10.04.2025..TODAY's...News of Untouchables .....अछूत समाचार.தீண்டாமை செய்திகள்.by Team சிவாஜி. शिवाजी .Shivaji.asivaji1962@gmail.com.9444917060.asivaji1961@gmail.com.facebook.sivajiyogatiruvannamalai.X.ShivajiA479023(in all languages)
Menstruating dalit girl forced to write exams sitting outside classroom in TN school
The police registered the case based on a complaint filed by V Surendranath, 34, of Senguttaipalayam village. In his complaint, Surendranath stated that his two daughters aged 14 and 12 are studying in Swamy Chidbhavananda Matric Higher Secondary School at Senguttaipalayam. His younger daughter, who was studying class VIII, attained puberty on April 5. His daughter was forced to sit outside the classroom alone to write annual exams on Monday and Wednesday.
“My wife was very upset after seeing my daughter sitting outside the classroom on Wednesday. My wife questioned school assistant correspondent Anandhi and office assistant Shanthi. They argued with my wife. School correspondent Thangavelpandian told my wife that the dalit would be treated like that only,” said Surendranath.
The mother took a video of her daughter sitting outside the classroom on Wednesday.
The parents of the girl lodged a complaint with the Pollachi sub-collector Catherine Saranya. After petitioning the sub-collector, the girl’s father said the management had not given a proper reply for treating his daughter badly on the school premises.
When asked about the incident, school education minister V Senthil Balaji said the Coimbatore rural police were conducting a detailed inquiry into the incident. Assistant superintendent of police Shristi Singh visited the school on Thursday and conducted an inquiry with the school authorities. She told reporters that the parents of the minor girl had asked the school management to make their daughter sit alone as she had attained puberty. But the parents claimed that they had not asked the school management to make their daughter sit outside the classroom.
Coimbatore district education officer (middle schools) T Gomathi visited the school on Thursday afternoon. She inquired with the schoolteachers and the principal. “A detailed inquiry report will be submitted to the district chief educational officer and further action will be taken based on the report,” she said.
Gomathi said there was no discrimination. “The school management was asked by the parents to make their daughter sit alone in the examination hall. Students who are studying from classes I to VIII will be compulsorily passed by the state govt. They don’t need to attend the exam.”
Meanwhile, the school management placed principal Anandhi under suspension.
Start a Conversation..
India’s Untouchables: The Undying Struggle for Equality
This article examines the persistent discrimination against Dalits alongside their democratic struggle, the necessity of reservations, and Dr. Ambedkar’s enduring influence.
New Delhi- India's constitutional commitment to equality fails to prevent ongoing caste-based discrimination against Dalits. Legal frameworks evolved while numerous individuals maintain unchanged beliefs. The recent incident involving Shivam Sonkar—a Dalit scholar who achieved second place in his PhD, the Banaras Hindu University entrance exam exposes the harsh reality that caste continues to control access to opportunities.
This article examines the persistent discrimination against Dalits alongside their democratic struggle, the necessity of reservations, and Dr. Ambedkar’s enduring influence.
India continues to struggle with caste-based exclusion even after seventy-five years of independence. Legal frameworks prohibit untouchability, yet real-world conditions contradict this narrative. Members of the Dalit community face exclusion in society.
Take Shivam Sonkar’s situation: Despite being top-ranked, he was rejected from BHU’s Ph.D. program. The reason? His Dalit identity. These incidents reveal the operation of caste bias within prestigious institutions.
Reports indicate that Dalits still encounter discriminatory practices across educational institutions, professional environments, and social interactions. Members of lower castes remain trapped in demeaning employment while facing violent assaults for temple entry and brutal attacks for pursuing dreams beyond their caste restrictions.
"Democracy is meaningless unless it stands for the recognition of the dignity of every individual."
Democracy for Whom? When Equality is an Illusion
Every Indian citizen theoretically enjoys fundamental rights under the Constitution, but Dalits frequently remain excluded from these legal protections. The democratic system, designed to uplift marginalised groups, instead betrays their interests.
Dalits encounter political exclusion along with systemic violence and social rejection despite their constitutional rights. Requests for dignity by these individuals result in responses of threats, humiliation, and potential fatal outcomes. Indian society has deeply entrenched caste structures that obstruct the achievement of genuine equality.
Why does this discrimination persist? Because casteism is not just a system; it is a mindset. Laws can change, but attitudes take generations to evolve. Until society indeed acknowledges its biases, Dalits will remain second-class citizens in their own country.
Why Reservation? Breaking the Myth of "Merit"
A common question posed by critics is why Dalits continue to require reservations. What reasons exist for prioritising caste-based quotas over merit?
The straightforward explanation is that caste discrimination remains prevalent. Merit loses its significance when systemic barriers prevent access to opportunities. Historically, Dalits faced systemic exclusion from educational opportunities, job markets, and economic advancement. The purpose of reservations is to create equality by adjusting a historically skewed playing field, rather than providing them with undeserved benefits.
Absent reservation systems, dominant caste groups would maintain control over institutions, resulting in total exclusion of Dalits. Dalits encounter numerous barriers, including discrimination and isolation, along with inadequate institutional support despite existing reservation policies. The situation of Shivam Sonkar demonstrates that Dalits remain vulnerable to caste discrimination despite their achievements.
"Turn in any direction you like, caste is the monster that crosses your path."
Think for a moment about an India without Dr B.R. Ambedkar. Would democracy, socio-economic justice, and constitutional rights exist authentically?
Dr. Ambedkar was born into a Dalit family and faced humiliation at various points in his life. Yet, he emerged as the chief architect of India's constitutional framework, which empowered all people, regardless of caste, to have equal rights. Ambedkar's vision was not merely about laws; it was about dignity. He worked for women’s rights, labor rights, and the annihilation of caste.
Ambedkar contributed to modern India's development, but many who use these rights today fail to appreciate that they became entitlements through a Dalit leader. It is ironic that those opposed to reservations and Dalit rights conveniently overlook the fact that the Constitution was written by a Dalit.
"The progress of any society can be measured by the position of its weakest members."
Beyond Caste: The Urgency of Humanity
The matter of casteism concerns more than Dalits—it is a matter of humanity. Until India is prepared to identify people as 'people' and not castes, there can be no genuine democracy.
According to political scientist Dr. Hanumanthappa D.G., Ambedkar's philosophy was based on the universal human rights of all people. The principles of liberty, equality, and fraternity should be the foundations of India today.
The question becomes: are we really ready to live these principles? Are we, as a society, really ready to forego caste prejudice and elevate the human dignity of all people? It is time for India to choose. Shall we continue to subjugate a portion of our own people? Or shall we finally be ready to rise above caste and adhere to the humanity that joins us all?
The untouchable truth is that caste discrimination is far from finished. However, it is not simply the burden of Dalits alone to fight it; it is a fight for any Indian who believes in an idea of equality and justice.
History will judge us by how we treat the most marginalised. The choice is clear: either we uphold the Constitution and Ambedkar's vision of India, or remain bequeathed to a past of oppression.
Will India break the caste system? Or will we continue to let down our own? The answer rests in whatever we decide to do next.
- Poornima is a passionate academic with an M.A. in Political Science from the University of Lucknow and UGC NET-qualified Assistant Professor.
India overhauls teaching in Himalayan Buddhist monasteries to counter China
- Summary
- Syllabus designed to streamline education, foster patriotism
- Plan to safeguard monasteries from Chinese influence
- Education reform is part of Indian govt's strategic plan
The Reuters Tariff Watch newsletter is your daily guide to the latest global trade and tariff news. Sign up here.
MORE TIME NEEDED
Reporting by Rupam Jain; Editing by Clarence Fernandez
Our Standards: The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles.
Rahul Gandhi vows to 'demolish' wall limiting reservations to 50%
Rahul Gandhi vowed to dismantle the 50 per cent cap on reservations for SCs, STs, and OBCs in education and government jobs, citing Telangana's model and calling for a nationwide caste census to ensure greater representation for marginalised communities.
In Short
- Rahul Gandhi reiterates demand for caste census at Ahmedabad meeting
- Pledges to remove 50 per cent reservation cap for SCs, STs, OBCs
- Vows to implement Telangana-like national law to breach Supreme Court’s cap
Congress leader Rahul Gandhi on Wednesday pledged that the party would lift the 50 per cent cap on reservations for Scheduled Castes (SC), Scheduled Tribes (ST), and Other Backward Classes (OBC) in education and government jobs.
Speaking at a Congress session in Ahmedabad, Gandhi reiterated the party’s demand for a nationwide caste census and said the Congress would replicate across the country what Telangana had recently implemented. The Telangana government had passed a bill raising the reservation for Backward Classes (BCs) to 42 per cent, pushing the state’s total reservations beyond the 50 per cent ceiling imposed by the Supreme Court.
“Telangana has taken a revolutionary step and shown the way to the country. I want to assure you that this 50 per cent wall will be broken. What happened in Telangana, we will do in Delhi and for the entire country,” the Leader of Opposition in Lok Sabha said at the Congress meeting.
LIVE: Nyaypath - AICC Session | Ahmedabad, Gujarat https://t.co/8snXJNmtEM— Rahul Gandhi (@RahulGandhi) April 9, 2025
He pointed out that in Telangana, 90 per cent of the population comprises OBCs, extremely backward classes, Dalits, especially those among the most marginalised, minorities, and Adivasis. Gandhi said this demographic composition mirrors the broader reality across the country.
Gandhi referred to the Supreme Court's 1992 ruling in the Mandal Commission case, which capped reservations for SCs, STs, and OBCs at 50 per cent of available seats or positions. The Congress has consistently called for the removal of this cap, arguing that it restricts opportunities for marginalised communities and must be reconsidered to ensure fairer access to education, employment, and resources.
Speaking at a 'Samvidhan Suraksha Sammelan' in Patna on Monday, Gandhi said, “I told Narendra Modi in the Lok Sabha, right in front of him: if you don't dismantle this artificial 50 per cent barrier on reservations, we will break it, destroy it, and throw it away”.
At the Ahmedabad meeting, Gandhi also accused the BJP of harbouring an “anti-Dalit mindset", referring to an incident in Rajasthan, where a former BJP MLA allegedly sprinkled Ganga water inside a temple to “purify” it after opposition leader Tikaram Jully participated in a consecration ceremony there.
Telangana Governor sends BC quota Bills to President
HYDERABAD: Governor Jishnu Dev Varma has sent the recently passed Bills — which propose raising the Backward Classes (BC) reservations to 42% in education, employment, and politics — to President Droupadi Murmu for consideration.
The Governor also approved the Telangana Scheduled Castes (Rationalisation of Reservations) Bill, 2025. This Bill sets out a new framework for the classification of SC reservations. Telangana could become the first state to implement SC sub-categorisation after the Supreme Court allowed states to enact laws based on local needs.
On March 18, the Assembly passed The Telangana Backward Classes, Scheduled Castes, and Scheduled Tribes (Reservation of Seats in Educational Institutions and of Appointment or Posts in The Services Under the State) Bill, 2025, and The Telangana Backward Classes (Reservation of Seats in Rural and Urban Local Bodies) Bill, 2025.
Currently, reservations in Telangana are 29% for BCs, 15% for SCs, and 6% for STs, totalling 50%. The new bills would raise the overall reservation to 63%, exceeding the 50% cap set by the Supreme Court.
The Supreme Court has consistently held that total reservations across all categories should not go beyond 50%.
Legal experts argue that the proposed 42% BC reservation could conflict with this precedent, resulting in the Governor forwarding the Bills to the President.
The Telangana government has also requested the Centre to place the new reservation laws under the Ninth Schedule of the Constitution.
The Ninth Schedule shields certain laws from judicial review, limits court challenges and is viewed as important for ensuring the legal standing of the proposed legislation.
Dalit forum urges immediate allocation of DC manna land in DK
Congress pitches for caste census, private educational quota
ஏப்ரல் 14 அன்று அம்பேத்கர் ஜெயந்தி: வரலாறு, முக்கியத்துவம் மற்றும் நீங்கள் தெரிந்து கொள்ள வேண்டிய அனைத்தும்
அம்பேத்கர் ஜெயந்தி பல இந்திய மாநிலங்களில் பொது விடுமுறை நாளாகக் கொண்டாடப்படுகிறது, மேலும் ஊர்வலங்கள், கருத்தரங்குகள் மற்றும் கலாச்சார நிகழ்வுகளால் குறிக்கப்படுகிறது.
நவீன இந்தியாவின் முன்னணி சிற்பிகளில் ஒருவரான டாக்டர் பீம்ராவ் ராம்ஜி அம்பேத்கரின் பிறந்தநாளை நினைவுகூரும் வகையில், ஒவ்வொரு ஆண்டும் ஏப்ரல் 14 ஆம் தேதி இந்தியா அம்பேத்கர் ஜெயந்தியைக் கொண்டாடுகிறது. மத்தியப் பிரதேசத்தின் மோவ் நகரில் 1891 ஆம் ஆண்டு பிறந்த டாக்டர் அம்பேத்கர் ஒரு சட்ட நிபுணர், பொருளாதார நிபுணர், சமூக சீர்திருத்தவாதி மற்றும் இந்திய அரசியலமைப்பின் முதன்மை சிற்பி ஆவார். அம்பேத்கர் ஜெயந்தி அவரது வாழ்க்கையின் நினைவுச்சின்னம் மட்டுமல்ல, சமூக நீதி, சமத்துவம் மற்றும் மனித உரிமைகளுக்கான அவரது இடைவிடாத போராட்டத்திற்கான அஞ்சலியாகும்.
அம்பேத்கர் ஜெயந்தி ஏன் ஏப்ரல் 14 அன்று கொண்டாடப்படுகிறது?
டாக்டர் அம்பேத்கர் ஏப்ரல் 14, 1891 அன்று பிறந்தார். அன்றிலிருந்து இந்த தேதி சமூக அதிகாரமளித்தல் மற்றும் சாதி அடிப்படையிலான பாகுபாட்டிற்கு எதிரான எதிர்ப்பிற்கான ஒரு பெரிய இயக்கத்தின் அடையாளமாக மாறியுள்ளது. அம்பேத்கர் ஜெயந்தியாகக் கொண்டாடப்படும் அவரது பிறந்தநாள், அவர் பாதுகாத்த சுதந்திரம், சமத்துவம் மற்றும் சகோதரத்துவத்தின் அரசியலமைப்பு மதிப்புகளை மீண்டும் உறுதிப்படுத்தும் நாளாக உருவெடுத்துள்ளது.
வரலாறு மற்றும் முக்கியத்துவம்
டாக்டர் அம்பேத்கரின் ஆரம்பகால வாழ்க்கை பாகுபாட்டால் குறிக்கப்பட்டது, இருப்பினும் அவர் வெளிநாட்டில் பொருளாதாரத்தில் முனைவர் பட்டம் பெற்ற முதல் தலித் என்ற பெருமையைப் பெற்றார். கொலம்பியா பல்கலைக்கழக பட்டதாரி மற்றும் லண்டன் பொருளாதாரப் பள்ளியின் முன்னாள் மாணவரான அவர், கல்வியை அதிகாரமளிப்பதற்கான ஒரு கருவியாகக் கருதுவதில் தீவிரமானவராக இருந்தார். இந்தியாவின் முதல் சட்ட அமைச்சராக, டாக்டர் அம்பேத்கர் அரசியலமைப்புச் சட்டத்தை வரைவதற்குத் தலைமை தாங்கினார், சிவில் உரிமைகளைப் பாதுகாக்கும் விதிகளை உறுதிசெய்து, வரலாற்று ரீதியாக பின்தங்கிய சமூகங்களுக்கு உறுதியான நடவடிக்கைகளை ஊக்குவித்தார்.
பல இந்திய மாநிலங்களில் அம்பேத்கர் ஜெயந்தி பொது விடுமுறை நாளாகக் கடைப்பிடிக்கப்படுகிறது, மேலும் ஊர்வலங்கள், கருத்தரங்குகள் மற்றும் கலாச்சார நிகழ்வுகளால் குறிக்கப்படுகிறது. டெல்லியின் லெப்டினன்ட் கவர்னர் வி.கே. சக்சேனா, டெல்லியின் தேசிய தலைநகர் பிரதேசத்தின் கீழ் உள்ள அனைத்து அரசு அலுவலகங்கள் மற்றும் பொதுத்துறை நிறுவனங்களில் (PSU) ஏப்ரல் 14 ஆம் தேதி பொது விடுமுறையாக அறிவித்துள்ளார்.
இந்த நாளில், டாக்டர் அம்பேத்கரின் சிலைகள் மாலைகளால் அலங்கரிக்கப்படுகின்றன, மேலும் இந்தியாவின் சமூக-அரசியல் நிலப்பரப்புக்கு அவர் ஆற்றிய பங்களிப்புகள் உரைகள் மற்றும் பொது விவாதங்கள் மூலம் நினைவுகூரப்படுகின்றன. இந்த நாள் ஆழமான உணர்ச்சி மற்றும் அரசியல் முக்கியத்துவத்தைக் கொண்டுள்ளது, குறிப்பாக இந்தியா முழுவதும் உள்ள தலித் சமூகங்களுக்கு. இது சாதி அடிப்படையிலான ஏற்றத்தாழ்வுகளுக்கு எதிரான தொடர்ச்சியான போராட்டத்தை நினைவூட்டுவதாகவும், சமூக மற்றும் பொருளாதார சீர்திருத்தங்களுக்கு ஒரு உத்வேகமாகவும் செயல்படுகிறது.
உலகளாவிய அனுசரிப்பு
பீம் ஜெயந்தி என்றும் அழைக்கப்படும் அம்பேத்கர் ஜெயந்தி, சர்வதேச அளவில், குறிப்பாக ஐக்கிய இராச்சியம், அமெரிக்கா மற்றும் கனடா போன்ற குறிப்பிடத்தக்க இந்திய புலம்பெயர்ந்தோர் உள்ள நாடுகளில் அனுசரிக்கப்படுகிறது.
Ambedkar Jayanti On April 14: History, Significance And All You Need To Know
Ambedkar Jayanti is observed as a public holiday in several Indian states and is marked by processions, seminars, and cultural events.
Every year on April 14, India observes Ambedkar Jayanti, commemorating the birth anniversary of Dr Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar, one of the foremost architects of modern India. Born in 1891 in Mhow, Madhya Pradesh, Dr Ambedkar was a jurist, economist, social reformer, and the principal architect of the Indian Constitution. Ambedkar Jayanti is not just a remembrance of his life, but a tribute to his relentless fight for social justice, equality, and human rights.
Why Ambedkar Jayanti Is Observed On April 14?
Dr Ambedkar was born on April 14, 1891. The date has since become symbolic of a larger movement for social empowerment and resistance against caste-based discrimination. His birth anniversary, celebrated as Ambedkar Jayanti, has evolved into a day of reaffirmation of the constitutional values of liberty, equality, and fraternity that he championed.
History and Significance
Dr Ambedkar's early life was marked by discrimination, yet he rose to become the first Dalit to earn a doctorate in economics abroad. A Columbia University graduate and a London School of Economics alumnus, he was a staunch advocate of education as a tool of empowerment. As India's first Law Minister, Dr Ambedkar led the drafting of the Constitution, ensuring provisions that protected civil liberties and promoted affirmative action for historically disadvantaged communities.
Ambedkar Jayanti is observed as a public holiday in several Indian states and is marked by processions, seminars, and cultural events. Delhi's Lieutenant Governor VK Saxena has declared April 14 as a public holiday in all government offices and public sector undertakings (PSUs) under the National Capital Territory of Delhi.
Global Observance
Ambedkar Jayanti, also known as Bhim Jayanti, is also observed internationally, especially in countries with a significant Indian diaspora, such as the United Kingdom, the United States, and Canada.
अंबेडकर जयंती 14 अप्रैल: इतिहास, महत्व और वो सब जो आपको जानना चाहिए
अम्बेडकर जयंती को कई भारतीय राज्यों में सार्वजनिक अवकाश के रूप में मनाया जाता है और इस अवसर पर जुलूस, सेमिनार और सांस्कृतिक कार्यक्रम आयोजित किये जाते हैं।
हर साल 14 अप्रैल को भारत में अंबेडकर जयंती मनाई जाती है, जो आधुनिक भारत के सबसे बड़े निर्माताओं में से एक डॉ. भीमराव रामजी अंबेडकर की जयंती के उपलक्ष्य में मनाई जाती है। 1891 में मध्य प्रदेश के महू में जन्मे डॉ. अंबेडकर एक न्यायविद, अर्थशास्त्री, समाज सुधारक और भारतीय संविधान के प्रमुख निर्माता थे। अंबेडकर जयंती सिर्फ़ उनके जीवन की याद नहीं है, बल्कि सामाजिक न्याय, समानता और मानवाधिकारों के लिए उनके अथक संघर्ष को श्रद्धांजलि है।
अम्बेडकर जयंती 14 अप्रैल को क्यों मनाई जाती है?
डॉ. अंबेडकर का जन्म 14 अप्रैल, 1891 को हुआ था। तब से यह दिन सामाजिक सशक्तिकरण और जाति-आधारित भेदभाव के खिलाफ़ प्रतिरोध के लिए एक बड़े आंदोलन का प्रतीक बन गया है। अंबेडकर जयंती के रूप में मनाया जाने वाला उनका जन्मदिन स्वतंत्रता, समानता और बंधुत्व के संवैधानिक मूल्यों की पुनः पुष्टि का दिन बन गया है, जिसका उन्होंने समर्थन किया था।
इतिहास और महत्व
डॉ. अंबेडकर का प्रारंभिक जीवन भेदभाव से भरा रहा, फिर भी वे विदेश में अर्थशास्त्र में डॉक्टरेट की उपाधि प्राप्त करने वाले पहले दलित बन गए। कोलंबिया विश्वविद्यालय से स्नातक और लंदन स्कूल ऑफ इकोनॉमिक्स के पूर्व छात्र, वे सशक्तिकरण के साधन के रूप में शिक्षा के कट्टर समर्थक थे। भारत के पहले कानून मंत्री के रूप में, डॉ. अंबेडकर ने संविधान के प्रारूपण का नेतृत्व किया, जिसमें नागरिक स्वतंत्रता की रक्षा करने वाले प्रावधान सुनिश्चित किए गए और ऐतिहासिक रूप से वंचित समुदायों के लिए सकारात्मक कार्रवाई को बढ़ावा दिया गया।
अंबेडकर जयंती को कई भारतीय राज्यों में सार्वजनिक अवकाश के रूप में मनाया जाता है और इस दिन जुलूस, सेमिनार और सांस्कृतिक कार्यक्रम आयोजित किए जाते हैं। दिल्ली के उपराज्यपाल वीके सक्सेना ने 14 अप्रैल को राष्ट्रीय राजधानी क्षेत्र दिल्ली के अंतर्गत आने वाले सभी सरकारी कार्यालयों और सार्वजनिक क्षेत्र के उपक्रमों (पीएसयू) में सार्वजनिक अवकाश घोषित किया है।
इस दिन डॉ. अंबेडकर की प्रतिमाओं को मालाओं से सजाया जाता है और भाषणों और सार्वजनिक चर्चाओं के माध्यम से भारत के सामाजिक-राजनीतिक परिदृश्य में उनके योगदान को याद किया जाता है। यह दिन विशेष रूप से भारत भर के दलित समुदायों के लिए गहरा भावनात्मक और राजनीतिक महत्व रखता है। यह जाति-आधारित असमानताओं के खिलाफ चल रहे संघर्ष की याद दिलाता है और सामाजिक और आर्थिक सुधारों के लिए प्रेरणा का काम करता है।
वैश्विक पालन
अम्बेडकर जयंती, जिसे भीम जयंती के नाम से भी जाना जाता है, अंतरराष्ट्रीय स्तर पर भी मनाई जाती है, विशेष रूप से उन देशों में जहां बड़ी संख्या में भारतीय प्रवासी हैं, जैसे यूनाइटेड किंगडम, संयुक्त राज्य अमेरिका और कनाडा।
Ambedkar said a Hindu Raj would be the biggest calamity to India: Anand Teltumbde
The leading scholar of the Dalit movement, explains how Hindutva parties use Babasaheb for political gains.
Published : Apr 09, 2025 15:37 IST - 13 MINS READ
Scholar Anand Teltumbde says that Ambedkar believed that unless the Hindu Dharma Shastras were dynamited, the caste system would not go. | Photo Credit: PRARTHNA SINGH/NYT
One of India’s leading public intellectuals and an authority on the Dalit movement, Anand Teltumbde, has been in the news across the country for his book on Ambedkar, Iconoclast: A Reflective Biography of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar. The book offers a deep analysis of not just Ambedkar’s philosophy, but also the man he was— complex, visionary and tenacious. In this interview with Frontline, Teltumbde, brings to life Babasaheb, an icon who is now worryingly “worshipped” by several political parties and ordinary people. Ambedkar had “very progressive values”, which are being eclipsed by this veneration, which is “very easy”, says Teltumbde: “You just hang up somebody’s picture on the wall, garland it and forget it”.
Excerpts:
Ambedkar is “worshipped” by swathes of Indians: Political parties, ordinary citizens, everyone. Is he finally getting his due? Or is there a danger in veneration, because it obscures the real man behind the legacy?
Actually, the latter. There is a tradition of worshipping great people in India. The trend of Ambedkar worship started in the late 60s when electoral politics started becoming competitive. Nehru’s was a larger-than-life story. The Congress aura started depleting after his death. The government carried out land reforms. Though good on paper, the Congress had its political objective to create a network of agents from among the very popular Shudras.
So, land was distributed to the Shudra tenants leaving likely actual tillers of land who might have been Dalits and Adivasis. These new landowners were enriched by productivity gains through Green Revolution. Erstwhile Brahmin landlords moved out from rural areas handing the baton of Brahminism to these new Shudra landowning farmers. Their political aspirations also began rising. But it could not be entirely contained by the Congress. This is one of the significant factors in intensifying competition in electoral markets and the start of the vote bank politics. Dalits came as a most viable vote bank that could be twirled around with a single icon—Ambedkar. There is no other example in the world, where over 220 million people could be manipulated with a single icon.
Also Read | Annihilating caste with radical empathy
Okay, so it was an easy electorate for political parties.
Yes, this has been a most unique phenomenon. And it came in handy for political parties to play up Ambedkar: They started presenting him in their own ways. He did, from time to time, say things that were not necessarily consistent. They were skilfully used by the political class. The most striking use of the Ambedkar icon has been by the BJP. In the early 80s, when Balasaheb Deorastook over the reins of the RSS, the ideological parent of the BJP, it was strategically decided to make inroads into the lower social strata by coopting their icons and manipulating them.
So, in a way, it is dangerous also for the values that Ambedkar propagated: Worshipping has become political while his ideals are being completely ignored?
Absolutely. Ambedkar wanted to see India as a modern society based on liberty, equality, fraternity. That, to him, was democracy and a way of life. His very progressive values are being eclipsed by the “worship” we see now. Worship is very easy: you just hang up somebody’s picture on the wall, garland it and forget it.
Ambedkar’s progressive values are being eclipsed by the “worship” we see now, says Teltumbde. Here, former Minister Vellampalli Srinivas pays tribute to Ambedkar on his death anniversary in Vijayawada on December 6, 2020. | Photo Credit: K.V.S. Giri
In last few years, we have heard the BJP say that the Congress defeated Ambedkar, while the Congress says the Constitution, written by Ambedkar, is in danger from the BJP. So, what is the truth?
Ambedkar primarily fought against Hinduism, the source of the caste system. He was against the Congress politically. He was also against communists ideologically. He explicitly named all Hindutva parties, Hindu Mahasabha, Jan Sangh and also the RSS, that he would not have any relation with.
When the Constituent Assembly was being formed, the Congress decided not to help Ambedkar enter it. Vallabhbhai Patel, for instance, had publicly said that not only the doors but even the windows of the Constituent Assembly would be closed for Ambedkar. Babasaheb’s political career had almost come to an end in 1946. It was just a miracle that Ambedkar won his membership from United Bengal with the help of Jogendra Nath Mandal, one of his SCF comrades. Ambedkar was elected from the Jessore-Khulna constituency. But shortly after came the Partition and Ambedkar lost his membership as his constituency had gone to Pakistan. There was back-room parley, and the Congress decided to get him elected from Pune in the Bombay Provincial Council. Thus, there are some instances of a positive relationship with the Congress, but not with the Hindu nationalist party of the RSS.
“The BJP’s behaviour vis-à-vis Ambedkar is entirely contradictory. If they are logically consistent, if they have some ethics, they cannot touch Ambedkar at all.”Anand TeltumbdeScholar and author
Let me ask you some questions on contentious contemporary issues, for instance the Uniform Civil Code. The BJP says that Ambedkar supported it. How do you see it?
Yes, that has been the BJP’s strategy: To cherry-pick things and expand on it. True, Ambedkar was for a Uniform Civil Code: He wanted a single civil code across the country. The Hindu Code Bill he drafted for gender equality, was a small step towards it. But the BJP’s Uniform Civil Code jumps onto Muslim women. That is not what Ambedkar wanted. Why he took up the Hindu Code was because Hindus as the majority could make a start. It would be easier for minorities to see the merits of such a uniform code. He was not bringing it with coercion.
The book offers a deep analysis of not just Ambedkar’s philosophy, but also the man he was—complex, visionary and tenacious. | Photo Credit: By Special Arrangement
When Ambedkar drafted the Hindu Code Bill and made it public, what was the reaction of the Jan Sangh or the Hindu Mahasabha?
Ambedkar faced a huge opposition from the Hindu forces. Probably the biggest in his life. There were lots of public meetings condemning Ambedkar. Hindu organisations had his effigy burnt at the Ramlila Maidan in Delhi. He was slandered and abused with casteist slurs.
So, the RSS opposed the idea?
Yes, the RSS, the Hindu Mahasabha and all Hindutva organisations were part of it.
An important point you make in your book is that we cannot give Ambedkar the entire credit for drafting the Constitution. Why do you say so when every single person says he is the “father of the Indian Constitution”?
Because, that is the truth. The Constitution is not written by a [single] man. What was the Constituent Assembly for? The Constituent Assembly appointed an advisor, a civil servant, B.N. Rao, to create a draft, which he did within a month. This draft became the base document. There were committees formed to discuss various issues, which were mostly chaired by the Congress leaders. They took decisions and were vetted by the Advisory Committee, again headed mostly by the Congress leaders. These decisions were then discussed in the Congress Assembly Party, Parliamentary party, headed by the “Congress Oligarchy” comprising Nehru, Patel, Azad and Prasad. So, the entire process of decision making was in the hands of the Congress.
They formed a seven-member Drafting Committee and made Babasaheb its chairman. The Drafting Committee made some 20 changes in its draft. One was the Preamble. This draft was made open for the public to comment on. They kept it for seven, eight months before taking it for discussions in the Assembly, article by article.
Ambedkar did make immense contributions in various committees and as the Chairman of the Drafting Committee, despite having serious physical ailments at the time. And it is a fact that most of the members of the Drafting Committee were not around when he single-handedly piloted the draft in the Constituent Assembly. There was S.N. Mukharjeeand his staff to assist him. Thus, his contribution cannot be negated. But to say that he wrote the Constitution is meaningless rhetoric.
Historian Granville Austin, who is considered an authority on the process, has clearly written that not a single world could enter the Constitution without the approval of the “Congress Oligarchs”. In this context, while speaking in the Rajya Sabha, Ambedkar himself said angrily that he was used as “a hack”. He added: “What I was asked to do, I did much against my will”.
Ambedkar had once angrily said, about drafting the Constitution, that he was used as “a hack”. He added: “What I was asked to do, I did much against my will”. | Photo Credit: Wiki Commons
You also talked about how Gandhi was a grand strategist to bring Ambedkar into the Constitutional Assembly. In what ways were their views different? Because in today’s India, they are projected as enemies.
Their contention was political. In 1935, Gandhi took a very moralistic stand: That if separate electorates are given to Dalits, they would be separated out permanently from Hindu society. Gandhi’s orthodox views on caste, also hit a raw nerve. Gandhi always believed castes were good, and only untouchability was not. It was the swan song of all upper caste reformers that untouchability should go, while they kept caste untouched.
And that is what happened with the Constitution. Untouchability went away, but caste remained. How can untouchability go without caste? It was Gandhi’s strategy, and clairvoyance, or magnanimity, whatever you call it, he prevailed upon Nehru to induct Ambedkar into the cabinet at a very difficult time. My hypothesis is that it was Gandhi alone who also was behind his induction into the Constituent Assembly.
What was the relationship between Ambedkar and Savarkar. Because today they are being projected as having been good friends. Was there actually a friendship?
Absolutely not. The Hindutva guys are trying to project that Ambedkar was friends with Hedgewar, Golwalkar, and Dattopant Thengadi also. Ambedkar did not have any equation with Savarkar. In his book on Pakistan, he ridicules him.
Today’s India is about making the country a Hindu Rashtra. What was Ambedkar thinking on this?
Ambedkar used the term “Hindu Raj” and said that if it comes, it would be the biggest calamity to the country and it needed to be prevented at all cost. Ambedkar had a bigger problem with Hinduism than Islam. There is absolutely not an iota of doubt that he would never, ever endorse a Hindu Rashtra.
Also Read | Relevance of Ambedkar
One important point about Marxist socialist ideology: Ambedkar criticised it. And this is now being used by the BJP, the RSS.
Ambedkar had a problem with Marxist ideology, certainly. The problem he saw was two-fold: That Marxism relied upon the dictatorship of the proletariat and the other was that it relied on violence. Now, no Marxist scholar will buy this. Basically, Ambedkar’s ideology was rooted in pragmatism, which he inherited from his professor, John Dewey at Columbia University. And when he lived in England, Fabianism had also influenced him. The impact of these ideologies reflected in many things that he said and did. These ideologies were inimical to Marxism. Ambedkar too looked at Marxism through their lens.
And the Communist Party was strong at that time.
Yes. He had to contend with communists. Both shared the same constituency. It is possible that he did not care much about communist ideology. I checked his books in the library and there is just oneDas Kapitalvolume there. And that also appeared unread. There were secondary books on Marxism. Ambedkar’s habit was to underline and comment on pages with colour pencils as he read books. I have not found these anywhere in books related to Marxism.
What were Ambedkar’s views on British rule? He believed it would be replaced by the Indian upper-caste? So, his fear was right?
Yes. When the British actually transferred power, it naturally came to the Congress. And the Congress was nothing but a representative body of social elites, landlords and capitalists. So, notwithstanding Gandhi’s camouflage of a mass movement, the Congress, at its core represented these classes. Naturally, Ambedkar had apprehensions that after the British leave, the reins would go to upper-caste hands and they will neglect Dalits. That’s why he fought his entire political career for a share in the future power structure for Dalits so their rights are secure.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi pays tribute to Ambedkar at Deekshabhoomi, in Nagpur on March 30, 2025. | Photo Credit: ANI
Ambedkar also said that if you want to abolish the caste system, you will have to abolish Hinduism itself. Given this stance, how do you see the upper-caste dominated BJP and RSS now appropriating Babasaheb?
You can, on one hand, appropriate Ambedkar and selectively ignore what he said elsewhere. In Annihilation of Caste, he explicitly wrote that the roots of the caste system were in the Hindu Dharma Shastras. And unless the Hindu Dharma Shastras were dynamited, the caste system would not go. He had made up his mind to exit Hinduism then. It is not the only instance he spoke against Hindus and Hinduism. That is never mentioned by the RSS or the BJP.
Recently, Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Deekshabhoomi in Nagpur where Ambedkar embraced Buddhism in 1956 and paid tribute to Ambedkar. This, when BJP-ruled States are bringing in anti-conversion laws. How do you see this contradiction?
The BJP’s behaviour vis-à-vis Ambedkar is entirely contradictory. If they are logically consistent, if they have some ethics, they cannot touch Ambedkar at all. What they are projecting is turning everything upside down. Ambedkar exited Hinduism and accepted Buddhism not as a sect of Hinduism. But this entire Hindu gang maintains that he accepted Buddhism as a sect of Hinduism. Buddhism was a revolt against Brahminism, the actual term for Hinduism. They have recently begun calling themselves Sanatanis, etc. Maybe, they can use that name.
But when they say “Hindu”, it is a nomenclature given by foreigners. So, this is all comical. Ambedkar did not want anybody to worship him; he was against it. I am not about worried anybody worshipping him but more worried about Dalits worshipping Ambedkar. It amounts to forgetting his values and ideals. That is more dangerous than Modi worshipping him.
But the BJP and the RSS have partially appropriated Ambedkar in recent times. And Dalit organisations have failed to understand this political game. How do you see it?
Yes, you are absolutely right. Precisely. Because of that I had to write this book. Ambedkar’s own people did not understand the man. Their leaders too did not. They turned opportunists giving short shift to his vision.
Also Read | ‘It is a people’s constitution... made by people like you and me’: Vinay Kumar
Tell us about the decline of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in Uttar Pradesh.
The BSP succeeded because of a certain demographic, historic and political features of Dalits in Uttar Pradesh, and of course, the organisational skills of the late Kanshi Ram. When the circumstances changed, the BSP declined. The BSP actually went off on a different track. Ambedkar’s pragmatism did not compromise on certain core values; the BSP could not do it. The BSP, running after power, lost its moorings along the way.
So, would you say that Dalit organisations failed to understand the core of Ambedkar’s thoughts and therefore, over a period of time, got nowhere?
Absolutely. That is what I am driving at. Because they never understood Ambedkar’s complex persona. Somebody needed to formulate what Ambedkar wanted; what his goal was. I wrote this book to catalyse this kind of thinking. During Ambedkar’s times, there were a lot of forces impinging upon him and he created his own path, and he expanded it. Dalits had to do theirs.
COMMents 0