30.04.2026.News Untouchable.(Voice of Sc.STs,Buddhists,Ambedkar ites,Anti SC.ST atrocity news,Employement news)by Sivaji Ayyayiram.9444917060.asivaji1962@gmail.com.FB.sivaji yoga Tiruvannamalai.x.shivajia479023.
SPOKEN HINDI THROUGH TAMIL
- நான் - மே [ I - NAN - MAY ]
- நீ - து [ YOU - NEE - THU ]
- நீ - தும் [ YOU - NEE - THUM ]
- நீங்கள் - ஆப் [ YOU - NEENGAL - AAP ]
- உங்களுடைய - ஆப்கா [ YOUR - UNGALUDAYA - AAPKA ]
- உங்களுக்கு - ஆப்கோ [TO YOU - UNGALUKU - AAPKO ]
- உன்னுடைய / உன் - துமாரா / தேரா [YOUR - UNUDAYA - THUMHARA, THERA ]
- என்னுடைய - மேரா [MY - ENUDAYA - MERA ]
- நம்முடைய / எங்களுடைய - ஹமாரா [OUR / MY - NAMUDAYA / YENUDAYA - HAMARA ]
- எனக்கு / நமக்கு - ஹம்கோ [TO ME, TO US - ENAKU, NAMAKU - HAMKO ]
- நம்முடைய - அப்னா [OUR - NAMUDAYA - APNA ]
- இது, இந்த, இவர் - ஏ / இஸ் [ IT, THIS, HE, SHE - ITHU, INTHA, IVAN, IVAL, - EA/IS (ONLY TWO WORDS IN HINDI) ]
- அது, அந்த, அவர், - ஓ / உஸ் [ THAT, THOSE, HE, SHE - ATHU, ANTHA, AVAN, AVAL - WO/US (ONLY TWO WORDS IN HINDI) ]
- இவனுடைய - இன்கா [HIS (THE PERSON IS NEXT TO YOU) - IVANDAYA - INKA ]
- அவனுடைய - உன்கா [HIS (THE PERSON IS FOR AWAY)- AVANUDAYA - UNKA ]
- இவளுடைய - இன்கி [HER (THE PERSON IS NEXT TO YOU) - IVALUDAYA - INKI ]
- அவளுடைய - உன்கி [HER (THE PERSON IS FOR AWAY) - AVALUDAYA - UNKI ]
- எவனுடைய / எதனுடைய - கிஸ்கா [TO WHOM - YEVANUDAYA -KISKA ]
- எவளுடைய - கிஸ்கி [TO WHOM - YEVANUDAYA -KISKA ]
- நாமெல்லோரும் - ஹம்லோக் [ALL OF US - NAAMELLORUM - HUMLOK ]
: மே என்பது இரண்டு அர்த்தங்களை கொண்ட ஒரு வார்த்தை. மே என்பதற்கு ல
எனும் அர்த்தமும் உள்ளது. இடத்துக்கு தகுந்தவாறு இதன் பொருள் மாறும்.
எடுத்துக்காட்டாக :-
- BANK-மே - BANK-ல
- CAR-மே - CAR ல
: மரியாதையை பெறுத்தவரை ஹிந்தியில் மூன்று நிலைகள் உள்ளது. YOU எனும் ஒற்றை ஆங்கில வார்த்தைக்கு தமிழில் நீ நீங்கள் என இரு மரியாதை நிலைகள் இருப்பதுபோல ஹிந்தியில் மூன்று நிலைகள் உள்ளது.
தூ - நீ ( சிறிதும் மரியாதையின்றி அழைப்பது தமிழில் டேய் டா எனும் வார்த்தைகளை இணைத்து இதற்கு நிகரான அர்த்தத்தை பெறலாம்
தும் - நீ ( இது குறைந்த பட்ச மரியாதை)
ஆப் - நீங்கள் ( எதிரே இருப்பவருக்கு நாம் கொடுக்கும் அதிகபட்ச மரியாதை)
: எனக்கு நமக்கு என தமிழில் உள்ள இரு வார்த்தைகளுக்கும் ஹிந்தியில் ஹம்கோ எனும் ஒரே வார்த்தை அர்த்தமாக வருகிறது. முஜே எனும் வார்த்தை மக்களால் எனக்கு எனும் இடத்தில் உபயோகிக்கப்பட்டாலும். இதை ஹிந்தியாக பலரும் ஏற்ப்பதில்லை. முஜே என்பது உருதுவார்த்தை பலராலும் எனக்கு எனும் பொருள் தருமாறு ஹிந்தியில் உபயோகிக்கபடுகின்றது.
: அப்னா எனும் இந்த வார்த்தையை துல்லியமாக தமிழுக்கு மொழிபெயர்க்க இயலாது. இது நம்முடைய எனும் பொருள் தந்தாலும் இது இருவருக்கும் சொந்தமானதாக இருக்க அவசியம் இல்லை. இடத்துக்கு தகுந்தவாறு அப்னா என்பதற்கு உங்களுடைய / என்னுடைய எனும் அர்த்தமும் கிடைக்கும்.
BACK TO TOP / POINTING WORDS
இஸ் / உஸ் / கிஸ் இந்த மூன்று வார்த்தைகளில் ஏதேனும் ஒன்றை உபயோகிக்க இதனுடன் CONJUNCTIONS தலைப்பில் உள்ள ஏதாவது ஒரு வார்த்தையை இணைத்து உபயோகிக்கவேண்டும்
இஸ் / உஸ் / கிஸ் இவற்றுடன் நேரடியாகவோ அல்லது இவற்றுக்கு அடுத்ததாக வரும் OBJECT / பெயர்சொல் உடனோ மே / கா / கி / சே இவற்றில் ஏதேனும் ஒன்றை கண்டிப்பாக உபயோகிக்கவேண்டும்.
CONJUNCTIONS இல்லாமல் இவற்றை உபயோகிப்பது இலக்கணப்பிழை ஆகும்.
இஸ்+கா - இது + உடைய = இதனுடைய
இஸ்மே - இது + ல = இதுல
இஸ் பஸ் மே = இந்த பஸ் ல
CONJUNCTIONS வரவில்லை என்றால் இஸ் க்கு பதிலாக ஏ, உஸ் க்கு பதிலாக ஓ, கிஸ் க்கு பதிலாக கோன்சா உபயோகிக்க வேண்டும்.
எடுத்துக்காட்டாக :-
ஏ மேரா PEN ஹே
இது என்னுடைய பேனா
இந்த இடத்தில் இது என்பதற்கு அடுத்ததாக எந்த CONJUNCTIONSம் வரவில்லை எனவே ஹிந்தியில் இந்த இடத்தில் இஸ் என்பதற்கு பதிலாக ஏ உபயோகிக்க பட்டுள்ளது.
ஏ ஓ கோன்சா இவைகளுடன் நேரடியாக CONJUNCTIONS இணைப்பது இலக்கணப்பிழை ஆனால் ஏ ஓ கோன்சா இவற்றுடன் இருக்கும் பெயர் சொல்லில் CONJUNCTIONS இணைக்கலாம்
எடுத்துக்காட்டாக:-
ஏ BUSமே SEAT ஹே
இஸ் BUSமே SEAT ஹே
இவை இரண்டுக்கும் எந்த வித்யாசமும் இல்லை
- மே -நான் [ I - NAN - MAY ] NOTE1
- து -நீ [ YOU - NEE - THU ] NOTE 2
- தும் -நீ [ YOU - NEE - THUM ] NOTE 2
- ஆப் -நீங்கள் [ YOU - NEENGAL - AAP ] NOTE 2
- ஆப்கா -உங்களுடைய [ YOUR - UNGALUDAYA - AAPKA ]
- ஆப்கோ -உங்களுக்கு [TO YOU - UNGALUKU - AAPKO ]
- துமாரா / தேரா -உன்னுடைய / உன் [YOUR - UNUDAYA - THUMHARA, THERA ]
- மேரா -என்னுடைய [MY - ENUDAYA - MERA]
- ஹமாரா -நம்முடைய / எங்களுடைய [OUR / MY - NAMUDAYA / YENUDAYA - HAMARA ]
- ஹம்கோ -எனக்கு / நமக்கு [TO ME, TO US - ENAKU, NAMAKU - HAMKO ] NOTE 3
- அப்னா -நம்முடைய [OUR - NAMUDAYA - APNA ] NOTE 4
- ஏ / இஸ் -இது, இந்த, இவர் [ IT, THIS, HE, SHE - ITHU, INTHA, IVAN, IVAL, - EA/IS (ONLY TWO WORDS IN HINDI) ] NOTE 5
- ஓ / உஸ் -அது, அந்த, அவர், [ THAT, THOSE, HE, SHE - ATHU, ANTHA, AVAN, AVAL - WO/US (ONLY TWO WORDS IN HINDI) ]NOTE 5
- இன்கா -இவனுடைய [HIS (THE PERSON IS NEXT TO YOU) - IVANDAYA - INKA ]
- உன்கா -அவனுடைய [HIS (THE PERSON IS FOR AWAY)- AVANUDAYA - UNKA ]
- இன்கி -இவளுடைய [HER (THE PERSON IS NEXT TO YOU) - IVALUDAYA - INKI ]
- உன்கி -அவளுடைய [HER (THE PERSON IS FOR AWAY) - AVALUDAYA - UNKI ]
- கிஸ்கா - எவனுடைய / எதனுடைய [TO WHOM - YEVANUDAYA -KISKA ]
- கிஸ்கி - எவளுடைய [TO WHOM - YEVANUDAYA -KISKA ]
- ஹம்லோக் - நாமெல்லோரும் [ALL OF US - NAAMELLORUM - HUMLOK ]
- (Read 2 to 3 times)
As of today, April 30, 2026, the concluding day of Dalit History Month, several significant updates regarding SC/ST rights, the Ambedkarite movement, and recent judicial rulings have emerged across India.
Major Judicial & Legal Developments
- Supreme Court Ruling on SC Status & Religion: In a landmark judgment (Criminal Appeal No. 1580 of 2026), the Supreme Court reiterated that Scheduled Caste status is legally restricted to those professing Hinduism, Sikhism, or Buddhism. The Court held that conversion to religions outside this framework (specifically citing Christianity in the case) results in the loss of SC status and the inability to invoke the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act.
- ST Status Clarification: The Court clarified that unlike SC status, Scheduled Tribe (ST) status is not strictly religion-linked. It is determined by the continuation of tribal identity, customary practices, and community acceptance, regardless of religious conversion.
Ambedkarite Movement & Cultural Events
- Celebrating Female Literary Voices: A major event is taking place today in Mumbai celebrating the launch of a new book on Ambedkarite women poets. The event features noted activist Urmila Pawar and focuses on the history of the Samvadini Stree Literary Movement, highlighting how Dalit women have historically organized and written against caste and gender hierarchies.
- Dalit History Month Conclusion: Today marks the final day of Dalit History Month. Throughout April 2026, events across India and globally have commemorated the 135th Birth Anniversary of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar (April 14) and other icons like Jyotiba Phule and Savitribai Phule.
- Protests Against Sub-Classification: In Maharashtra, the Ambedkarite movement has launched a campaign against the sub-classification of Scheduled Castes. A roundtable conference in Pune recently resolved to collect 100,000 signatures from Buddhist Viharas and households to protest political attempts to divide the SC category.
Atrocity & Crime Statistics (NCDHR 2026 Report)
The National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR) recently released an analysis of crimes against SCs and STs (2019–2023), with findings discussed in today’s news cycles:
- High Incidence States: Uttar Pradesh leads in the total number of registered atrocity cases against Dalits, followed by Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh.
- Atrocity Frequency: The report highlights a grim reality where approximately 158 Dalits and 36 Adivasis face caste-based atrocities daily across the country.
- Low Conviction Rates: Concerns remain over the high acquittal rates and weak investigations in states like Manipur and Rajasthan, where charge-sheeting rates for atrocity cases are significantly lower than the national average.
Summary of the "28+8" Landscape
Across India's 28 states and 8 Union Territories, the day is characterized by a blend of intellectual celebration (Ambedkarite literature) and legal vigilance regarding the protections provided by the Constitution. While cultural visibility is at a peak due to the month's significance, the focus remains on the "unfinished revolution" Ambedkar envisioned regarding social and economic equality.
Dalit History Month: How Caste Shapes Life After Inclusion
MPP student Tejaswi Singh reflects on Dalit History Month and how caste shapes labour dignity and opportunity in India
In India, where one in six individuals is a Scheduled Caste, Dalit History Month offers, at first glance, a moment of remembrance. It also raises a difficult question: one that asks not only what has been corrected in the long arc of caste-based exclusion, but what continues to endure, often less visibly, within the structures of participation, labour, and everyday social life in India?
Much like the staggered lanes of a relay track, where each runner begins from a different position not by choice but by design, individuals enter social and economic systems already carrying the weight of histories that determine how far they must travel to arrive at what is considered an equal point. Over time, policies such as reservation and affirmative actions have attempted to reduce these distances, to move starting lines closer together, or at least compensate for their unevenness. In measurable terms, these interventions have produced results. The proportion of Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) in government employment increased from 12.2% in 1990 to 21.9% in 2019. Between 2015 and 2022, enrolment of SC and ST students in higher education rose significantly, with SC students making up 15.3% and ST students 6.3%, together accounting for 21.6% of total enrolment. Female enrolment within the SC category also increased sharply, rising by 51% during this period. For earnings, a report from 2022 indicates that the ‘bottom 50%’ of the Indian population which includes a large share of SC, ST, and OBC groups, has a disproportionately low share of total national income at 13%. Taken together, this evidence shows improved earnings and a gradual, though uneven, entry into the formal sector.
Yet, these shifts in access, when observed more closely, do not settle into a story of transformation. They mark an opening, certainly, but do not mean that Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes have an equal position in the system. Representation has expanded, but it remains uneven, often clustering at the lower tiers of institutional and economic hierarchies. Scheduled Castes, for instance, continue to be overrepresented in low-status and low-paying occupations, such as manual labour and scavenging, while being underrepresented in high-status and high-paying occupations, such as professional and managerial jobs. According to the 2011-12 NSSO data, 63% of SC workers are engaged as wage labourers, with 32% in casual labour—double the national average of 16%. This reflects both economic vulnerability and persistent occupational segmentation that policy alone has not addressed.
The question that emerges here is less about entry and more about placement. If participation does not change the terms on which individuals are incorporated into systems of work and recognition, it risks reshuffling them without altering the structure itself. It is in this space that caste continues to operate through expectations about where one belongs, what one is expected to do, and how that work is valued.
This becomes more legible in moments where formal inclusion meets social resistance. In June 2019, two Scheduled Caste women appointed at an Anganwadi centre in Madurai were transferred shortly after their hiring, following objections from dominant caste groups who claimed that their presence would “pollute the food.” This incident does not reflect a lack of policy; the appointment itself was made possible by it. Rather, it reveals the limits of policy when it encounters forms of social perception that remain largely unaltered. Employment, in this instance, did not secure dignity; it exposed the conditions under which dignity continues to be withheld.
Even in the case of tribal communities, inclusion in economic activities often unfolds alongside processes of marginalisation. The Birhor community, classified as a Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group (PVTG), offers one such case. Their dietary practice of eating monkeys has been met with stigma and exclusion since monkeys are believed to be under the protection of the Hindu God Hanuman. Even as constitutional provisions emphasise their protection and advancement, formal recognition continues to coexist with social distance.
These instances begin to suggest that caste persists not only as a structure of access, but as a structure of perception, one that shapes how individuals are seen even after they have entered spaces from which they were historically excluded. The stigma attached to marginalised communities does not disappear with the entry of the State. It often persists, sometimes subtly, sometimes explicitly, influencing both the opportunities available and the terms on which they are offered. As Dr B.R. Ambedkar had argued, restrictions on occupation do not only limit income but also shape whether employment is possible at all.
What this indicates is that while affirmative policies (such as reservation, political representation, conditional cash transfers and scholarship) have been necessary and useful to a good extent, they have not been sufficient in altering the deeper social relations that govern inclusion. While economic participation has increased, it has not been accompanied by a proportional shift in dignity or recognition. Therefore, the persistence of caste is not simply a failure of policy, but a reminder that policy operates within a social field that does not change at the same pace.
In this context, the ongoing discussions around caste-based enumeration could be seen in a positive light. The absence of updated, disaggregated data has long limited the ability to assess how caste continues to shape outcomes in contemporary India. If conducted with transparency and methodological care, the absence of vote-bank politics, such an exercise could offer a clearer view of not only who participates, but where they are located within systems of work, income, and representation. In doing so, it may allow for a rethinking of policy frameworks that have, over time, become somewhat static, even as the realities they seek to address have evolved.
To conclude, the track may have widened, but the lanes remain staggered in ways that are not always immediately visible and not easily corrected through institutional presence alone. Dalit History Month, in this sense, returns not only as a site of memory, but as a reminder: representation has begun to alter the terms of inclusion, but it is yet to fully unsettle the structures that continue to shape it.
Courtesy : UNU
தலித் வரலாற்று மாதம்: எப்படி ஜாதி சேர்ப்பிற்குப் பின் வாழ்க்கையை உருவாக்குகிறது

எம்.பி.பி மாணவர் தேஜஸ்வி சிங் தலித் வரலாற்று மாதத்தைப் பற்றியும், இந்தியாவில் சாதி எவ்வாறு தொழிலாளர் கண்ணியம் மற்றும் வாய்ப்பை உருவாக்குகிறது என்பதை பிரதிபலிக்கிறது இது ஒரு கடினமான கேள்வியையும் எழுப்புகிறது: ஜாதி அடிப்படையிலான ஒதுக்கீட்டின் நீண்ட வளைவில் என்ன சரி செய்யப்பட்டது என்பதை மட்டும் கேட்கிறது, ஆனால் இந்தியாவில் பங்கேற்பு, உழைப்பு மற்றும் அன்றாட சமூக வாழ்க்கையின் கட்டமைப்பிற்குள், அடிக்கடி குறைவாகத் தெரிவது எது? சமமான புள்ளியாகக் கருதப்படுவதை அடைய அவர்கள் எவ்வளவு தூரம் பயணிக்க வேண்டும் என்பதைத் தீர்மானிக்கும் வரலாறுகளின் எடை. காலப்போக்கில், இடஒதுக்கீடு மற்றும் உறுதியான நடவடிக்கைகள் போன்ற கொள்கைகள் இந்த தூரங்களைக் குறைக்கவும், தொடக்கக் கோடுகளை நெருக்கமாக நகர்த்தவும் அல்லது குறைந்தபட்சம் அவற்றின் சீரற்ற தன்மையை ஈடுசெய்யவும் முயற்சித்தன. அளவிடக்கூடிய வகையில், இந்த தலையீடுகள் முடிவுகளை உருவாக்கியுள்ளன. அரசு வேலைவாய்ப்பில் பட்டியலிடப்பட்ட சாதிகள் (எஸ்சி) மற்றும் பழங்குடியினர் (எஸ்டி) விகிதம் 12.2!^ல் இருந்து 2019ல் 21.9!^ ஆக உயர்ந்துள்ளது. 2015க்கும் 2022க்கும் இடைப்பட்ட காலத்தில் எஸ்சி மற்றும் எஸ்டி மாணவர்களின் சேர்க்கை கணிசமாக உயர்ந்துள்ளது. 6.3!^, மொத்தப் பதிவின் 21.6!^ஐக் கணக்கிடுகிறது. SC பிரிவினுள் பெண்களின் சேர்க்கை கடுமையாக அதிகரித்து, இந்த காலகட்டத்தில் 51!^ உயர்ந்துள்ளது. வருவாயைப் பொறுத்தவரை, SC, ST மற்றும் OBC குழுக்களின் பெரும் பங்கை உள்ளடக்கிய இந்திய மக்கள்தொகையில் ‘கீழே உள்ள 50!^’ மொத்த தேசிய வருமானத்தில் 13!^ என்ற விகிதாச்சாரத்தில் குறைவான பங்கைக் கொண்டுள்ளது என்று 2022 இன் அறிக்கை குறிப்பிடுகிறது. ஒன்றாக எடுத்துக்கொண்டால், இந்த சான்றுகள் மேம்பட்ட வருவாய் மற்றும் படிப்படியாக, சீரற்றதாக இருந்தாலும், முறையான துறையில் நுழைவதைக் காட்டுகிறது. அவை நிச்சயமாக ஒரு திறப்பைக் குறிக்கின்றன, ஆனால் அட்டவணை சாதிகள் மற்றும் பழங்குடியினர் அமைப்பில் சமமான நிலையைக் கொண்டுள்ளனர் என்று அர்த்தமல்ல. பிரதிநிதித்துவம் விரிவடைந்துள்ளது, ஆனால் அது சீரற்றதாகவே உள்ளது. உதாரணமாக, தாழ்த்தப்பட்ட சாதியினர், குறைந்த அந்தஸ்து மற்றும் குறைந்த ஊதியம் பெறும் தொழில்களான, உடல் உழைப்பு மற்றும் தோட்டம் போன்றவற்றில் தொடர்ந்து அதிகமாக பிரதிநிதித்துவப்படுத்தப்படுகிறார்கள். 201112 NSSO தரவுகளின்படி, SC தொழிலாளர்களில் 63!^ கூலித் தொழிலாளர்களாக ஈடுபட்டுள்ளனர், 32!^ சாதாரண வேலையில் ஈடுபட்டுள்ளனர்—தேசிய சராசரியான 16!^ஐ விட இரட்டிப்பு!^. இது பொருளாதார பாதிப்பு மற்றும் தொடர்ச்சியான தொழில்சார் பிரிவு இரண்டையும் பிரதிபலிக்கிறது. கொள்கை மட்டும் கவனிக்கவில்லை. வேலை மற்றும் அங்கீகார அமைப்புகளில் தனிநபர்கள் இணைக்கப்பட்டுள்ள விதிமுறைகளை பங்கேற்பு மாற்றவில்லை என்றால், அது கட்டமைப்பையே மாற்றாமல் அவர்களை மாற்றியமைக்கும் அபாயம் உள்ளது. இந்த இடத்தில் தான் சாதி, ஒருவர் எங்கு இருக்கிறார், என்ன செய்ய வேண்டும் என்று எதிர்பார்க்கிறார், அந்த வேலை எப்படி மதிப்பிடப்படுகிறது என்ற எதிர்பார்ப்புகளின் மூலம் தொடர்ந்து இயங்குகிறது. ஜூன் 2019 இல், மதுரையில் உள்ள அங்கன்வாடி மையத்தில் நியமிக்கப்பட்ட இரண்டு பட்டியலினச் சாதிப் பெண்கள் பணியமர்த்தப்பட்ட சிறிது நேரத்திலேயே மாற்றப்பட்டனர், அவர்களின் இருப்பு "உணவை மாசுபடுத்தும்" என்று கூறிய ஆதிக்க சாதி குழுக்களின் ஆட்சேபனையைத் தொடர்ந்து. இச்சம்பவம் கொள்கைப் பற்றாக்குறையை பிரதிபலிக்கவில்லை; நியமனம் அதன் மூலம் சாத்தியமானது. மாறாக, அது பெரும்பாலும் மாறாமல் இருக்கும் சமூக உணர்வின் வடிவங்களை எதிர்கொள்ளும்போது கொள்கையின் வரம்புகளை வெளிப்படுத்துகிறது. வேலைவாய்ப்பு, இந்த நிகழ்வில், கண்ணியத்தைப் பாதுகாக்கவில்லை; கண்ணியம் தொடர்ந்து தடுத்து நிறுத்தப்படும் நிலைமைகளை அது அம்பலப்படுத்தியது. Birhor சமூகம், குறிப்பாக பாதிக்கப்படக்கூடிய பழங்குடி குழு (PVTG) என வகைப்படுத்தப்பட்டுள்ளது, இது போன்ற ஒரு வழக்கை வழங்குகிறது. குரங்குகள் இந்துக் கடவுளான ஹனுமானின் பாதுகாப்பில் இருப்பதாக நம்பப்படுவதால், குரங்குகளை உண்ணும் அவர்களின் உணவுப் பழக்கம் களங்கம் மற்றும் ஒதுக்கீட்டை சந்தித்துள்ளது. அரசியலமைப்பு விதிகள் அவர்களின் பாதுகாப்பு மற்றும் முன்னேற்றத்தை வலியுறுத்தினாலும், முறையான அங்கீகாரம் சமூக இடைவெளியுடன் தொடர்ந்து இணைந்திருக்கிறது.
இந்த நிகழ்வுகள் சாதி என்பது அணுகல் கட்டமைப்பாக மட்டுமல்ல, புலனுணர்வு கட்டமைப்பாகவும் நீடிக்கிறது என்பதைத் தெரிவிக்கிறது. ஓரங்கட்டப்பட்ட சமூகங்களுக்கு ஏற்பட்டுள்ள களங்கம், மாநிலத்தின் நுழைவுடன் மறைந்துவிடாது. இது அடிக்கடி தொடர்கிறது, சில நேரங்களில் நுட்பமாக, சில நேரங்களில் வெளிப்படையாக, கிடைக்கக்கூடிய வாய்ப்புகள் மற்றும் அவை வழங்கப்படும் விதிமுறைகள் இரண்டையும் பாதிக்கிறது. டாக்டர் பி.ஆர். அம்பேத்கர் வாதிட்டார், தொழில் மீதான கட்டுப்பாடுகள் வருமானத்தை மட்டுப்படுத்துவது மட்டுமல்லாமல், வேலை செய்பவர்களையும் வடிவமைக்கிறது.
Dalit Sena seeks action against Karnataka Minister Boseraju over land ‘encroachment’
In a letter addressed to the CM, Governor and the Forest Minister, Javeed Khan, state organisational secretary of Dalit Sena, alleged that five acres of land recorded as government/reserved forest land were recorded in the name of Boseraju’s wife.
Bengaluru: The Dalit Sena has accused Science and Technology Minister N S Boseraju of ‘encroaching’ upon forest and Waqf land and has sought legal action.
In a letter addressed to Chief Minister Siddaramaiah, Governor Thaawarchand Gehlot and Forest Minister Eshwar B Khandre, Javeed Khan, state organisational secretary of Dalit Sena, alleged that five acres of land recorded as government/reserved forest land were recorded in the name of Boseraju’s wife.
ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ ಸಚಿವ ಬೋಸರಾಜು ಅವರ ಭೂ ಅತಿಕ್ರಮಣಕ್ಕೆ ಸಂಬಂಧಿಸಿದಂತೆ ಕ್ರಮ ಕೈಗೊಳ್ಳುವಂತೆ ದಲಿತ ಸೇನೆ ಒತ್ತಾಯಿಸಿದೆ

ಮುಖ್ಯಮಂತ್ರಿ, ರಾಜ್ಯಪಾಲ ಮತ್ತು ಅರಣ್ಯ ಸಚಿವರಿಗೆ ಬರೆದ ಪತ್ರದಲ್ಲಿ, ದಲಿತ ಸೇನೆಯ ರಾಜ್ಯ ಸಂಘಟನಾ ಕಾರ್ಯದರ್ಶಿ ಜಾವೀದ್ ಖಾನ್, ಸರ್ಕಾರಿ/ಮೀಸಲು ಅರಣ್ಯ ಭೂಮಿ ಎಂದು ದಾಖಲಾಗಿರುವ ಐದು ಎಕರೆ ಭೂಮಿಯನ್ನು ಬೋಸರಾಜು ಅವರ ಪತ್ನಿಯ ಹೆಸರಿನಲ್ಲಿ ದಾಖಲಿಸಲಾಗಿದೆ ಎಂದು ಆರೋಪಿಸಿದ್ದಾರೆ.
ಬೆಂಗಳೂರು: ವಿಜ್ಞಾನ ಮತ್ತು ತಂತ್ರಜ್ಞಾನ ಸಚಿವ ಎನ್.ಎಸ್. ಬೋಸರಾಜು ಅವರು ಅರಣ್ಯ ಮತ್ತು ವಕ್ಫ್ ಭೂಮಿಯನ್ನು ಅತಿಕ್ರಮಣ ಮಾಡಿದ್ದಾರೆ ಎಂದು ದಲಿತ ಸೇನೆ ಆರೋಪಿಸಿದೆ ಮತ್ತು ಕಾನೂನು ಕ್ರಮ ಕೈಗೊಳ್ಳಲು ಕೋರಿದೆ.
ಮುಖ್ಯಮಂತ್ರಿ ಸಿದ್ದರಾಮಯ್ಯ, ರಾಜ್ಯಪಾಲ ತಾವರ್ಚಂದ್ ಗೆಹ್ಲೋಟ್ ಮತ್ತು ಅರಣ್ಯ ಸಚಿವ ಈಶ್ವರ್ ಬಿ. ಖಂಡ್ರೆ ಅವರಿಗೆ ಬರೆದ ಪತ್ರದಲ್ಲಿ, ದಲಿತ ಸೇನೆಯ ರಾಜ್ಯ ಸಂಘಟನಾ ಕಾರ್ಯದರ್ಶಿ ಜಾವೀದ್ ಖಾನ್, ಸರ್ಕಾರಿ/ಮೀಸಲು ಅರಣ್ಯ ಭೂಮಿ ಎಂದು ದಾಖಲಾಗಿರುವ ಐದು ಎಕರೆ ಭೂಮಿಯನ್ನು ಬೋಸರಾಜು ಅವರ ಪತ್ನಿಯ ಹೆಸರಿನಲ್ಲಿ ದಾಖಲಿಸಲಾಗಿದೆ ಎಂದು ಆರೋಪಿಸಿದ್ದಾರೆ.
Caste-Based Violence in Gujarat: Sarpanch and his associates brutally beat a Dalit family for requesting them not to damage a drain.
Caste-based individuals attacked a Dalit family, using weapons such as sticks and mace. The attackers also pelted stones and tried to break down the door of the family’s home.
Patan – On July 16, a minor dispute escalated into a violent attack on a Dalit family in Datrana village, Santalpur taluka, Patan district, Gujarat, when the village sarpanch and his associates launched a deadly attack on a Dalit family. The incident began when a Dalit man requested them not to damage a drain constructed in front of his house.
Enraged by this minor issue, the sarpanch and his associates not only used caste-based slurs but also attacked the family members with weapons such as sticks and mace. This incident is another example of the increasing caste-based violence against the Dalit community in Gujarat, highlighting social inequality and the indifference of the local administration.
According to the FIR, on July 16th, at around 6:30 p.m., Datrana village sarpanch Jeevanbhai Savabhai Ahir was removing mud from the road with a JCB machine. During this, Madeobhai Dhawal, a Dalit, requested him not to damage the drain in front of his house to prevent water from spilling onto the road and avoid dirt. This enraged the sarpanch and he began abusing Madeobhai, including caste-based slurs. The sarpanch then attacked Madeobhai with a gadda patu (a type of tool).
ગુજરાતમાં જાતિ આધારિત હિંસા: સરપંચ અને તેના સાથીઓએ એક દલિત પરિવારને નાળાને નુકસાન ન પહોંચાડવા વિનંતી કરવા બદલ નિર્દયતાથી માર માર્યો.

જાતિ આધારિત વ્યક્તિઓએ લાકડીઓ અને ગદા જેવા હથિયારોનો ઉપયોગ કરીને દલિત પરિવાર પર હુમલો કર્યો. હુમલાખોરોએ પથ્થરમારો પણ કર્યો અને પરિવારના ઘરનો દરવાજો તોડવાનો પ્રયાસ કર્યો.
પાટણ - 16 જુલાઈના રોજ, ગુજરાતના પાટણ જિલ્લાના સાંતલપુર તાલુકાના દાત્રાણા ગામમાં એક નાના વિવાદે દલિત પરિવાર પર હિંસક હુમલો કર્યો, જ્યારે ગામના સરપંચ અને તેના સાથીઓએ એક દલિત પરિવાર પર ઘાતક હુમલો કર્યો. આ ઘટના ત્યારે શરૂ થઈ જ્યારે એક દલિત વ્યક્તિએ તેમના ઘરની સામે બનેલા નાળાને નુકસાન ન પહોંચાડવા વિનંતી કરી.
આ નાના મુદ્દાથી ગુસ્સે થઈને, સરપંચ અને તેના સાથીઓએ માત્ર જાતિ આધારિત અપશબ્દોનો ઉપયોગ જ નહીં પરંતુ લાકડીઓ અને ગદા જેવા હથિયારોથી પરિવારના સભ્યો પર પણ હુમલો કર્યો. આ ઘટના ગુજરાતમાં દલિત સમુદાય સામે વધતી જાતિ આધારિત હિંસાનું બીજું ઉદાહરણ છે, જે સામાજિક અસમાનતા અને સ્થાનિક વહીવટીતંત્રની ઉદાસીનતા દર્શાવે છે.
FIR મુજબ, ૧૬ જુલાઈના રોજ સાંજે ૬:૩૦ વાગ્યે, દાત્રાણા ગામના સરપંચ જીવનભાઈ સવાભાઈ આહિર JCB મશીન વડે રસ્તા પરથી કાદવ કાઢી રહ્યા હતા. આ દરમિયાન, દલિત માદેવભાઈ ધવલે તેમને વિનંતી કરી કે તેઓ તેમના ઘરની સામેના ગટરને નુકસાન ન કરે જેથી પાણી રસ્તા પર ન ફેલાય અને ગંદકીથી બચી શકાય. આનાથી સરપંચ ગુસ્સે ભરાયા અને તેમણે માદેવભાઈને અપશબ્દો કહેવાનું શરૂ કર્યું, જેમાં જાતિ આધારિત અપશબ્દોનો પણ સમાવેશ થાય છે. ત્યારબાદ સરપંચે માદેવભાઈ પર ગડ્ડા પાટુ (એક પ્રકારનું સાધન) વડે હુમલો કર્યો.
Gujarat: Dalits invited to the Ram Temple Pran Pratishtha ceremony were told to bring plates and glasses from home!
The community refused to accept this condition, and an FIR was filed at the Visavadar police station.
A case of alleged discrimination and disrespectful treatment of members of the Dalit community has come to light during the Pran Pratishtha Mahotsav of the Lord Ram Temple in Bhootdi village, Visavadar taluka, Junagadh district.
The organizing committee had invited approximately ten people to the event, but they were asked to arrive after others had finished eating, eat their food separately, and not enter the temple. They were also asked to bring their own plates, bowls, and drinking water from home. Members of the Dalit community allege that separate arrangements for food and water were made for them, which clearly amounted to untouchability and caste-based insults, and therefore, the offended individuals decided not to attend the event.
25-year-old Ajay Chatur Boricha filed a complaint with the Visavadar police station. According to the complaint, around 5 pm on April 27th, five members of the organizing committee came to his neighborhood and invited about 10 Scheduled Caste members present there for the temple’s consecration ceremony. They also imposed the condition that they arrive after other caste members had eaten and that they bring their own plates and bowls. The Dalit community refused to accept this condition. Consequently, the proposed community feast in the village was canceled. However, the temple’s consecration ceremony was completed on the evening of April 29th. Based on this complaint, the police have registered a case against five individuals: Babu Uka Hapani, Narendra Bhanji Siroya, Ramnik Samji Sorathia, Atul Bhikha Siroya, and Phoola Popat Siroya under sections 3(1)(r), 3(1)(za)A, 3(1)(za)C of the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, as well as sections 196(2) and 54 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC).
ગુજરાત: રામ મંદિર પ્રાણ પ્રતિષ્ઠા સમારોહમાં આમંત્રિત દલિતોને ઘરેથી થાળી અને ગ્લાસ લાવવાનું કહેવામાં આવ્યું હતું!

સમુદાયએ આ શરત સ્વીકારવાનો ઇનકાર કર્યો હતો, અને વિસાવદર પોલીસ સ્ટેશનમાં FIR દાખલ કરવામાં આવી હતી.
જૂનાગઢ જિલ્લાના વિસાવદર તાલુકાના ભૂતડી ગામમાં ભગવાન રામ મંદિરના પ્રાણ પ્રતિષ્ઠા મહોત્સવ દરમિયાન દલિત સમુદાયના સભ્યો સાથે કથિત ભેદભાવ અને અનાદરનો કેસ પ્રકાશમાં આવ્યો છે.
આયોજક સમિતિએ કાર્યક્રમમાં લગભગ દસ લોકોને આમંત્રણ આપ્યું હતું, પરંતુ તેમને અન્ય લોકો જમ્યા પછી આવવા, અલગથી ભોજન લેવા અને મંદિરમાં પ્રવેશ ન કરવા કહેવામાં આવ્યું હતું. તેમને ઘરેથી પોતાની થાળી, વાટકી અને પીવાનું પાણી લાવવાનું પણ કહેવામાં આવ્યું હતું. દલિત સમુદાયના સભ્યોનો આરોપ છે કે તેમના માટે ખોરાક અને પાણી માટે અલગ વ્યવસ્થા કરવામાં આવી હતી, જે સ્પષ્ટપણે અસ્પૃશ્યતા અને જાતિ આધારિત અપમાન સમાન છે, અને તેથી, નારાજ વ્યક્તિઓએ કાર્યક્રમમાં હાજરી ન આપવાનો નિર્ણય લીધો.
૨૫ વર્ષીય અજય ચતુર બોરીચાએ વિસાવદર પોલીસ સ્ટેશનમાં ફરિયાદ નોંધાવી હતી. ફરિયાદ મુજબ, ૨૭ એપ્રિલના રોજ સાંજે ૫ વાગ્યાની આસપાસ, આયોજન સમિતિના પાંચ સભ્યો તેમના પડોશમાં આવ્યા અને મંદિરના પ્રતિષ્ઠા સમારોહ માટે ત્યાં હાજર ૧૦ જેટલા અનુસૂચિત જાતિના સભ્યોને આમંત્રણ આપ્યું. તેમણે એવી શરત પણ મૂકી કે તેઓ અન્ય જાતિના સભ્યો ભોજન કર્યા પછી આવે અને પોતાની થાળી અને વાટકી લાવે. દલિત સમુદાયે આ શરત સ્વીકારવાનો ઇનકાર કર્યો. પરિણામે, ગામમાં પ્રસ્તાવિત સમુદાય ભોજન સમારંભ રદ કરવામાં આવ્યો. જોકે, મંદિરનો પ્રતિષ્ઠા સમારોહ ૨૯ એપ્રિલની સાંજે પૂર્ણ થયો. આ ફરિયાદના આધારે, પોલીસે પાંચ વ્યક્તિઓ: બાબુ ઉકા હપાણી, નરેન્દ્ર ભાણજી સિરોયા, રમણીક સામજી સોરઠિયા, અતુલ ભીખા સિરોયા અને ફૂલા પોપટ સિરોયા વિરુદ્ધ SC/ST (અત્યાચાર નિવારણ) અધિનિયમની કલમ 3(1)(r), 3(1)(za)A, 3(1)(za)C, તેમજ ભારતીય દંડ સંહિતા (IPC) ની કલમ 196(2) અને 54 હેઠળ કેસ નોંધ્યો છે.
Obscenity against Dalit girl in Kannauj: Accused sentenced to 5 years in prison, fined ₹10,000 under the POCSO Act
The court has sentenced the accused to 5 years in prison for sexually assaulting a Dalit girl in Kannauj district. A fine of ₹10,000 has also been imposed on the accused, which will be given as compensation to the victim.
This incident occurred in Rooppur village, under the jurisdiction of the Saurikh police station. On September 10, 2020, Pappu Sharma, a resident of the village, lured a Dalit girl to his home. The accused stripped naked in front of the girl and sexually assaulted her. When the girl screamed, her mother arrived and managed to get him out.
When she protested, the accused also abused her mother. Subsequently, the victim’s mother filed a complaint against Pappu Sharma at the Saurikh police station under sections of the POCSO and SC/ST Acts.
During the court hearing, accused Pappu Sharma defended himself, saying that he had not stripped naked in front of the girl, but that his towel had come loose. Government advocate Brijesh Shukla stated that based on the evidence and witness statements, Special Judge Ram Gopal Singh sentenced Pappu Sharma to five years’ imprisonment and a fine of 10,000 rupees.
However, due to a lack of evidence, he was acquitted under the SC/ST Act.
Vikas Awasthi | Kannauj
Courtesy: Hindi News
Dalit youth found dead in TN, family alleges caste murder
A 20-year-old Dalit youth was found dead near a quarry lake in Pudukkottai district, with his family alleging that he was killed because of his relationship with a young woman from a Backward Class community. The police, however, maintain that the case involves abetment to suicide, and an investigation is underway.
The deceased, R Hariharan, belonged to the Paraiyar community (classified as Scheduled Castes in the state) and was a recent graduate of a private college in Trichy. He was a resident of Nadupatti village near Thirumalairayapuram and had been missing since April 21.
According to his mother, Vijayalakshmi, Hariharan left home around 1.30 pm that day. “I called him around 3 pm, but his phone rang for a few minutes before being switched off at 3.16 pm. He would never ignore my calls or switch off his phone,” she told Times of India.
When he could not be found in his usual places, the family began searching for him.
On the evening of April 23, a goat herder spotted a body near a quarry lake and alerted authorities. Police and fire personnel recovered the body and sent it to the Pudukkottai Government Medical College Hospital for a post-mortem examination.
The body, found in a decomposed state, was later identified as Hariharan.
His family has expressed suspicion, linking his death to his past relationship with a 19-year-old woman from the Vishwakarma community (classified as Backward Class).
The two, who lived a few metres apart, were reportedly in a relationship and had attempted to elope in November 2025. They were later traced to Thanjavur, following which both families were called for a peace meeting at the Keeranur police station.
Vijayalakshmi alleged that during these talks, the woman’s family abused and threatened her son on caste lines. “They warned us that we would face consequences. At one point, they even refused to take their daughter back, and the police had to convince them,” she said.
According to Vellanur police, the woman was subsequently prevented from attending college, and her family began searching for a marriage alliance within their community. Vijayalakshmi further alleged that a few months later, the woman’s brother threatened Hariharan with consequences if he continued the relationship.
On April 21, the day Hariharan went missing, the woman is said to have told a neighbour that she was going to be married and asked him to convey the message to Hariharan.
Police said she later contacted Hariharan, asking him to take her away as her parents were arranging her marriage. She also reportedly reached out to one of his friends for help.
“Harirahan died by suicide after learning about her marriage alliance,” the police told TNM.
The case was initially registered as a suspicious death but was later altered to abetment of suicide on April 25.
The woman (19), her father Rajendran (50), her elder brother Shanmuga Sundaram (26), and her younger brother (17) have also been booked under Section 3(2)(va) of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act.
Hariharan’s family has also raised concerns about discrepancies in the post-mortem findings. “Relatives who saw the body noticed injuries on his head and legs, but the report mentions only one injury,” Vijayalakshmi alleged, demanding a thorough and impartial investigation.
However, the police rejected these claims, stating that no such injuries were recorded in the post-mortem report.
The family initially refused to accept the body and staged a protest, insisting that the case be treated as murder. After police assurances that appropriate action would be taken, they accepted the body after five days and performed the last rites in their native village.
The case is currently being handled by the Pudukkottai town Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP).
Maharashtra govt approves Rs 37 crore for Dr Ambedkar Chair at London School of Economics
Mumbai, Apr 29 (PTI) A Chair in the name of Dr B.R. Ambedkar, the architect of the Constitution, will be established at the prestigious London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE), with the Maharashtra cabinet on Wednesday approving a one-time grant of more than Rs 37 crore. The chair will also administer doctoral scholarships […]
Mumbai, Apr 29 (PTI) A Chair in the name of Dr B.R. Ambedkar, the architect of the Constitution, will be established at the prestigious London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE), with the Maharashtra cabinet on Wednesday approving a one-time grant of more than Rs 37 crore.
The chair will also administer doctoral scholarships in the name of Ambedkar, according to a statement.
The objective is to project Ambedkar’s work and ideas on social justice, constitutional democracy, economic equality and human rights to the international stage, and to create a world-class research centre on these themes.
The chair will promote interdisciplinary research on topics such as constitution and democracy, social equality, economic democracy and redistribution policies, labour rights and social protection, federalism and public finance, and inclusive governance, according to the statement.
The chair will support advanced research in Constitutional studies, social justice, and public policy, conduct annual lecture series, dialogues and academic events, encourage academic publications and research on democratic and inclusive development, and expand academic collaboration between Indian and international research institutions.
The government stated that several LSE faculty members already work in fields closely linked to Ambedkar’s intellectual legacy, including law, governance, international development, philosophy, economics and public policy.
For the first ten years, chair-holders will be selected from among these existing faculty, and in the future, an open, competitive, international selection process will be adopted.
The chair is expected to cover departments such as philosophy, sociology, international development, governance and public administration, law, and social policy.
“For the establishment of the chair, the state government has approved a one-time grant of thirty lakh pounds (Rs 37,13,82,300). In collaboration with the LSE, Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar Research and Training Institute (BARTI), ten doctoral (PhD) fellowships will be launched. The PhD programme will be of four-year duration, with the first fellowship starting in the 2027-28 academic year and the second in 2029-30,” it said.
Applications for these fellowships will be screened by a committee at the LSE.
Candidates from the Scheduled Caste categories in Maharashtra will be eligible for these scholarships, provided they clearly indicate their interest in applying under this scheme.
Their applications will be forwarded to the relevant LSE departments through the Department of Social Justice and Special Assistance and BARTI, the statement said.
In another decision, the cabinet approved a substantial enhancement of the post-class 10 scholarship scheme for Divyang students, providing stronger financial support for their higher education.
This is the first significant hike in such scholarships in 12 years and is expected to provide considerable relief to these students, according to the statement.
Under the revised “Post Secondary Education Scholarship Scheme for Divyang Students”, the government will now reimburse the education-related compulsory fees that students pay to universities, institutions and education boards.
The expenses to be covered include fees for tuition, registration, admission, sports, uniform, library, magazines, and medical examination charges.
A decision to allocate two-and-a-half hectares of land for a new Kendriya Vidyalaya in Nachane in Ratnagiri was also cleared.
The cabinet also approved the application of the “Revised Scheme of Assured Career Progression for Non-Teaching Staff” in aided Ashram schools run by voluntary organisations, on the pattern of regular government schools.
This decision will benefit 7,562 non-teaching staff members working across 556 aided Ashram Schools under the Tribal Development Department. PTI PR NSK