Launch Probe
A 13 year old dalit girl was allegedly gang raped by three people in Lucknow’s Hazratganj area on Monday night. The crime came to light when the victim’s elder sister noticed injuries and bloodstains on her clothes Tuesday morning and coaxed her to reveal the ordeal.
Lucknow: A 13 year old dalit girl was allegedly gang raped by three people in Lucknow’s Hazratganj area on Monday night. The crime came to light when the victim’s elder sister noticed injuries and bloodstains on her clothes Tuesday morning and coaxed her to reveal the ordeal.
Police said the accused, known to the family, lured the girl from her home while her relatives slept. The victim was abandoned near her residence after the assault. CCTV footage from the area reportedly shows the suspects, and mobile tower data is being analyzed.
“The victim identified the perpetrators. We’re verifying evidence before arrests,” said ACP Hazratganj Vikas Jaiswal. The girl is currently unable to provide a detailed statement.
Courtesy : TFPJ
Note: This news is originally published on https://thefreepressjournal.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights.
‘Dalits refused booking of wedding halls in Tiruppur’s Sivanmalai foothills’
Hall owners fear people from other castes will not book their halls if they allow people from scheduled castes.
TIRUPPUR: Wedding hall owners at Sivanmalai in Kangeyam of Tiruppur district are suspected of caste discrimination against Scheduled Castes. Officials from the district administration said an investigation into the matter is underway.
It has been alleged Dalit people are finding it difficult to book wedding halls located in the foothills of Sivanmalai to hold auspicious events, including weddings.
P Kalimuthu, district secretary of the Aathi Thamizhar Munnetra Kazhagam, said, “People from not only Tiruppur district but also from nearby districts come to the Murugan Temple at Sivanmalai. There is a belief among the public that if auspicious events, including marriages, are held at Sivanmalai, they will get the grace of Lord Murugan. But SC people are refused booking of private halls in the foothills of Sivanmalai.”
“Out of the 20 wedding halls two belong to the trusts of two specific castes. All other halls are private halls. The norms for halls state that all castes should be allowed. But these halls do not allow people from Scheduled Castes to hold auspicious events. The situation is similar in Kangeyam city. Hall owners fear people from other castes will not book their halls if they allow people from scheduled castes,,” he added.
“Scheduled Caste people are facing great difficulty in booking halls for auspicious days. Sometimes, they hold weddings in their village temples and host receptions and other events by setting up tents in their homes. Only a few socially minded people provide halls to SC people. The state government should conduct an investigation and take appropriate action in this regard,” Kalimuthu further said.
A Dalit villager said: “There is a private hall on the Kangeyam-Tiruppur road, one kilometre from the foothills of Sivanmalai. SC people are allowed there because its contractor is also a Dalit.”
However, the hall owners denied the allegations.
PS Chellamuthu, a wedding hall owner, said, “The rent in the halls ranges from Rs 2 lakh to Rs 3 lakh. Some halls in Kangeyam are charging even Rs 4.5 lakh. They cannot afford to pay these charges and ask for a lower amount. But we can’t reduce the charge. Some people are falsely complaining that we are refusing to book halls for SC people. We do not discriminate on the basis of caste when booking halls. We provide the hall to whoever pays our charges.”
KS Mani, another hall owner, said, “My hall is a small one. I am providing it to all community people. I will provide the hall to whoever pays the charge.”
Officials from the district administration said, “We also received a complaint regarding this. An investigation into the matter is underway. Appropriate action will be taken after the investigation.”
P Srinivasan
Courtesy : TNIE
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