Chief Minister N. Rangasamy ,along with Ministers, attended the At Home reception organised by Lt. Governor K. Kailashnathan, on the occasion of Independence Day 2024 held at Raj Nivas in Puducherry on Thursday. | Photo Credit: SS KUMAR
Lieutenant Governor K. Kailashnathan on Thursday evening hosted a reception (At Home) at Raj Nivas as part of the Independence Day celebrations in Puducherry.
Chief Minister N. Rangasamy, Speaker R. Selvam, Home Minister A. Namassivayam, Minister for Adi Dravidar Welfare A. K. Sai J. Saravanan Kumar, legislators belonging to AINRC, BJP, DMK, Independents and senior officials attended the event.
Colourful cultural programmes, marchpast and award of medals and prizes mark Independence Day in Tiruchi
Collector distributed welfare measures of the departments such as Revenue, Agriculture, Horticulture, Adi Dravidar and Tribal Welfare, Differently Abled Welfare, TAHDCO, Vazhndhu Kaattuvom scheme and Labour Welfare to 27 beneficiaries totalling ₹23.82 lakh.
Published - August 15, 2024 07:22 pm IST - TIRUCHI
Collector M. Pradeep Kumar inspecting the guard of honour at the 78th Independence Day celebrations in Tiruchi on Thursday. | Photo Credit: M. MOORTHY
On the occasion of the 78th Independence Day, Collector M. Pradeep Kumar hoisted the national flag at the Armed Reserve Police Ground in Tiruchi on Thursday.
He accepted the guard of honour presented by the Armed Reserve police personnel and awarded medals and certificates of appreciation to 329 best performers in various government departments.
Disparity among Dalits needs to be acknowledged
Disparity among Dalits needs to be acknowledgedIn fact, recognising internal disparity is an opportunity to both cultivate spontaneous solidarities among Dalit castes and actualise the constitution of a genuinely unified Dalit category and politics.Written by Milind E AwadUpdated: August 18, 2024 10:45 ISWhile there is broad agreement among stakeholders on the introduction of creamy-layer status within SC/ST reservation, sub-classification based on caste has received mixed responses.A seven-judge Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court said states can create sub-classifications within the reserved categories for Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs). After this decision, along with the masses and political parties, elite universities and public institutions have become the battleground for discussing sub-classification and creamy layer issues. It is evident that there are two views on sub-classification: one in its favour, the other in its opposition.However, both are critical of introducing the creamy-layer clause in SC categorisation. The Cabinet too has clarified that there is no plan to implement the creamy layer exclusion for SC and ST quota. This consensus stems from the shared notion that SCs and STs are historically humiliated communities and that reservation, in this case, is an attempt to redress generational social exclusion. Thus, creamy-layer sub-categorisation that excludes economically secure members of the SC/ST community cannot be used as a form of differentiation for the latter to continue to face discrimination.While there is broad agreement among stakeholders on the introduction of creamy-layer status within SC/ST reservation, sub-classification based on caste has received mixed responses. Critics argue that it will fragment the pan-Dalit identity, and that privileged sections of the SC/ST communities are assertive and visible because they embraced the process of Ambedkarisation. Finally, they highlight the limited character of social change achieved by reservation and demand its effective implementation.
However, this ‘pan-Dalit identity’ is projected by the meta-narrative created by SCs visible in the public sphere, who not only participated in the Ambedkarite movement but also achieved a middle-class status thanks to reservation in education and employment early on.
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Moreover, the visibility of communities including the neo-Buddhists (Maharashtra), Malas and Adi-Andhras (Telangana and AP), Holeyas (Karnataka), Pallans and Paraiyars (TN), Pulayas (Kerala), and Jatavs and Chamars in (north India) can also be attributed to their sizable population. However, communities including the Mangs (Maharashtra), Madigas (Telangana), Arunthathiyars (TN), and Valmikis and Mazhabis (north India) are ‘late entrants’ in the anti-caste movement.
The procedural history of sub-classification can be traced to the B N Lokur Committee constituted in 1965. It observed that the welfare benefits were concentrated in “numerically large and politically well-organised communities”. Ten years later, Punjab issued a notification giving preference to Valmiki and Mazhabi Sikh castes, identified as most backward, in SC quota. In the 1990s, the Madiga Reservation Porata Samithi emerged as a strong voice, demanding sub-classification in AP. In response, the state formed the R Raju Committee. Based on its recommendation, AP created sub-classification within SC reservation that was struck down by the Supreme Court in 2004.
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However, the demand for sub-classification in SC reservation by state and non-state actors was not an isolated case. We have seen the formation of commissions across India recommending categorisation and sub-classification of the SC reservation based on their findings: Hukum Singh Commission (UP, 2001), Lahuji Salve Commission (Maharashtra, 2003), Sadashiva Commission (Karnataka, 2005), Usha Mehra Commission (Centre, 2007) and the Janarthanam Commission (TN, 2008).
I argue for extending the social justice principle underlying the SC/ST reservation to castes that have not been able to access welfare resources. If reservation was introduced to redress the enormous socio-economic inequality among historically disadvantaged castes through proportional representation, then why not use the same principle for backward castes within the SC category? In the same context, the Supreme Court’s 2024 verdict takes note of the data and rationalises the necessity of sub-classification for the most disadvantaged and marginalised groups that have failed to access the benefits of reservation.
Thus, instead of penalising or silencing the internal contradiction within the Dalit community, it is pertinent that those upholding the cause acknowledge the vast disparity in socio-economic status, education and employment in the community. In fact, recognising internal disparity is an opportunity to both cultivate spontaneous solidarities among Dalit castes and actualise the constitution of a genuinely unified Dalit category and politics.
Dalit found dead after eloping with girl from minority community in Uttar Pradesh
Caste Hindus raze temple in Vellore village after Dalits celebrate festival
The Dalits of the village, who roughly make up 50% of the population, stated the deity of the temple in question had primarily been worshipped by their community for many years.
The debris of Kaliamman temple near Gemmankuppam village in KV Kuppam taluk(Photo | Express)
VELLORE: A section of caste Hindus demolished a Kaliamman temple near Gemmankuppam village in KV Kuppam taluk last week, after Dalits of the village defied their decision to disallow people from Scheduled Caste (SC) communities from participating in the temple’s Aadi month festivities. After a delay of more than a week, based on the Dalits’ complaint, KV Kuppam police have registered a case under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act against one person from a caste Hindu community.
According to official sources, the FIR was filed on August 14 after the matter was discussed in detail during a recent law and order meeting chaired by the district collector.
The Dalits of the village, who roughly make up 50% of the population, said the deity of the temple in question had primarily been worshipped by their community for many years. One member, S Naveen Kumar, who filed the police complaint, told TNIE that over time members of other castes began worshipping at the temple, but in recent years the Dalits have started facing discrimination.
According to sources, the deity had initially been enshrined in the open, on a piece of poramboke land located three kilometres away from the village. A few years ago, a small temple was built around the deity. The Dalits told TNIE that they had contributed in cash and kind for the construction of the temple, a claim the caste Hindus contested. “We were not even invited for the consecration of the new structure,” Naveen Kumar alleged.
The caste Hindus of the village comprise a mix of communities including Vanniyars, Yadavs, Chettiars and Naidus, sources said.
Naveen Kumar said the Dalits were explicitly told to stay away from the Aadi month festivities which were scheduled for August 2, the third Friday of the Tamil month of Aadi. D Loganathan, a caste Hindu named in the FIR, who claims to be a medium and soothsayer, told the villagers that Goddess Kaliamman had appeared in his dreams and instructed the Dalits be kept away. “The caste Hindus backed his claim,” Naveen added.
The temple before it was demolished(Photo | Express)
Another Dalit, 37-year-old Bharath Tamil, said, “We usually begin celebrations at the Mariamman temple in our locality first, then cook pongal at the Kaliamman temple outside the village. Recently, we have been facing discrimination. Last year, caste Hindus even refused to allow the temple procession on our streets.”
After the caste Hindus made the decision to exclude Dalits, the community members filed a police complaint. KV Kuppam police then initiated an inquiry, during which the caste Hindus allegedly made discriminatory statements. Subsequently, on August 2, the Dalits defied the caste Hindus and proceeded to cook pongal and celebrate at the Kaliamman temple. The event was boycotted by the caste Hindus, sources said.
On August 6, despite the temple being under police protection, a section of caste Hindus demolished the temple using earthmovers and took away the idol. In their complaint, the Dalits alleged that the demolition was done with the support of the then jurisdictional DSP Ravichandran. However, when TNIE contacted the official, he denied the allegations, stating the case is now being handled by the revenue department. He had no comment on how the temple’s demolition took place despite police personnel being present.
Speaking to TNIE, the caste Hindus of the village claimed the temple was solely built by Loganathan. They added they have no qualm about Dalits entering and worshipping at the temple, however, they expressed unwillingness to celebrate the temple festival together. Loganathan refused to comment.
The village panchayat president M Krishnamoorthy said, “If both parties are willing, I am ready to organise the temple festival; otherwise, it is up to the villagers.”
Gudiyatham revenue officials have scheduled peace committee meetings with both the communities in a bid to resolve the issue. A senior revenue official acknowledged that the temple structure should not have been demolished even though it stood on poramboke land, since it is the case with many other temples in the state.
Notably, DSP Ravichandran was among those who were transferred as part of the recent district-wide shuffling of police officials.
ஜூலையில் ஒரு தலைவர் "படுகொலை" செய்யப்படுகிறார்.
ஆகஸ்டில் ஒரு தலைவர் தனது பிறந்தநாளை பிரமாண்டமாக ஏற்பாடு செய்து திரைப்பிரபலங்கள் புடை சூழ மகிழ்ச்சியோடு கொண்டாடி மகிழ்கிறார்.
தன்னோடு சக அரசியல் களத்தில் பணியாற்றிய ஒரு தலைவர் இறந்திருக்கின்றார் என்பதையோ, அல்லது தன்னைப்போலவே விளிம்பு நிலைச் சமூகத்தில் பிறந்த ஒரு தலைவர் கள்வர்களின் சதிக்கு இரையாகி மறைவெய்தி இருக்கிறார் என்பதையோ, கிஞ்சித்தும் பொருட்படுத்தாது தனது மகிழ்ச்சி ஒன்றையே கருத்தில் கொண்டு இங்கே ஒரு தலைவர் கேளிக்கை உலகில் துள்ளிக் குதித்து ஆனந்தத் தாண்டவமாடி வருகின்றார்.
இத்தகைய பச்சாதாபமே இல்லாத அணுகுமுறையை எத்தகைய வகைப்பாட்டில் சேர்ப்பதோ?
ஒரு தலைவர் இறந்துவிட்டார் என்பதற்காக ஒரு நாளைக்கு மூன்று முறை யாரையும் நாம் அழுது கொண்டிருக்கச் சொல்லவில்லை. உணவு உண்பதையோ,உடை உடுத்துவதையோ தடை செய்யவில்லை. ஆயினும் குறைந்த பட்சம் இவ்வகையான கேளிக்கை நிகழ்வையாவது ஓராண்டு மட்டும் நிறுத்தி வைத்தால்தான் என்ன?
எனில் நாம் பல்லாண்டுகாலமாக இயம்பி வருவதைப் போன்று இவர்களின் இலக்கு எல்லாம் பதவியும், புகழும், வெகுமதிகளும் தான் என்பது இதன் மூலம் நிரூபணமாகிறது.
இவர்களின் அரசியல் என்பது மக்களுக்கானதாக இருந்திருந்தால் எப்போதோ இந்த மக்களின் தீர்க்கப்படாத கோரிக்கைகளான
1.பஞ்சமி நிலம்
2.மக்கட்தொகைக்கேற்ற இட ஒதுக்கீடு
3.துணைத்திட்ட நிதி முறைப்படுத்துதல்
போனறவற்றிற்கான தீர்வை தங்களது கூட்டணி ஆட்சி எஜமானர்களிடம் முறையிட்டுப் பெற்றுத் தந்திருப்பர்.
மாறாக இவர்களின் அரசியல் என்பது தங்களுக்கு மட்டுமான தனி நபர் நலன் சார்ந்து இருப்பதாலேயே அது இன்னும் நிகழாமலேயே இருந்து கொண்டிருக்கிறது.
என்றைக்குத்தான் இந்தச் சமூகமானது உணர்வு பெற்று இத்தகைய கயவர்களை ஒதுக்கி ஓரம் தள்ளப்போகின்றதோ?
Kala Kanshi ,
Bahujan Graduates Forum.
Case registered after family alleges assault, kidnap over inter-caste love affair in Dharmapuri
Published - August 16, 2024 10:01 pm IST - DHARMAPURI
Morappur police have registered a case under the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act over a complaint of assault and kidnapping of a woman here over an inter-caste love affair in Harur.
The complainant Selvam (59), belonging to Kuravar community of Keezh Morappur along with his wife and nephew were reportedly attacked on Wednesday and his wife Murugammal was kidnapped and harassed in captivity to be released early on Thursday.
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Sivaji.UT news.Chief,kadapa.AP. In India There are 143 reserved MPs and 62 SC.STs won in general seats.143(reserved seats)+62(general seats)=205..sc.st out of 543..Lok Sabha MPs.38%.Dr Ambedkar is winning slowly in Dr Ambedkar India....good. GOOD NEWS. The facts from EC.website.SC.ST.. 20%(19.7) are elected in General Seats merritoriously. Dalit,SC.ST candidates in general seats rarely win. 🐜🐜🐜🐜🐜🐜🐜🐜🐜🐜🐜🐜🐜🐘🐘🐘🐘🐘🐘🐘🐘🐘🐘🐘🐘🐘🐘 ALL INDIA LEVEL ✈️✈️✈️✈️✈️✈️✈️✈️✈️ In all India level Overall, since 2004, 5,953 SC/ST candidates have contested from (general seats ) unreserved seats in Lok Sabha elections, with 62 (or just over 1%) of them winning. In state Assembly elections, the number is almost similar, at 20,644 such candidates, and 246 recorded wins (1.19%). Lok Sabha elections Since 2004, the highest number of SC/ST winners in general seats were seen in 2024 last year’s Lok Sabha elections, at 22 (two of them women) – though, their number h...
Disparity among Dalits needs to be acknowledged
