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Education, unity path to progress for Dalits: Min Satish
Pic: Public works minister Satish Jarkiholi inaugurates the student talent awards and Kannada Rajyotsava programme organised by the Karnataka Rajya Sa-Abhivruddhi Sangha at Kannada Bhavana in Belagavi on Sunday
Belagavi: District minister Satish Jarkiholi stressed that the progress of the Dalit community depends on unity, education, entrepreneurship, and strong social and political representation. “Our future rests on the Constitution given to us by BR Ambedkar,” he said, while inaugurating the Student Talent Awards and Kannada Rajyotsava programme organised by the Karnataka Rajya Sa-Abhivruddhi Sangh at Kannada Bhavan on Sunday.
Jarkiholi said that understanding history is essential for building an equitable society. Acts such as segregating Dalits or humiliating them, he said, must end. “The injustice suffered by our ancestors should not be repeated for future generations. Education is the only way forward,” he added.
He cautioned that without the Constitution, historically marginalised communities might still be denied basic rights. “Ambedkar’s contribution is the foundation of the community’s growth,” he noted.
The minister pointed out that while the govt has implemented several initiatives to promote education among the poor, challenges persist. He suggested that financially stable individuals and govt officials adopt underprivileged students and support their higher education to bring meaningful social change.
Jarkiholi also referred to a recent meeting in Hubballi, regarding issues faced by the community, and assured that the demand for land for the Karnataka Rajya Sa-Abhivruddhi Sangh in Belagavi would soon be addressed. Attempts to erase the history of great social reformers, he said, must be countered with awareness and education.
Quoting Ambedkar, he said, “Those who know history can create history.” He urged the youth to draw inspiration not from film stars or sports icons, but from social reformers like Buddha, Basavanna, and Ambedkar, whose ideals can eliminate caste and religious conflicts and ensure the country’s progress.
MLA Raju Sait, writer UR Patil, folk singer Jyotirling Honakatti, association president Subhash Netrekar, Bhimrao Pawar and Sukumar Dodamani were present.
Courtesy : TOI
Dalit voices rally behind Kharge for Karnataka CM, write to Sonia
Shivakumar, a prominent Vokkaliga leader credited with bringing Congress to power, is viewed as the frontrunner to succeed Chief Minister Siddaramaiah.
BENGALURU: IN a political drama unfolding within the Karnataka Congress, the DK Shivakumar camp is lobbying hard in New Delhi for their leader to occupy the CM’s chair, while he is receiving endorsements from Naga Sadhus.
Yet, in the middle of all this, another interesting development has surprised many.
A group of Congress leaders is rallying behind AICC president Mallikarjun Kharge, considered by many as a beacon of Dalit empowerment, to occupy the top chair.
The high command now has to manage a delicate balancing act — one that could either consolidate the party’s diverse base or fracture it further, handing BJP and JDS an opportunity in the 2028 Assembly elections in the state.
In an open letter to former Congress president Sonia Gandhi, influential voices, including KPCC office-bearers, former legislators, journalists, intelligentsia, social activists, and citizens, have made an appeal for Kharge’s appointment as CM. Dated November 22 and circulated widely in Delhi and Bengaluru, the letter states that this leadership vacuum is a historic moment to rectify decades of under-representation of Dalits.
The letter laments the absence of a Dalit CM since Karnataka’s formation in 1956, despite “the community’s unwavering loyalty to Congress”. “Kharge stands out as a capable leader for this role. His long experience, integrity, and deep connection with the people of Karnataka make him uniquely suited to guide the state at this moment,” the signatories assert.
Shivakumar, a prominent Vokkaliga leader credited with bringing Congress to power, is viewed as the frontrunner to succeed Chief Minister Siddaramaiah. On Saturday, a group of Naga Sadhus visited Shivakumar at his residence, blessing him and urging him to ascend the CM seat.
At the heart of this frenzy lies a pivotal question: Has Shivakumar’s surge positioned Kharge as the ultimate winner? As the first Dalit president of Congress in its 139-year history, Kharge has remained above the fray, issuing measured statements on the cabinet reshuffle or change in CM’s post.
His recent remark urging party unity amid turmoil was interpreted by some as a subtle rebuke to Shivakumar’s overtures, but it also amplified calls for him to return to state politics as CM.
Meanwhile, Shivakumar’s supporters, including a handful of MLAs like HC Balakrishna (Magadi), Nayana Motamma (Mudigere) and other MLAs, flew to Delhi. Sources close to the Shivakumar camp described the meetings as “consultations”.
Meanwhile, BJP MP Lahar Singh Siroya lambasted Kharge’s recent comments on the reshuffle, alleging that Congress is suffering from dynastic rot. “Kharge ji is the party president, but who is this high command? This shows there is dynastic politics. He must be considering Rahul Gandhi as the high command,” Siroya remarked. “I hope they find a solution soon, as it is not good for both Congress and the state. Given the current conduct of Congress, it is clear that it will be in a much worse state in the coming elections. I don’t know what is happening in that party, but it is certainly affecting Karnataka,” he said.
Former Congress MLC Mohan Kondajji said, “I am not a signatory to the letter, but I am aware of it. My only concern is that Congress should come out as the winner. With Kharge’s tremendous experience, he will be able to take everyone along.”
Bansy Kalappa
Courtesy : TNIE
Include Dalits as Shankaracharyas then we’ll end reservation: Pappu Yadav on Rambhadracharya’s SC/ST Act remark
New Delhi: A political storm erupted on Tuesday after Jagadguru Rambhadracharya called for the repeal of the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, drawing sharp and contrasting reactions from leaders across the political spectrum with Purnia MP Pappu Yadav saying, "let all Shankaracharyas include Dalits among them, and we will immediately end reservation."
Speaking to IANS, Yadav said, “I would request the Shankaracharya, let all Shankaracharyas include Dalits, SC and STs among them, and we will immediately end reservation.”
Jagadguru Rambhadracharya had earlier stated, “The SC/ST Act should be repealed. The Vedas do not mention Avarnas or Savarnas, these political leaders have initiated this system… I would say that there should be no reservation based on caste.”
His remarks reignited the debate over affirmative action and legal protections for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
Responding sharply, Congress leader Sandeep Dikshit challenged the feasibility of Rambhadracharya’s demand.
He said, “Win a two-thirds majority, come to Parliament, form the government and change the laws. Or do you think PM Modi will listen to you just because you are part of his group, then you can ask your ministers to remove the reservation?…”
Dikshit’s response underscores the political sensitivities surrounding reservation policies and the legal structures that protect marginalized communities.
In contrast, Minister Lakhendra Kumar Raushan backed Rambhadracharya’s position. “I support the remarks made by Rambhadracharya. For a long time, the caste system, and the division of society on the basis of varna, has played a major role in weakening this country…” he said, aligning himself with the call to revisit existing caste-based frameworks.
The SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, is a central law aimed at preventing atrocities against Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, establishing Special Courts, ensuring stricter punishments, and safeguarding victims’ rights. Any suggestion of its repeal has historically drawn strong reactions from both community representatives and political leadership.
Rambhadracharya’s remark that “there should be no reservation based on caste” has now amplified discussions at a time when caste census debates, social justice policies, and electoral strategies dominate political conversations in multiple states and many parts of the country still witness atrocities against Dalits.
Courtesy : THI
RSS must realise that permissions come from constitutional provisions, not from shouting Jai Shri Ram, says Dalit Sangharsha Samiti
For the first time in its 100-year history, the RSS had to follow the Constitution and the law when its route march was allowed in Chittapur on November 16, 2025, as per court directions
Criticising the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the Dalit Sangharsha Samiti alleged that the organisation is consistently working against the spirit of the Indian Constitution and democratic values, but was forced to follow the Constitution during its patha sanchalana (route march) held at Chittapur town in Kalaburagi district of Karnataka on November 16.
Addressing a press conference in Kalaburagi on November 24, Samiti State Convener Arjun Bhadre said that, for the first time in its 100-year history, the RSS had to follow the Constitution and the law when its route march was allowed in Chittapur on November 16, 2025, as per court directions. He stated that the organisation must realise that permissions come from constitutional provisions, not from raising slogans such as ‘Jai Shri Ram’.
He took exception to RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat’s recent clarification on the organisation’s registration status, accusing him of making disparaging and irresponsible comments that undermined the Constitution. Bhadre said that India’s constitutional framework is built on tolerance, pluralism and equality, but these values are being weakened by communal forces aligned with the RSS, he alleged.
Mr. Bhadre said the RSS continues to support caste divisions and spread harmful ideas that threaten social harmony and democracy. “Recently a group of Maoist members in Maharashtra gave up their weapons. They accepted the Constitution and the national flag during a government rehabilitation programme. If armed rebels can follow the Constitution, why can’t the RSS?”
The Hindu Bureau
Courtesy : The Hindu
RSS must realise that permissions come from constitutional provisions, not from shouting Jai Shri Ram, says Dalit Sangharsha Samiti
For the first time in its 100-year history, the RSS had to follow the Constitution and the law when its route march was allowed in Chittapur on November 16, 2025, as per court directions
Criticising the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the Dalit Sangharsha Samiti alleged that the organisation is consistently working against the spirit of the Indian Constitution and democratic values, but was forced to follow the Constitution during its patha sanchalana (route march) held at Chittapur town in Kalaburagi district of Karnataka on November 16.
Addressing a press conference in Kalaburagi on November 24, Samiti State Convener Arjun Bhadre said that, for the first time in its 100-year history, the RSS had to follow the Constitution and the law when its route march was allowed in Chittapur on November 16, 2025, as per court directions. He stated that the organisation must realise that permissions come from constitutional provisions, not from raising slogans such as ‘Jai Shri Ram’.
He took exception to RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat’s recent clarification on the organisation’s registration status, accusing him of making disparaging and irresponsible comments that undermined the Constitution. Bhadre said that India’s constitutional framework is built on tolerance, pluralism and equality, but these values are being weakened by communal forces aligned with the RSS, he alleged.
Mr. Bhadre said the RSS continues to support caste divisions and spread harmful ideas that threaten social harmony and democracy. “Recently a group of Maoist members in Maharashtra gave up their weapons. They accepted the Constitution and the national flag during a government rehabilitation programme. If armed rebels can follow the Constitution, why can’t the RSS?”
The Hindu Bureau
Courtesy : The Hindu
Comparing Dalits to animals, using terms like “handicapped” and “crutches”: A new Supreme Court report reveals shocking changes in judicial perspectives on caste over 75 years!
Learn about the highlights of the Supreme Court's recent report on caste by the Center for Research and Planning.
New Delhi: The Center for Research and Planning (CRP), the research arm of the Supreme Court, has released a landmark and comprehensive report on the caste system, the judiciary’s language and thinking toward Dalits and backward classes. The report presents an in-depth analysis of significant Supreme Court judgments delivered by Constitutional Benches consisting of five or more judges. Titled “Judicial Conceptions of Caste,” the report was released three days ago and its primary objective is to sensitize judges, legal researchers, policymakers, and the general public on the issue of caste and to promote the use of inclusive and dignified language.
Published in November 2025, this report focuses on decisions of the Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court, covering matters related to affirmative action, personal law, and atrocities. The report is authored by Dr. Anurag Bhaskar (CRP Director), Dr. Farah Ahmed (Professor at Melbourne Law School), Bheemraj Muthu (Doctoral Researcher at Oxford University), and Shubham Kumar (CRP Consultant). The report aims to sensitize the judiciary, legal scholars, policymakers, and civil society about judicial language related to caste, in order to promote inclusive discourse consistent with constitutional values.
The report reveals that earlier decisions used terms like “handicap” and “crutch” to describe the Dalit community and even compared them to animals. The 1964 T. Devadasan case used the metaphors of “race horse” and “ordinary horse” to explain reservations. The 1992 Indira Sawhney case described reservations as “a career-long crutch.” These terms are not considered in keeping with constitutional dignity. However, the report also points out that the judiciary’s language has improved over time. Newer judgments acknowledge historical discrimination while emphasizing the rights and dignity of Dalits.
The report is divided into three major sections. The first section, “Judicial Discourse on the Caste System,” focuses on judicial discourse on the caste system. It covers subtopics such as the varna system, the relationship between caste and occupation, concepts of the sacred and the profane, the supposedly “auspicious” origins of the caste system, the view of caste as an association, and the presence of caste in various religions. The report finds a clear confusion in the court’s understanding of caste.
Some judgments have accepted caste as a rigid, hereditary hierarchy based on notions of purity and pollution. On the other hand, some judgments have portrayed it as primarily a benign occupational system or an autonomous group. These divergent perspectives highlight an unresolved tension between sociological realities and the concept of caste as described in religious texts.
The report also cites Justice O. Chinnappa Reddy’s statement that Dalits and backward classes “need assistance, facilities, launches… their needs are their demands. Demands are for rights, not charity.”
Convergent Views on Caste in Non-Hindu Religions
According to the report, there is a fundamental tension in the judiciary’s understanding of caste: some consider it a religious construct limited to Hinduism, while others recognize it as a social institution that transcends religious boundaries. Justice Kuldip Singh’s minority judgment in the Indira Sawhney case traced caste’s origins to Hinduism, calling it “sui generis” for Hindu orthodoxy, and cited the Rig Veda and Manusmriti as its foundational texts.
In contrast, Justice Chinnappa Reddy, Justice Ratnavel Pandian, and Chief Justice K.G. Balakrishnan took a different approach. They recognized that while caste may have originated in Hindu religious ideology, it has long since transcended its religious origins to become a widespread form of socio-economic organization in non-Hindu religions as well. They documented how caste-like hierarchical systems exist among Muslims, Christians, and Sikhs, manifesting through occupational and regional groups.
Changes in judicial language toward the Dalit community
The second major section of the report, “Judicial Discourse on Oppressed Class People,” focuses on judicial language regarding Dalits and oppressed caste people. This section highlights how judicial language has oscillated between metaphors and descriptions affirming the dignity of Dalit communities and stigmatizing them. Previous judgments have used terms like “handicap” or “crutch” to describe Dalits, and even compared them to animals.
For example, in the T. Devadasan case (1964), Justice K. Subba Rao used the metaphors of “racehorse” and “ordinary horse” to explain reservation. In the Indira Sawhney case (1992), Justice B.P. Jeevan Reddy called reservation “a career-long crutch.” According to the report, such language is inconsistent with constitutional dignity and reflects a perspective of individual deficiency rather than structural inequality.
However, the report also acknowledges that over time, the Court has distanced itself from such language and has adopted statements recognizing historical discrimination, the socially constructed nature of merit, and the constitutional demand to eliminate caste prejudice. The report also cites Justice O. Chinnappa Reddy’s statement that Dalits and backward classes “need assistance, they need facilities, they need launching… their needs are their demands. Demands are those of right, not charity.”
Early judgments such as State of Madras v. Champakam Dorairajan (1951) and T. Devadasan (1964) criticized reservation as discrimination against “meritorious” candidates and a threat to efficiency. However, in later judgments, such as N.M. Thomas (1976) and Indira Sawhney (1992), the Court viewed reservation as a means of constitutional repair and a means of increasing power sharing.
Questions on Merit and Efficiency
According to the report, judicial decisions questioned the “merit” and “competence” of Dalits and described reservation as a threat to administrative efficiency. In the M.R. Balaji case (1963), the court stated that reservation “is bound to lead to some lowering of standards.”
In the N.M. Thomas case (1976), Justice H.R. Khanna warned that reservation would be “clearly detrimental to the ideals of supremacy of merit and efficiency of services.” In the same case, Chief Justice A.N. Ray stated that “efficiency of administration is so paramount that any reservation at the expense of efficiency would be unwise and impermissible.”
The report rejects these arguments, stating that such language portrays historically disadvantaged communities as weak rather than competent. However, the court changed this view in subsequent decisions. In the Indira Sawhney case, Justice B.P. Jeevan Reddy acknowledged that “it is undeniable that nature has endowed members of the backward classes with the same abilities as members of other classes; all that is needed is an opportunity to prove it.”
Judicial Discourse on Remedying Caste-Based Injustice
The third major section of the report, “Judicial Discourse on Remedying Caste-Based Injustice,” is devoted to judicial discourse on resolving caste-based injustice. This includes the court’s opinions on solutions such as education, reservation, poverty, and socio-economic development. The report notes that some judgments have stated that caste can be eradicated through education. In the Ashok Kumar Thakur case (2008), Justice Dalveer Bhandari said, “The first place where caste can be eradicated is class… In other words, if you belong to a lower caste but have good abilities, hardly anyone will care about your caste.” But the report calls this approach idealistic but inadequate, as it ignores evidence of the continued presence of caste bias within educational institutions and public services.
The judiciary’s stance on reservation has changed over time. Early judgments, such as State of Madras v. Champakam Dorairajan (1951) and T. Devadasan (1964), described reservation as discrimination against “meritorious” candidates and a threat to efficiency. However, in later judgments, such as N.M. Thomas (1976) and Indira Sawhney (1992), the Court viewed reservation as a means of constitutional reform and a means of increasing participation in power.
An important point highlighted in the report is that some judgments cited poverty, not caste, as the primary cause of backwardness. In M.R. Balaji (1963), the Court stated that “social backwardness is, in the final analysis, largely the result of poverty.” In K.C. Vasanthi Kumar (1985), Justice D.A. Desai stated that “a time has come when economic backwardness is the sole criterion for identifying socially and educationally backward classes, ignoring the caste label.” The report calls these claims inconsistent with sociological facts and states that caste discrimination and social exclusion persist even when economic conditions have improved.
In its conclusion, the report demonstrates that the judiciary’s discourse on caste has not been uniform or static; rather, it has undergone numerous changes and incorporated diverse perspectives. The report recommends that future judicial decisions should use language that is more sensitive, historically informed, and consistent with constitutional values when addressing caste. A thoughtful and reflective approach will enable the judiciary to develop a more nuanced understanding of caste, recognize structural disadvantage without resorting to deficit-based narratives, and affirm the agency and dignity of oppressed communities.
By adopting language that affirms dignity, recognizes structural injustice, and supports inclusive development, the court can further strengthen the Constitution’s transformative project and contribute to a more just and equitable society. The report’s acknowledgements section cites the University of Melbourne’s collaboration with former Chief Justice B.R. Gavai and Secretary General Shekhar C. Mungte.
Summary
The report examined Constitution Bench decisions from 1950 to 2025, dealing with issues such as affirmative action, caste-based atrocity laws, and the interpretation of caste in personal laws. The report’s purpose is not to criticize any individual judge, but to analyze the debate in its constitutional and social context.
Geetha Sunil Pillai
Courtesy: Hindi News
Delhi: 153 Dalit families are still searching for the land allotted to them in 1983. Will the wait ever end?
The government's new proposal to families dreaming of a 120-yard plot near Vasant Kunj: Buy a flat in Narela or pay Rs 17 lakh; find out what the court said.
New Delhi: The dreams of 153 landless Dalit families in Rangpuri village, adjacent to Vasant Kunj, a posh area in the national capital, have been entangled in files and court dates for the past four decades. In 1983, these families were allotted 120-square-yard plots each under a central government scheme. But even 42 years later, the reality is that wild Kikar trees have grown on the vacant land, and transporters park their buses and trucks there.
A portion of the land acquired by the Delhi government in 2012 for staff quarters remains unbuilt. Meanwhile, the families fighting for their rights remain hopeful for justice.
A three-decade-long battle in court
This case has been pending in court for over 30 years. Nearly a decade and a half ago, the Delhi High Court made it clear that beneficiaries should receive their dues. Following the Supreme Court’s directive, in 2016, the High Court initiated contempt proceedings against the officials, taking suo motu cognizance.
Despite this, the government has now argued in court that the allotted land is unavailable. In lieu of the plots, the government has proposed to provide these 153 families with a small flat (EWS category) in Narela, about 35 kilometers from Rangpuri. If they do not want the flats, they have been given the option of accepting ₹1.7 million as compensation.
The High Court is strict on the government’s procrastination.
Hearing the case on November 10, a bench of Justices Nitin Vasudev Sambre and Anish Dayal expressed displeasure with the government’s attitude. The court said that the government should not try to “obstruct or nullify” the judicial orders of the Supreme Court and the High Court by resorting to “administrative decisions.” However, the court also advised the petitioners not to adopt an adamant attitude and be prepared to consider the government’s “reasonable proposal.”
Meeting with the LG also inconclusive
On November 17, senior advocate Sanjay Jain, the Delhi government’s lawyer, informed the court that given the contempt proceedings that had been ongoing for almost a decade, a meeting with the Lieutenant Governor (LG) had been scheduled for November 21, 2025, to resolve the issue. However, sources present at that meeting on Friday say that no concrete results were achieved.
How did this entire matter begin?
The legal battle began in 1993, when a beneficiary, Nand Kishore (now 67 years old), approached the High Court through his lawyer, Rakesh Saini. He had sought possession of a plot allotted to him in 1983 under the Prime Minister’s Twenty Point Programme (TPP). This scheme was launched by the Indira Gandhi government in 1975 with the aim of providing land to underprivileged and landless families.
In 2011, a single bench of the High Court ruled in Nand Kishore’s favor, stating that it was the government’s “legal obligation” and “social responsibility” to provide land for housing to landless residents of Rangpuri village. However, because the allotment did not require prior approval under the Delhi Panchayat Raj Rules, the court directed officials to find alternative land to fulfill the TPP’s purpose.
Land Swap and a Game of Promises
After the government’s appeal was dismissed in July 2012, the Supreme Court also rejected the government’s petition in January 2013 and threatened contempt proceedings if the High Court order was not implemented.
A series of promises and U-turns followed:
- 2016: The administration told the High Court that it had no land in Rangpuri, but offered 25 bighas and 5 biswas of land in the nearby village of Rajokri.
- March 2017: The administration changed its stance and said that land had been identified in Kheda Dabar village in Najafgarh.
- 2018: The administration again backtracked, stating that land from any other village could not be allotted to Rangpuri residents.
What is the current situation?
In October 2024, the administration informed the High Court that the government had no land available. Under the policy decision, claimants could be given 153 EWS flats measuring approximately 35.50 square meters in Sector G-7, Pocket 4, Narela, or an ex-gratia amount of ₹17 lakh.
In March of this year, petitioner Nand Kishore appealed to the court to either cancel the acquisition of land in Malikpur Kohi and Rangpuri, or grant him the 120-yard plot in Rajokri previously mentioned by the administration. The next hearing in this case is scheduled for December 1st, and all eyes are on it.
Rajan Chaudhary
Courtesy: Hindi News
Take action against officer who lied in court about caste, says Ramesh Jarkiholi
Published - November 24, 2025 08:37 pm IST - Belagavi
BJP MLA Ramesh Jarkiholi has said that an officer in the Hukkeri Tahsildar office has filed a false affidavit before the High Court of Karnataka saying that the Bedar Valmiki community that he belongs to is not categorised under Scheduled Tribes.
“The community has been getting Scheduled Tribes benefits for over five decades now. How can any officer deny this? I think the officer has acted under political pressure. I will request the State government to order an inquiry against the officer and punish him,” he said. He, however, did not name the officer.
Ramesh Jarkiholi suspected that Ramesh Katti, who attracted a charge of insulting the Bedar Valmiki community during the recent DCC Bank elections, forced the officer to submit such a document to court to obtain anticipatory bail.
He said that the community leaders will hold consultations with seers and decide if they have to take up agitations on the street or to approach the courts. “I will also raise this issue during the Winter Session,” he added.
“It is unfortunate that such things are happening despite the Chief Minister being from the backward classes, Home Minister from the Scheduled Castes communities and the district in-charge Minister from the Scheduled Tribes communities,” he said.
Published - November 24, 2025 08:37 pm IST.
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