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Dalit youth hacked to death by five in Chennai
Sharmila told reporters that her family had been threatening the couple since their marriage.
Gautham Selvarajan
CHENNAI: In a case of murder for caste pride, a 22-year-old Dalit youth was hacked to death allegedly by a five-member gang, which included the brother-in-law of the deceased, near a bar in Pallikaranai of Chennai on Saturday night. All the accused were arrested the next day.
The deceased, G Pravin alias Ashiq of Pallikaranai, was a bike mechanic who started working with his father Gopi soon after his schooling. Pallikaranai police said Pravin and D Sharmila (20) of Jalladianpet, now a fourth-year student at a private college, were in a relationship from their school days. While Pravin was from the Adi Dravidar community of the Scheduled Castes, Sharmila belongs to the Yadava community which is an Other Backward Caste. The couple married despite her parents’ opposition in October last.
Sharmila told reporters that her family had been threatening the couple since their marriage. She said her parents had filed a case against Pravin alleging he had abducted her and when the couple went to the police station to clarify she had consented to the marriage, her brother threatened to kill them. However, a senior police official added the deceased was also an accused in a 2022 murder of a ganja peddler and the angle that this murder was committed in retaliation could not be dismissed as three of the accused were associates of the slain peddler.
‘Who gave brother right to kill my husband’
The primary accused — Sharmila’s brother — D Dinesh (23) of Jalladianpet, N Sriram (18), S Vishnu Raj (25), R Stephen Kumar (24), and B Jothi Lingam (25) were nabbed by a special team of Tambaram City police.
According to police, around 9 pm on Saturday, when Pravin had gone out to buy dinner for his family, he received a call from Sriram, a friend, who asked him to come to a location. There, he was surrounded by the gang which allegedly hacked him with knives. When he collapsed in a pool of blood, the gang fled the scene. A passerby informed the police and rushed Pravin to Chromepet Government Hospital where he was declared dead. Pallikaranai police recovered his body and sent it for postmortem. The body was later handed over to his family.
A police source said that Sriram, who was close with Pravin and knew his whereabouts, had tipped off the gang and helped them in the murder. “We are yet to confirm when and how Dinesh, Sriram, and others got together to plot the murder. An inquiry is under way,” said a senior police officer. A case was filed under Section 302 (Murder) of the IPC and 3 (2) (V) of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. After an inquiry, all five were remanded in judicial custody.
Speaking to media persons at her in-law’s house in Pallikaranai, Sharmila said, “As caste was a problem for my family, we eloped and had a self-respect marriage five months back. At the time, at the police station, my elder brother Dinesh had threatened to kill both of us or just Pravin. Who is he (Dinesh) to interfere in my life? I was happily married. Who gave him the right to kill my husband?” an anguished Sharmila asked.
Reiterating that Sharmila’s family had threatened to kill Pravin at the time of their marriage, Kaviarasu, uncle of the deceased, told TNIE, “Two months ago, they (Sharmila’s family) had come to Pravin’s house and created a ruckus. Additionally, Sharmila’s father and brother had threatened the couple when Pravin went to drop her off at the college.”
Pravin’s father Gopi is still in shock at his son’s death and could be heard cursing the caste system and the murderers. “My son went to buy dinner and hasn’t returned yet,” he was heard saying repeatedly near the mortuary.
Courtesy : TNIE.
INDIA bloc’s Vanchit dilemma in Maharashtra
Can Uddhav Thackeray, Sharad Pawar, and Prakash Ambedkar bridge the gap to fight Modi in Maharashtra?
Published : Feb 26, 2024 18:29 IST - 9 MINS READ
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Prakash Yeshwant Ambedkar during the protest against CAA in Bengaluru in 2020. Ambedkar has emerged as the strongest leader of Dalits in Maharashtra. | Photo Credit: SAMPATH KUMAR GP
On February 3, 2024, a citizens’ collective in Maharashtra issued a public statement appealing to all opposition parties to unite and defeat the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the upcoming Lok Sabha election. The group demanded they “finish the seat-sharing talks within a set deadline, following a process that considers the winnability of the candidate, while also compromising on wider representation of all sections of society”.
The statement was posted a day after the first meeting between Ambedkar, the grandson of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, and leaders of the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) in Mumbai on February 2. Ambedkar heads Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi, a significant force in the State’s politics, but the initial meeting was not about seat-sharing. “The INDIA bloc is not happening in Bengal. It is almost breaking in Uttar Pradesh. So we are cautious about Maharashtra, and I have advised against letting the MVA situation become like INDIA,” Ambedkar said after the meeting. Ambedkar instead suggested a Common Minimum Programme (CMP) for the alliance. Later, he sent a note of 39 points to the MVA leaders that addressed socio-ideological issues and aimed to finalise a Common Minimum Programme before discussing any seat-sharing arrangement.
Formidable force
Ambedkar and his Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi (VBA) party wield significant power in Maharashtra. The 69-year-old leader, with a career spanning four decades and a strong political background, has created a space that cannot be ignored. In the 2019 Lok Sabha election, Ambedkar formed an alliance with All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM), and together they secured 7.65 per cent of the votes, which proved decisive in eight seats. However, the alliance won only one seat, Aurangabad, where AIMIM’s Imtiyaz Jaleel emerged victorious. Ambedkar himself lost in the Solapur constituency, finishing third. However, his candidacy significantly impacted the Congress’ Sushilkumar Shinde, who came second against the BJP candidate. Combining Shinde’s and Ambedkar’s votes could have easily surpassed the BJP’s total. The vote division helped the BJP-Shiv Sena alliance in both the general and Assembly elections in 2019.
Since 2019, Maharashtra’s political landscape has undergone significant changes. First, Uddhav Thackeray and his Shiv Sena party parted ways with the BJP to form a government with the Congress and NCP as the MVA. Later, both Shiv Sena and NCP broke up internally, with sizeable factions from both parties straying to the BJP, allowing it to form the government again. Leading up to the Lok Sabha election, the Maharashtra Congress is again experiencing fractures, with leaders like former Chief Minister Ashok Chavan defecting to the BJP.
Against this backdrop, there is a belief that Uddhav Thackeray and Sharad Pawar, despite the setbacks, still command sympathy in the State. However, this sympathy may translate into votes only in the Assembly election, as voters may still view Prime Minister Narendra Modi as the strong option for the general election. It is in this context that a broad alliance assumes importance.
“The alliance with Ambedkar is crucial for the MVA because only a strong alliance can counter Modi’s present appeal,” said Jaydeo Dole, a political observer. “An alliance solely comprising Thackeray, Pawar, and the Congress will have limitations in convincing voters from all corners. However, with Ambedkar onboard, the INDIA alliance’s narrative of ‘saving the Constitution’ will gain strong momentum.”
Ambedkar formed the VBA in 2018, after previously leading the Bharatiya Republican Paksha Bahujan Mahasangh, formed in 1994. He first became a Rajya Sabha member in 1990 and subsequently won Lok Sabha elections twice, in 1998 and 1999, from the Akola constituency in Vidarbha. In 1998, he was part of the Republican Aikya (Republican Unity), where four Republican parties of Maharashtra formed an alliance among themselves and with the Congress. This alliance secured 38 of 48 Lok Sabha seats, a performance that secular parties have not been able to replicate since. These results demonstrated that a strong alliance between the Congress and smaller Republican parties in Maharashtra can guarantee victory.
The State’s social structure supports this political reality, say observers. According to the 2011 census, Maharashtra has 11.8 per cent Dalit votes. And, despite many claimants, Ambedkar has emerged as the strongest leader of Dalits in Maharashtra. While others such as Ramdas Athawale, Minister of State in the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, have aligned with the BJP, Ambedkar has not joined the saffron bandwagon. Incidents of Dalit atrocities, such as the suicide of Rohith Vemula, a student from Hyderabad, or the beating of Dalit youths in Una in Himachal Pradesh and Gujarat, reportedly led Ambedkar to take a firm anti-BJP, anti-Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) stance. This has significantly contributed to his growth.
The violence in Koregaon Bhima on January 1, 2018, cemented Ambedkar’s position as the undisputed leader of Maharashtra’s Dalit communities. He took a strong stand and called for a Maharashtra bandh. In March 2018, he announced the formation of the VBA, capitalising on the strong Dalit political upsurge. By naming it Vanchit, which means deprived, Ambedkar aimed to reach out to other communities such as the smaller OBC groups, scheduled tribes, and Muslims. As of now, he has succeeded in consolidating a significant chunk of Dalit votes. To prevent the division of secular and progressive votes, including Ambedkar in the INDIA bloc is a crucial step for the opposition in Maharashtra.
Why is the alliance not yet sealed?
Despite the clear necessity for Ambedkar’s inclusion, talks have not progressed beyond the preliminary stages. Several reasons account for this, the primary one being the “distrust” between the two sides. Past incidents, such as Ambedkar’s previous refusal to align with Congress-NCP, contribute to it. In 2019, during talks between Ambedkar’s party and the Congress-NCP, demands for specific Lok Sabha seats, including Nanded and Baramati, held by sitting MPs Ashok Chavan and Supriya Sule, respectively, created discord. Ambedkar later denied this, but the alliance could not materialise due to the atmosphere of suspicion.
Seen as the strongest face for Dalits in Maharashtra, Ambedkar is a crucial figure to include in the INDIA bloc ahead of the general election. | Photo Credit: ANI
Recent incidents have further strained relations, despite ongoing talks. For instance, in mid-January, when MVA leaders announced the inclusion of the VBA, Ambedkar promptly denied it. When MVA leaders extended a public invitation to Ambedkar to join the alliance meeting, questions were raised about the authority of the inviter, Nana Patole. Subsequently, Ramesh Chennithala, the Maharashtra Congress in-charge, personally reached out to Ambedkar, leading to the February 2 meeting. But Ambedkar has confirmed an alliance with Uddhav Thackeray and Sharad Pawar’s parties. While initially perceived as being aimed at Mumbai city’s local elections, which are yet to take place, Ambedkar clarified there is no formal alliance with the Congress yet. Following the February 2 meeting, Ambedkar told the media, “I have not yet decided to join hands with MVA leaders. Talks with the Congress are ongoing. We still have to speak with their national president Mallikarjun Kharge.” Some interpret his statement as an assertion of political legacy and a demand for equal respect from alliance partners.
There is a longstanding history of electoral competition between Ambedkarites and the Congress in Maharashtra. Despite Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s initial alliance with the Congress, political conflict has persisted between the two parties. Since the 1952 general election, when Babasaheb lost to the Congress’s Narayan Sadoba Kajrolkar, staunch Ambedkar followers have viewed the Congress as a prime competitor, if not an outright opponent. Therefore, Ambedkar believes discussions should be held with the Congress “high command” rather than State leaders.
Conversely, the Congress is wary of Ambedkar’s intentions, fearing he may backtrack at the last minute and shift the blame on the Congress. As a precaution, the Congress is quietly devising a Plan B, using Kharge, a Dalit from the border city of Bidar in Karnataka, who speaks Marathi fluently. If Ambedkar withdraws from the MVA at the eleventh hour, the Congress will project Kharge as the Dalit face in Maharashtra. Efforts in this direction are already underway, as seen by the Congress’s mega rally in Nagpur, Vidarbha, on December 28, where Kharge addressed the crowd in Marathi. Also, the Congress strategically fielded Chandrakant Handore, a Dalit leader from Mumbai, as its candidate in the Rajya Sabha elections, which is aimed to attract Dalit votes.
Seat sharing
Both the MVA and the VBA have reiterated that discussions on the number of seats have not yet begun. However, Sujat Ambedkar, a prominent face of the party and the son of Ambedkar, posted a formula on social media platform X: “12 + 12 + 12 + 12.” This suggests allocating 12 seats each to the Congress, the NCP (Sharad Pawar), the Shiv Sena (Uddhav Thackeray), and the VBA.
Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Sanjay Raut with Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi president Prakash Ambedkar and others during the Maharashtra Development Alliance meeting, in Mumbai on Feb. 25, 2024. | Photo Credit: PTI
Ambedkar publicly offered Thackeray an alternative: if the Congress did not accommodate him, both Thackeray and Ambedkar would contest the elections in alliance, with 24 seats each. With the NCP, his proposed formula is 16 seats each. Ambedkar consistently demands an equal number of seats in any alliance formation, but publicly, he emphasises finalising the Common Minimum Programme first, with seat-sharing discussions afterwards.
Also Read | With ECI recognising Ajit Pawar’s NCP, stage set for high-stakes Maharashtra election
Meanwhile, Uddhav Thackeray has reportedly requested Ambedkar to provide a list of desired Lok Sabha seats. Sources close to Thackeray revealed that Ambedkar has not provided a list, instead asking the MVA to specify what they can offer. The MVA’s internal seat sharing is nearly finalised, with the Congress, the NCP (Sharad Pawar), and the Shiv Sena agreeing on 40 of the State’s 48 seats. The remaining eight seats will be resolved before the model code of conduct. Accommodating Ambedkar’s demand for an equal seat share poses the toughest challenge for the MVA. A highly placed source from the NCP (Sharad Pawar) disclosed that the MVA can offer Ambedkar six seats, all of which are potentially winning seats. Also, there are options to accommodate Ambedkar in the Rajya Sabha, State Assembly, and Council seats. However, as of now, no significant progress has been made in those discussions.
Social pressure
At the same time, there is social pressure from the ground for an MVA-VBA alliance, especially from civil society organisations that are campaigning for the ouster of BJP from the Centre. Various fronts such as Bharat Jodo Abhiyan (comprising mainly socialist activists), Nirbhay Bano (Stay Fearless), and Navi Umed-Nava Paryay (New Hope, New Option), among others, have begun grassroots campaigns against the BJP. The success of their mass mobilisation depends heavily on the formation of a strong opposition alliance. Therefore, these organisations are exerting pressure on MVA partners and the VBA to form an alliance. Bharat Jodo Abhiyan’s State working committee has engaged with senior leaders such as Sharad Pawar, Uddhav Thackeray, Balasaheb Thorat, and Nana Patole of the Congress to push for an alliance with the VBA. Similarly, over 70 Dalit organisations recently convened in Nashik to discuss the way forward, with unanimous agreement on the need for an alliance between the MVA and the VBA.
“We believe that 2024 is not just a battle for one Lok Sabha seat. It is a battle to safeguard democracy in India,” said Sanjay MG, a social activist and member of Bharat Jodo Abhiyan. “Our freedom fighters fought against the British to secure our independence. The question now is whether we will succeed in preserving that independence in 2024. That’s why we appeal to all like-minded forces to come together. We hope that the VBA and the MVA in Maharashtra will understand this urgency.”
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A Harrowing Betrayal: Arrest of Two Minors for Sexual Assault Shakes Salem
Delve into the chilling incident in Salem where a Dalit girl was sexually assaulted by minors, the subsequent digital nightmare, and the legal actions taken. Uncover the societal and legal implications of this harrowing case.
In the heart of Salem, a city known for its rich cultural tapestry and historical significance, a chilling incident has cast a long shadow over its streets. On May 5, 2023, a 17-year-old Dalit girl fell victim to a heinous act of sexual assault, a betrayal compounded by the fact that the ordeal was recorded and disseminated across social media platforms. This grave violation of human rights and dignity did not just stop at the assault; it spiraled into a digital nightmare for the victim, whose suffering was broadcast for the world to see. The perpetrators of this vile act were none other than two minors from the Kadaiyampatti locality, one of whom had deceitfully promised marriage to the victim.
Following the incident, the victim's family, grappling with the horror of what had transpired, took the courageous step to file a complaint, setting the wheels of justice in motion. The local police, acting on the complaint, apprehended the two minors responsible for the assault and the subsequent circulation of the video. The offenders, aged 17 and 16, now face charges under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act and the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, highlighting the dual nature of the crime: a sexual offense compounded by an act against a Dalit individual. In a decisive move by the authorities, the minors have been detained at Borstal School, a facility designed for the rehabilitation of young offenders.
Societal and Legal Implications
A Broader Context of Sexual Violence Against Minors
This incident in Salem is not an isolated event but a glaring indicator of the broader issue of sexual violence against minors in India. For instance, a recent case reported in Ludhiana involved a labourer sexually assaulting his live-in partner's 8-year-old son, highlighting the prevalence of such atrocities. Each case, including the one in Salem, brings to the fore the urgent need for a comprehensive approach to safeguard children and educate society on the importance of consent and the sanctity of individual rights.
In the wake of this disturbing event, the community of Salem, and indeed the nation, finds itself at a crossroads. The path forward must involve not only legal recourse and justice for the victim but also a collective introspection on the societal norms and prejudices that enable such crimes to occur. As this case progresses, it will undoubtedly serve as a critical litmus test for the strength of India's legal and social frameworks in protecting its most vulnerable.
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BSF has unlawfully issued a decree prohibiting the cultivation of any crop that grows higher than three feet
Dalit family held placards in their hands and raised slogans against the BJP leader against the land mafia: The whole family gave an open challenge to commit suicide, the administration was shocked.
Jakhaniya. Padmakar Ram, resident of Karimullahpur Ramban village under Bhudkura Kotwali, forcibly occupied private land holding Ganta No. 86 area 4,12,2002 by BJP District Vice President Vipin Singh and his unknown henchmen and occupied it by dropping ballast and cement for the construction of a school and my Minor son Indrajit was badly beaten and injured by the henchmen of the land mafia. When the police station and tehsil officials were informed, they did not listen.
Victim Padmakar Ram, wife Shashi Kala Devi, elder daughter Archana, Ranjana, son Indrajeet today at 3:00 pm from Ramban Karimullapur village with a plank in their hands, give us justice, give us justice, take action against the former mafia henchmen, killed the minor son. After writing slogans like take strict action, take action against BJP District Vice President Vipin Singh and other slogans, they reached Parsupur, Jakhaniya Bazar, Jakhaniya Block, Tehsil at 4:00 pm.
Slogans raised in the tehsil created a stir among the advocates and the people present. On the spot, the new tehsildar Ravi Ranjan Kashyap listened to the whole story regarding the problems of the victim’s family and after taking the leaflet, immediately directed the concerned accountants and law officers to go to the spot and resolve the issue. Naib Tehsildar Ravi Ranjan Kashyap told that what is the matter of this family, I am not yet aware of the whole matter. The concerned law officers will be immediately sent to the accountant, investigation will be done and appropriate action will be taken.
Courtesy: Hindi News
Dalit girl was trapped and introduced herself as an “Aryan auditor”, the secret of Tabrez was revealed on her wedding day Geo Tv News
A case of love jihad has been revealed in Kushinagar district of Uttar Pradesh. Here a young man named Tabrez went to marry a girl from the Dalit community and hid his true identity. Tabrez, who identified himself as an “Aryan”, said he was posted as an inspector in the Uttar Pradesh police. The police registered an FIR on the complaint of the girl’s father. Tabrez was arrested. The incident happened on Monday (February 26, 2024).
By Muhammad
According to the media, it is about the Ahiroli police area of Kushinagar Bazar. Tabrez met the victim, who lived here, about a year ago in the name of Orian Prasad. Aryan then identified himself as an Inspector of UP Police. He also said that his posting is in Gorakhpur. Tabrez had physical contact with the victim several times during the year of their relationship. When the girl’s family found out about this relationship, they proposed marriage to Oriya Ban Tabrez. Tabrez also said “yes”. The date of the wedding was kept on February 25, 2024.
The girl’s family also printed wedding cards and distributed them among relatives. A picture of Baba Bhimrao Ambedkar was placed on top of the card. On the wedding day, sweets and food were brought and kept. On February 25, the girl’s family was waiting for the marriage ceremony. After a long time, Tabrez called the victim’s house and gave the excuse that his mother had a heart attack. When the girl’s family heard this, they were worried and thought that Tabrez suddenly arrived at the girl’s house as a groom.
They say that Tabrez decorated the car in wedding style. He also performed all the marriage rituals as per Hindu rituals. After some time, he gave the girl clothes and jewelry. The girl’s relatives revealed that the jewelry was fake, which was confirmed during the investigation. From here, people suspected Tabrez. When they checked, Tabrez’s hair was also fake, and it fell to the ground due to panic. Aadhar card of Tabrez was also found during the search. It was only then that people found out that he was a Muslim.
Finally, the girl’s family members arrested Tabrez and arrested her. They also realized that there are no Tabrez police officers. As soon as the news about this incident reached, the police arrived at the scene. The police arrested Tabrez. Based on the complaint of the victim’s father, an FIR was registered against Tabrez. Additional SP of Kushinagar confirmed the action.
Courtesy : GTN News
Atrocities on Dalits are not stopping, then police uniform got stained, ASI did such a thing
Guna, The cases of brutality against Dalits are not showing any signs of decreasing in Madhya Pradesh. Due to this action of the policeman, the uniform has once again been tainted. A shocking police incident has come to light in Guna, Madhya Pradesh. Where a young man who went to the police with a complaint was beaten up by the police ASI to such an extent that he got injury marks on his body, he was given third degree without permission and the police beat up the complainant like a criminal!
However, after this the action of Guna SP has come to light. A case has been registered against the ASI, and he has also been suspended. Let us tell you that Guna SP has shown seriousness in the case of assault on a Dalit person in Panwadi Haat of Aaron police station area. FIR has been registered against ASI. Also he has been suspended.
Let us tell you that according to Guna SP Sanjeev Kumar Singha, on February 22, Vijay son of Kaluram Ahirwar, a resident of Panwadi Haat, had given an application in the police station. On February 16, he was going to Panwadi Haat with his wife and children. Then ASI Bhanwar Singh Rajput beat him severely.
Not only this, he was then taken to Panwadi Haat outpost. There was also a fight there. Guna SP said that when this matter came to light, ASI was immediately put on line. After this, Raghogarh SDOP investigated the matter. After this, a case has been registered against ASI under sections 323, 294, 506 of the Indian Penal Code and 3(1) (d), 3(1d), 3(2) (va) of the SCST Act.
Courtesy: Ibc24
W.E.B. Du Bois: Bridging the Gaps in the Global Struggle for Equality
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Du Bois was one of the most influential intellectuals of the 20th century and a leading figure in the civil rights movement in the United States. He was the first African American to earn a doctorate from Harvard University, where he studied history, sociology, and economics.
Throughout his career, Du Bois advocated for racial equality, civil rights, and social justice. He co-founded the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in 1909 and served as the editor of its magazine, The Crisis, for several years. He also played a significant role in the Niagara Movement, which preceded the NAACP and advocated for civil rights and equal treatment for African Americans.
Later in his life, Du Bois became increasingly involved in Pan-Africanism, advocating for the unity and liberation of people of African descent worldwide. He eventually moved to Ghana, where he died in 1963, becoming a citizen of the newly independent African nation.
Du Bois's contributions to civil rights and African-American intellectual thought continue to be celebrated today.
Blacks and Dalits: The analogy of discrimination that binds them together
Blacks in America were suffering a similar situation in their country as the untouchables in India, although they were relatively well placed and had limited options of self-employment, business, and education as well. But the congruencies between the black movement and the depressed class movement in India were strong enough to engage and inspire each other. In 1972, a group of disgruntled Dalit youths started Dalit Panther, largely modeled on the radical outfit Black Panther of the U.S.
But about 100 years before that, Jyotiba Rao Phule dedicated his book “Ghulamgiri,” a trenchant critique of the Caste System, to the “American Abolitionist” and equated the condition between both the oppressed communities in the book by saying, “This system of slavery, to which the Brahmins reduced the lower classes, is in no respects inferior to that which obtained a few years ago in America. In the days of rigid Brahmin dominance, so lately as that of the time of the Peshwa, my Shudra Brethren had even greater hardships and oppression practiced upon them than what even the slaves in America had to suffer.”
The Correspondence between Dr. Ambedkar and Du Bois
Ambedkar and Du Bois both shared certain similarities in their approach to fight caste discrimination and racism respectively. For example, Ambedkar wanted his people to attain education, raise awareness, and struggle to fight for their rights, similarly, Du Bois emphasized quality education to compete with the whites. So when Ambedkar published Mooknayak (1920), Bahishkrut Bharat (1927), and Prabuddha Bharat (1956), Du Bois played an instrumental role in the establishment of The Crisis Magazine. However, the correspondence between the two contemporaries sheds more light on their views on racism and caste.
It is presumed that the time spent in the U.S by Ambedkar to complete his M.A and Ph.D. may have influenced his thinking, although his writings bear no such inference to reach this conclusion. In 1946, Ambedkar wrote a letter to Professor Du Bois to express his interest in the petition filed by the Negros of America to the U.N.O, which was established less than a year ago on 24th of October 1945. In the letter, Ambedkar declares himself as belonging to the Untouchables of India and states that there is a similarity between the positions of Negroes in America and Untouchables of India. “There is so much similarity between the position of the Untouchables in Indian and of the position of the Negroes in America that the study of the latter is not only natural but necessary,” he writes. Ambedkar ends the letter by requesting for the copies of the representation sent by the Negros to the U.N.O at his address.
In his response, Du Bois replies that he is enclosing a copy of the statement made by the Negro Congress and promises to send copies of a more comprehensive letter. In the second part of the short letter, he recognizes Ambedkar’s work and expresses familiarity with his work, “I have often heard of your name and work and of course have every sympathy with the Untouchables of India. I shall be glad to be of any service I can render if Possible in the future.”
The Mooknayak spoke to Professor Prabodhan Pal, Assistant Professor, Manipal Centre for Humanities, pointing out the significance of the correspondence. He says, “Even this brief correspondence manages to shed light on the popularity and recognition of Ambedkar beyond India and shows his stature internationally. It is the first premise to understand the link of social justice, liberty between the two great movements. It also serves as a reminder that nothing will be gained by being parochial in approach and we will have to establish dialogue between all the oppressed communities.
இந்து மதம் என் புரிதல் என்ற தொடரின் 3வது பகுதியாக தலித் அடையாளம் ஏற்பும் மறுப்பும் - காணொளி
இந்து மதம் என் புரிதல் என்ற தொடரின் 3வது பகுதியாக 'தலித் அடையாளம் ஏற்பும் மறுப்பும்' என்ற இந்த காணொளியில் தலித் சமூகத்தினர் இந்து மதத்துடன் தங்களை எப்படி தொடர்படுத்திக் கொள்கிறார்கள், இந்து மதம் அவர்களை எப்படி அணுகுகிறது என்று கள ஆய்வின் மூலம் கூறுகிறது.
ஒரு சந்தர்ப்பத்தில் தலித்துகள் மீது பசு காவலர்கள் நடத்திய தாக்குதலும், மற்றொரு சந்தர்ப்பத்தில் ஒரு இஸ்லாமியர் இந்து மத பெண்ணை காதலித்ததற்காக இஸ்லாமியரை தாக்கிய தலித் இளைஞர் என இரண்டு சம்பவங்களின் மூலம் இந்து மதத்துக்கும் தலித்துகளுக்குமான தொடர்பு குறித்து விளக்குகிறது.
ராஜஸ்தான் மாநிலத்தில் 2017ம் ஆண்டு இஸ்லாமியர் ஒருவரை ஷம்புலால் தலித் இளைஞர் கொலை செய்துவிடுகிறார். அதன் பின் இஸ்லாமியர்கள் இந்து பெண்களை காதலிக்கக் கூடாது என அவர் பேசும் வீடியோ வெளியானது. அவர் தற்போது சிறையில் அடைக்கப்பட்டுள்ளார்.
அவர் வாழும் பகுதியை சேர்ந்த நந்த்கிஷோர் எனும் தலித் சமூகத்தை சேர்ந்தவர், பல ஆண்டுகளாக ஆர் எஸ் எஸ் அமைப்புடன் இயங்கி வருகிறார். இந்து பெண்ணை இஸ்லாமியர் திருமணம் செய்துக் கொள்வதை நந்தகிஷோர் ஏற்றுக் கொள்ளவில்லை. ஆனால் சங் பரிவாரங்கள் யாருக்கும் பாகுபாடு காட்டவில்லை என்கிறார்.
காங்கிரஸ் கட்சிக்கே பாரம்பரியமாக வாக்களித்து வரும் தனது தலித் சமூகத்தினரிடையே தான் கொண்டுள்ள கருத்தின் காரணமாக தனிமைப்படுத்தப்பட்டதாகவும், பின் நிலைமைகள் சீராகின என்றும் கூறினார்.
முழு விவரம் காணொளியில்...
(சமூக ஊடகங்களில் பிபிசி தமிழ் ஃபேஸ்புக், இன்ஸ்டாகிராம், எக்ஸ்(டிவிட்டர்) மற்றும் யூட்யூப் பக்கங்கள் மூலம் எங்களுடன் இணைந்திருங்கள்.)
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