A network of Hindutva organisations has developed close relations with tribal socio-cultural groups in Northeastern states, with an agenda to portray indigenous faith as part of Sanatan Dharma, or Hinduism

February 22,

In September 2021, Harsh Chouhan, the then chairperson of the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes (NCST), the top Constitutional body for the protection of tribal rights, came to the northeast Indian state of Assam on a four-day visit to attend a conference.

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It was organised by the Janajati Dharma-Sanskriti Suraksha Mancha (JDSSM), which is part of the Sangh Parivar, the family of organisations affiliated or backed by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the ideological-organisation parent of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) that has been ruling the country since 2014. The conference saw the gathering of representatives from all states of northeast India.

The JDSSM operates under the guidance of the RSS’ tribal wing, Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram (VKA). The origin of the JDSSM lies in the December 2002 launch of an outfit named Northeast India Janajati Faith and Culture Protection Forum under the VKA’s guidance. Later, in April 2006, the Janajati Suraksha Manch (JSM) was launched nationally. Since then, the JSM has operated in northeast India under the banner of JDSSM, which also goes by the name Indigenous Faith and Culture Protection Forum (IFCPC).

Their main focus is to build and strengthen a movement demanding the delisting of tribals who have converted from the Scheduled Tribes (ST) category.

This involves a huge number of India’s tribal people, as a large majority of northeast India’s population is tribals—1.26 crore or 27 per cent of the 4.5 crore population, and 78 lakh or 17.5 per cent are Christian, according to the census of 2011.

The JDSSM’s event in Assam included a session on ‘delisting of tribes from the Scheduled Tribes list’ and another on ‘how to effectively utilise government laws and policies for the preservation of self-esteem of our faith and culture’.

Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma graced the inaugural ceremony of the conference, while Union Tribal Affairs Minister Arjun Munda attended the concluding ceremony. Ramesh Babu, the all India joint organisational secretary of the VKA, who is also a pracharak or bachelor-whole-timer of the RSS, was present. Chouhan, himself a VKA veteran, was present throughout the conference.

Before assuming charge as NCST chairperson, Chouhan had served as state unit secretary of Madhya Pradesh, later president of the VKA, and finally as a member of the VKA national executive. In fact, he was also the ‘convenor’ of the JSM. The event was, kind of, his family affair.

In what was understandably a reference to Christian missionaries, Chief Minister Biswa Sarma alleged that “some outside forces are trying to allure” the tribal people “with free education and healthcare” and that his government was focusing on providing these facilities.

Madhya Pradesh-based JSM leader, Laxman Singh Markam, who had also served as Officer on Special Duty (OSD) for former Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan, argued that since Article 368 of the Indian Constitution allows constitutional amendment, Article 342, which defines STs, must be changed.

“In Article 341, there is a clause that if any Scheduled Caste (SC) person converts to a religion that does not have its origin in India, he will no longer be treated as SC,” said Markam. “If this clause was incorporated in Article 342 as well, (tribal) people would not have converted.”

VKA national president, Ramchandra Kharadi, while speaking on the history of “the strategic attack orchestrated by the foreign forces”, called for fighting against the weakening of “our age-old Sanatan indigenous Dharma and culture”.

This was a noticeable use of the language—Sanatan indigenous Dharma. Since the Hindu nationalists prefer the word Sanatan Dharma over Hinduism to describe the religion, Sanatan indigenous Dharma sounded like an attempt to bring indigenous religions under the Hinduism fold, which they indeed intend.

Pai Dawe, president of Arunachal’s Nyishi tribe socio-cultural outfit, Nyishi Nyidung Mwngjwng Rallung (NNMR), echoed Kharadi. He described how “the continuous ascendency and influence of Christianity” for centuries had “weakened the great spiritual and philosophical heritage of the Janajati traditions, culture and faiths”, whereas indigenous beliefs in nature worship are reflected in the Hindu scriptures of the Vedas and the Upanishads.

With top government personalities in attendance, the conference gave a special momentum to their campaign, upping the ante over the demand for delisting. Demonstrations and conferences were held in different parts of northeast India over the next couple of years, involving the Sangh Parivar organisations and local tribal bodies.

Among the northeast Indian states, the tribal population in Mizoram, Nagaland, Meghalaya and Manipur is overwhelmingly Christian, while in Arunachal Pradesh, Christianity’s influence among the tribal population is significant. However, in Assam, Tripura, and Sikkim, it is nominal.

The September 2021 event itself was the culmination of several years of Hindu nationalist initiatives to build a base among northeastern tribal communities with a three-fold agenda—create public opinion against converts, revive ancient indigenous practices, and portray indigenous faith as part of Sanatan Dharma, or Hinduism.

Over the past couple of decades, Hindu nationalists have established close relations with tribal socio-cultural groups like Nyishi Culture Society, Indigenous Faith and Culture Society of Arunachal Pradesh (IFCSAP), Apatani Danyi Piilo Meder Nello Council and the Arunachal Pradesh Nyobu Welfare Association, all of which work towards preserving and protecting indigenous traditions.

During their outreach programmes among tribal groups, Hindu nationalists highlight how converted tribals enjoy “double benefits”, that is to enjoy reservation under the ST quota and receive benefits meant for religious minorities as well.

A large majority of northeast India’s population is tribal—1.26 crore or 27 per cent of the 4.5 crore population, and 78 lakh or 17.5 per cent are Christians, as per the census of 2011.

However, they have faced some resistance from groups that are part of ethnic movements, such as the Bodo and Karbi ethnic groups, including students’ bodies, especially those that are pressing for local autonomy. They feel the division among ethnic groups over religion would weaken the autonomy movement.

Nevertheless, the Sangh Parivar has managed to influence and appropriate various tribal reform movements such as the Donyi-Polo movement in Arunachal Pradesh or the Heraka movement among Zeliangrong Nagas of Nagaland and Assam.

Political scientist Soihiamlung Dangmei of the Indira Gandhi National Tribal University’s Manipur campus has shown how the Heraka movement, during colonial rule, sought to fight the British and defend the Zeliangrong religious and cultural identity from both Christian proselytisation and advancement of Hinduism. However, in recent decades, it has worked closely with Hindu nationalists.

“The close association of the Heraka with the Hindutva protagonists has been increasingly manifested in recent years. In fact, it helped the Heraka group in sharing higher platforms with the Hindus to promote their indigenous religious and cultural identity,” Dangmei wrote.

Christianity, on the other hand, continued to be considered a threat to the indigenous religious and cultural identity of the Zeliangrong Nagas.

Similarly, in Arunachal Pradesh, Donyi Poloism, which is focused on sun-moon worship, first emerged in the late 1960s and started gaining popularity in the 1970s and the 1980s. The movement aimed to consolidate and formalise the tribal identity and practices, to protect them from both Christian and Buddhist influences. Hindu nationalist activities started among northeastern tribes only in the late 1970s.

However, in recent years, its growing proximity to Hindutva forces cannot be missed. A public awareness meeting in February 2022 in Arunachal Pradesh’s Pasighat, titled ‘Why delisting of Converted Persons from ST is Necessary’, was organised by the JDSSM in association with Central Donyi-Polo Yelam Kebang (CDPYK), an organisation founded in 1986. The CDPYK and the IFCSAP together organise the Indigenous Faith Celebration Day every December and they both coordinate with the JDSSM.

Another example is that of the IFCSAP, which was formed in 1999 to promote Donyi Poloism. The IFCSAP-operated Donyi Polo Cultural and Charitable Trust (DPCCT) initiated a Gurukul system of education named Nyubu Nyvgam Yerko, at Seppa in East Kameng district. It is the state’s first formal, indigenous language and knowledge system school. Chief minister Pema Khandu inaugurated it in March 2021.

Its website says that the conceptualisation of Nyubu Nyvgam Yerko “could not have been possible without the guidance, support and wishes of A Balakrishnan Iyer”, who heads the RSS-inspired Vivekananda Kendra Kanyakumari (VKK). The formal education at Nyubu Nyvgam Yerko is being provided by the VKK.

Iyer, a close aide of the late RSS pracharak Eknath Ranade, became a whole-timer of the VKK in 1973 and spent eight years as its zonal organiser in the northeast before taking up national-level responsibilities. He played a key role in the establishment of the first batch of Vivekananda Kendra Vidyalayas in Arunachal and Assam in the late 1970s.

It is believed that while Sangh Parivar organisations will continue to demand delisting to build a ‘permanent base’ among the non-Christian tribal population, the BJP will not publicly endorse such a demand as of now.

It is through organisations like VKA, VKK, Vidya Bharati (VB), Ekal Foundation, Friends of Tribal Society (FTS), Shri Hari Satsang Samiti (SHSS) and Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) that the Sangh Parivar has entered the tribal reforms and revivalist movements. For example, the VKK-affiliate Arunachal Vikas Parishad (AVP) has helped create 600 tribal prayer halls across the state.

The VKK currently runs a chain of seven higher secondary, 19 secondary, 11 middle, and four primary schools in Arunachal Pradesh, apart from 24 schools in Assam and one in Nagaland—all for tribal children.

The schools organise Matri Puja, Parivar Sammelan, Geeta Jayanti, fortnightly Matri Sanmilon (mothers’ gathering), and Samartha Bharat Parva to spread awareness of the achievements of India and personality development camps.

They celebrate Saadhna Diwas on the birthday of Eknath Ranade, who had served as the RSS’ Akhil Bharatiya Prachar Pramukh (all-India spokesperson), Sarkaryavah (general secretary) and all-India Baudhik Pramukh (intellectual chief) during the 1950s and the 1960s.

The VKK also runs an informal education forum called Anoupacharik Shiksha Manch, which operates balwadis (pre-primary playschools) and Anandalayas (free coaching centres) to create health awareness, impart “value-based education” and increase patriotic feelings among villagers.

While the activities of the Vivekananda Kendra’s formal schools are quite similar to those run by Vidya Bharati (VB), the RSS’ school education wing, the Kendra’s informal education projects run similar to that of Ekal Abhiyaan (EA), another RSS-backed project of running “one-teacher schools”.

VB and EA on their own have a significant presence in Assam and Arunachal Pradesh. The VB runs 121 primary, 115 middle, and 341 secondary schools in Assam, besides 10 primary, nine middle and 11 secondary schools in Arunachal Pradesh, apart from a few in the other states.

The VB-affiliate Purvottar Janajati Shiksha Samiti (PJSS), together with Friends of Tribal Society (Vanvandhu Parishad), runs 540 Ekal Vidyalayas in the tribal-dominated Karbi Anglong and Kokrajhar districts of Assam. In these schools, students learn Saraswati Vandana and to respect Bharat Mata, the OM and the saffron flag.

They organise health camps and rural sports and games events, with a focus on archery and kabaddi, as well as vocational courses like tailoring and computer education.

As a result of all these activities, Hindu nationalists have managed to make deep inroads into tribal societies of northeast India, especially in Assam and Arunachal Pradesh, and partly in Tripura and Meghalaya.

In February 2023—ahead of the Meghalaya and Nagaland state elections—there was news that the JDSSM had called for a massive gathering in Guwahati to pressurise the government to amend Article 342 of the Constitution. It triggered a controversy and the BJP state units immediately distanced themselves from the demand.

The rally was postponed, but eventually took place in March. Another major rally happened in Tripura on December 26. Meanwhile, district-level conferences were held in all these states.

Noting the rapid escalation in the Hindu nationalist campaign, retired Indian Police Service (IPS) officer and columnist, John S Shilshi, wrote in April 2023 that “verbal attacks and allegations of wrongdoing have significantly increased against the Christian community in Northeast India.”

“Until some time ago, it was all about pointing fingers at them with the accusation of converting people forcibly through inducement. Now, claims are being made that Christian converts are allegedly eroding tribal customs and traditions,” he wrote in an editorial in North East Catholic Research Forum Review, of which he is the editor.

Rubbishing the charges, Shilshi asserted that churches in the region were “in the safe hands of highly-qualified sons and daughters of the soil… whose interests in preserving the tribal culture and ethos are indisputable”, who “steadfastly uphold the tribal ethos and ensure culture continuity.”

Speaking to Outlook on condition of anonymity, a BJP leader from Karbi Anglong district in Assam said that while Sangh Parivar organisations will continue to demand delisting to build a ‘permanent base’ among the non-Christian tribal population, the BJP, as a party, will not publicly endorse such a demand.

“The party is currently in alliance with many parties in Mizoram, Nagaland, Meghalaya and Manipur, whose leadership is predominantly Christian. At the present juncture, delisting will remain more of a social movement rather than political one,” says the leader.

(This appeared in the print as 'Culture Conflict')

அரசியல் இந்தியா

தமிழ்நாடு ஒரு முன்னுதாரணத்தை அமைக்கிறது: SC/ST மேம்பாட்டுக்கான வரலாற்றுச் சிறப்புமிக்க மசோதா நிறைவேற்றப்பட்டது

SC/ST சமூகங்களுக்கான தமிழ்நாட்டின் சமீபத்திய சட்டம் சமூக நீதி மற்றும் சமத்துவத்தை நோக்கிய பயணத்தின் ஒரு முக்கிய தருணத்தை எவ்வாறு குறிக்கிறது என்பதை கண்டறியவும், இது கூட்டு வாதிடுதல் மற்றும் மூலோபாய கூட்டாண்மைகளால் இயக்கப்படுகிறது.

22 பிப்ரவரி 2024 11:03 EST

தில் பார் இர்ஷாத்

தமிழ்நாடு ஒரு முன்னுதாரணத்தை அமைக்கிறது: SC/ST மேம்பாட்டுக்கான வரலாற்றுச் சிறப்புமிக்க மசோதா நிறைவேற்றப்பட்டது

இந்தியாவில் சமூக நீதியின் நிலப்பரப்பை நன்கு மறுவரையறை செய்யக்கூடிய ஒரு நடவடிக்கையில், தமிழ்நாடு ஒரு தீர்க்கமான படி முன்னேறியுள்ளது. பட்டியலிடப்பட்ட சாதிகள் மற்றும் பட்டியலிடப்பட்ட பழங்குடியினருக்கான தமிழ்நாடு மேம்பாட்டு செயல் திட்டம் மசோதா, 2024 க்கு மாநில சட்டசபையின் சமீபத்திய ஒப்புதல், விளிம்புநிலை சமூகங்களின் அதிகாரமளிப்பு நோக்கிய குறிப்பிடத்தக்க பாய்ச்சலைக் குறிக்கிறது. தலித் ஆய்வுகளுக்கான மையத்தின் தலைவரான மல்லேபள்ளி லக்ஷ்மையா இந்த முயற்சியை முன்னின்று நடத்துகிறார், இவர் பல்வேறு தலித் அமைப்புகளுடன் இணைந்து மசோதாவை நிறைவேற்றுவதில் முக்கிய பங்கு வகித்துள்ளார்.

இந்த மைல்கல் சட்டத்தை நோக்கிய பயணம் தனிமையாகவே இருந்தது. விசிகே கட்சித் தலைவர் தொல்காப்பியன் திருமாவளவன் மற்றும் இளைஞர்களுக்கான சமூக விழிப்புணர்வு சங்கம் (எஸ்ஏஎஸ்ஒய்), ஆதிவாசி ஒற்றுமை பேரவை (ஏஎஸ்சி), மற்றும் தலித் ஆர்த்திக் அதிகாரம் அந்தோலன் (டிஏஏஏ) ஆகியவற்றின் பின்னணியில் உள்ள சக்திகள் உட்பட பிரச்சாரகர்களின் கூட்டணிக்கு லக்ஷ்மையா தனது மனமார்ந்த வாழ்த்துகளைத் தெரிவிக்கிறார். அவர்களின் இடைவிடாத வக்காலத்து மற்றும் மூலோபாய ஒத்துழைப்பு தமிழ்நாட்டிற்கு மட்டுமல்ல, ஒட்டுமொத்த தேசத்திற்கும் ஒரு வெற்றியில் உச்சத்தை எட்டியுள்ளது, இது சமூக நீதி மற்றும் சமத்துவத்திற்கான போராட்டத்தில் ஒரு முன்னோடியாக அமைந்தது.

உண்டியலைத் திறக்கிறது

எதிர்காலத்திற்கான ஒரு பார்வை

இந்த மசோதா நிறைவேற்றப்பட்டது மறுக்க முடியாத ஒரு மைல்கல் என்றாலும், இது எதிர்காலம் பற்றிய உரையாடலையும் திறக்கிறது. அத்தகைய முன்முயற்சிகளின் செயல்திறன் அவற்றின் செயல்படுத்தல் மற்றும் சம்பந்தப்பட்ட அரசு மற்றும் சிவில் சமூக அமைப்புகளின் நீடித்த அர்ப்பணிப்பைப் பொறுத்தது. தமிழ்நாடு மசோதா, நடவடிக்கை மற்றும் பொறுப்புக்கூறலுக்கான உறுதியான கட்டமைப்பை அமைப்பதன் மூலம், மற்ற மாநிலங்கள் பின்பற்றக்கூடிய ஒரு வரைபடத்தை வழங்குகிறது. இந்தியாவின் சமூக நல நிலப்பரப்பிற்கான பரந்த தாக்கங்கள் ஆழமானவை, மேலும் உள்ளடக்கிய மற்றும் சமத்துவமான சமூகத்தை நோக்கி நகர்வதை பரிந்துரைக்கின்றன.

பட்டியலிடப்பட்ட சாதிகள் மற்றும் பழங்குடியினருக்கான தமிழ்நாடு மேம்பாட்டு செயல் திட்ட மசோதா, 2024 இயற்றப்பட்டது, விளிம்புநிலை சமூகங்களின் மேம்பாட்டிற்கான அரசாங்கத்தின் அர்ப்பணிப்பின் தெளிவான குறிகாட்டியாகும். சமூக மாற்றத்தை உந்துதலில் ஒற்றுமை மற்றும் கூட்டு நடவடிக்கையின் சக்தியை இது அடிக்கோடிட்டுக் காட்டுகிறது. தமிழகத்தைப் பொறுத்தவரை இந்த மசோதா சட்டப்பூர்வ ஆவணம் மட்டுமல்ல; இது நம்பிக்கையின் கலங்கரை விளக்கமாகும், இது அதன் அனைத்து குடிமக்களுக்கும் பிரகாசமான, மேலும் உள்ளடக்கிய எதிர்காலத்தைக் குறிக்கிறது.

தொடர்புடைய கட்டுரைகள்.

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Times February 22, 2024 - 9:13pm Image Source:

Wikipedia THE Scheduled Tribe Demand Committee of Manipur (STDCM) has given a press release on 21st of February 2024 targeting the memorandum submitted by All Naga Student’s Association, Manipur (ANSAM) to the Hon’ble Governor on 17th February 2024. A news item was published on this matter in The Sangai Express on 22nd February 2024. As a social activist it is felt that the matter needs deeper understanding of the issues involved. This writing on the above context should not be construed as a response from ANSAM but as opinions of a concerned citizen of Manipur. Check this | ANSAM submits memo against the STDCM’s demand for inclusion of the Meetei/Meitei in Scheduled Tribe list The press release termed the stance of ANSAM on the demand of the Meitei community for inclusion in the list of Scheduled Tribe (ST) as “unfortunate” and “uncalled for” and this needs to be considered and understood from the perspective of the tribal people living in the “Hill Areas” of Manipur. It is necessary to understand why many tribals feel unhappy and apprehensive about the demand for ST status for the Meitei community. Recall that the tribes from the “Hill Areas” have been demanding for extension of the Sixth Scheduled to the “Hill Areas” of Manipur since the 1980’s. The demand for extension of the Sixth Schedule to “Hill Areas” of Manipur, which is already enjoyed by many states in the north eastern region, has been obstructed by the state government dominated by the Meitei community for almost 50 years. The state government has already implemented the empowered Panchayati Raj system for the valley districts since 1994 under the 73rd amendment of the Constitution. Its counterpart in the “Hill Areas” is still working under the archaic Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils Act of 1971. This Act has become outdated and redundant especially after witnessing the powers and functions enjoyed by the Bodoland Territorial Council in Assam state. The words “unfortunate” and “uncalled for” resonates for the tribes too when it comes to opposition to the demand by the tribes for extension of the Sixth Schedule in the “Hill Areas”. The Meitei leadership and community have been opposing and obstructing the demand of the tribes for extension of the Sixth Scheduled to the “Hill Areas” of Manipur. In this case too, the demand of the tribes is in accordance with the constitution of India. Established procedures, modalities and criteria will be followed and it is for the central government and Parliament to consider granting the demand. The political leaders from the “Hill Areas”, student bodies and other tribal bodies have approached the state government several times in the past demanding extension of the Sixth Schedule but to no avail. The tribes also have a right to claim constitutional safeguards as it is their rights for survival and denying it is unjust. One way traffic for consideration of demands only for the Meitei community with total disregard to the demand of the tribals is unacceptable. The benefits have to flow both ways. The demands of both aggrieved parties should be proposed and matter should be left to the central government for its decision. Must read | COCOMI urges Manipur Assembly to take decision on NRC implementation; abrogate SoO Kuki militants The STDCM has deceptively stated that “its demand does not intend to infringe upon the interests of other communities already included in the ST list”. But the beans have been spilled already by the MLAs from the valley that one of the objectives for becoming ST is to possess tribal lands in the “Hill Areas” of Manipur by becoming a ST. For reservation benefits, it has been argued that reservation in government employment and seats in institutes of professional and technical learning can be regulated and it will not harm the interest of those already enjoying the ST reservation benefits. But the rationale extended for land grab that the valley constitute 10% and the hills 90% of Manipur is not convincing. If this is the case, why has all major government infrastructure, state level and central institutes and institutions been located in the imphal valley? Under this logic the hill district headquarters should have been given the lion’s share on account of its land mass. Strengthening the suspicion that the ST demand is primarily for grabbing tribal lands in the “Hill Areas” are the attempts made by the Union Minister of State Dr. Rajkumar Ranjan Singh in his two letters to the Hon’ble Prime Minister proposing for amendment of Article 371-C to the effect of removing the safeguards relating to tribal lands in the “Hill Areas”, and the other letter asking for special administrative arrangement with security cover for Moreh and Kwatha, a Meitei village. Both these proposals are Meitei-centric demands with total disregard for the tribal population which represents about 41% of the state’s population. Office bearers of the Meetei Tribal Union had approached the High Court of Manipur for the ST status demand and obtained a favourable order surreptitiously through subterfuge, which became the trigger for the current ethnic conflict, is another instance of the all out efforts of Meitei community to become ST to enable them to possess tribal lands in the “Hill Areas”. Must read | Will deport all Meiteis from Mizoram, warns Mizo Students’ Union Martin Luther King Jr. (1929–1968) used the phrase by saying: Hate begets hate; violence begets violence; toughness begets a greater toughness. The tribes have become wiser and it would appear that they are compelled to play the game taught to them by the Meitei community. Tribals have learnt their lessons the hard way. They had easily conceded to the demand for inclusion of Manipuri script in the Eighth Schedule of the constitution. They lost a good bargaining chip without getting anything in return for themselves. The Meiteis are now the beneficiaries of inclusion of Manipuri script in the Eighth Schedule as it is now allowed as a language for various recruitments in central government services and organisations. This time the demand for ST status for Meiteis or the demand by some leaders for amendment of Article 371-C, both targeted to grab tribal lands from the “Hill Areas” will not go unopposed by the tribes and they portend risky events that may lead to disintegration of the state. Also read | Global Naga Forum Holds Virtual Meeting to Address Threats to Free Movement Regime Several of my previous writings emphasised upon the need for the ST status demand of the STDCM to be based on a scientific approach. The Lokur Committee recommended five criteria for identification namely; primitive traits, distinct culture, geographical isolation, shyness of contact with the community at large, and backwardness. These parameters will obviously apply to the present day living conditions of the Meitei community and not of the past. The first question is whether the Meitei community possess primitive traits? Meiteis have embraced Hinduism for 300 years now, except a few who follow the traditional religion. They have proudly assimilated the fine culture and traditions of Hinduism. They claim to be mainly Kshatriya Caste. Some of them are categorised as Scheduled Caste (SC) while the remaining majority are classified as Other Backward Classes (OBC) which raises a constitutional question whether a single community can be listed in all three reservation categories under the constitution. This question needs an answer before pressing for demand to be ST too. Only an ethnographic study can throw light on whether the Meiteis were tribes at one point of time and whether they still possess tribal traits for classifying them as ST. The present day Meiteis are definitely not primitive. Yes, the Meitei community has a distinctive culture which is a blend of indigenous culture and tradition with Hinduism. This may perhaps be the only criteria of the Lokur Committee which the Meitei community may fulfil. But if this is viewed from the context of backwardness, it may not qualify as a justification since the distinctive culture is not a primitive unique culture or having tribal and backwardness traits. Are Meiteis geographically isolated? Definitely not! They live in the Imphal valley of 1,864.44 sq.km where all villages are connected by paved motorable roads. The valley has an international airport and the rail connectivity to Imphal is under construction. Four national highways pass through Imphal city. There is not a single village in the Imphal valley without motorable road. Are Meiteis shy of contact with the community at large? Definitely not! More than 50% of Meiteis are in the state government service. They have 40 MLAs out of 60 in the state assembly. Politically and administratively the state government is in their hands. They are the advanced and dominant community in the state. Are the Meiteis backward then? Not at all! Almost all major infrastructure, state level and central institutes and institutions are concentrated in Imphal city and the valley districts. Literacy rate of Manipur is 84% in census 2011. The Meitei community has the highest numbers of doctors, engineers, lawyers, judges, businessmen etc in the state. The Meiteis are definitely not backward. For consideration of examining the demand of the Meitei community for inclusion in the list of ST, it is imperative that a new socio-economic survey should be carried out and the data and information from the survey report applied to the criteria of the Lokur Committee. Must read | Abnormal population growth of Chin-Kuki-Zo in Manipur since 1881 Appeal has been made repeatedly to base the justification of STDCM of being a tribal community on a recent ethnographic study as advised by the government of India in the letter dated 29.05.2013 from the ministry of tribal affairs to prove whether they possess tribal traits and are still tribals today. Appeal has also been made to carry out a new socio-economic survey as advised in the same letter from Government of India to determine whether they meet the criteria laid down by the Lokur Committee to be termed as ST. It has been emphasised in earlier writings that the ethnographic study and socio-economic survey should be carried out in a transparent manner by independent third parties having impeccable credentials and reputation. The state government should not carry out the study and survey directly as the government is already dominated by government employees and academicians from the Meitei community and will suffer from accusations of bias and partiality. The study and survey has to be done by an independent third party appointed by the government, preferably the central government. Also read | Facts about Article 371-C: Attempts to tinker with it could trigger a tribal vs non-tribal conflict The Meitei community should not forget that the tribes always have an option to opt out of Manipur state and ask for their own administrative arrangement or merge with existing tribal states if the demand of ST status based on emotional grounds persist and are pushed against the wall. The appeals made herein and earlier is to ensure transparency, credibility, accountability in conducting the study and survey and have the reports processed and considered in a scientific approach. The last para of the press release of STDCM is perhaps the only redeeming aspect about the entire matter. It states that “the STDCM is committed to promoting unity among all indigenous communities in Manipur, fostering peaceful coexistence and mutual progress”. This is what the citizens of Manipur want. Put these words into action. Coexistence is the only way forward and both valley communities and tribals people should earnestly work to achieve this goal. At the end I repeat that these are solely my personal views and they do not represent the views of ANSAM or any organisation. Also read | Marjing Mayanglambam published an article in Ukhrul Times on Feb 6, 2024 and in People’s Chronicle on Feb7, 2024, titled “I am a Meitei MANIPURI and here are my thoughts on the present Manipur” Ngaranmi Shimray is an activist and political observer based in New Delhi. View are personal. Shimray2011@gmail.com. Feedback/comment @Aran Shimray on X This is not a Ukhrul Times publication. UT is not responsible for, nor does it necessarily endorse, its content. Any reports or views expressed are solely those of the author or publisher and do not necessarily reflect those of Ukhrul Times. Related ANSAM submits memo against the STDCM’s demand for inclusion of the Meetei/Meitei in Scheduled Tribe list February 17, 2024 - 9:05pm In "Manipur" Opposed to Meetei/Meitei ST inclusion in Manipur, ATSUM to hold ‘Tribal Solidarity March’ on May 3 May 1, 2023 - 2:28pm In "Manipur" Manipur HC order for inclusion of Meitei in ST list ‘Factually Incorrect’: Supreme Court May 17, 2023 - 3:32pm In "News" - Advertisement - TAGSLokur CommitteeMeetei/MeiteiScheduled TribeScheduled Tribe Demand Committee of Manipur For more such stories, follow us on Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram. Download our Android App. Subscribe to our Website Notifications to stay updated. Also Read Marjing Mayanglambam published an article in Ukhrul Times on Feb 6, 2024 and in People’s Chronicle on Feb7, 2024, titled “I am a... 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CHHATTISGARH DALIT NEWS NEWS STATE TRIBAL

Ground reality of PDS system in Abujhmad, Kanker, tribals have to travel miles for ration.

POSTED ON FEBRUARY 24, 2024

Kanker: The government has made arrangements for ration shops to provide free ration to the tribals. Under this, ration shops are being operated in remote villages. But there are no ration shops in some villages of Kanker and Narayanpur. Therefore, the residents here have to bring ration from the nearby village. This nearby village is also not just one or two but 35 kilometers away. Therefore, it is not easy for the villagers to bring ration for their family. Still, the tribals arrange two meals a day for themselves after walking for miles.

Villagers rejected the administration’s claim: There are many villages in Abujhmad of Bastar where roads have not been built till date. This was the reason due to which ration shops were not opened. But the villagers reject the administration’s claim of no roads. According to Sukalu Mandavi, a resident of Gram Panchayat Pangur, a ration warehouse has been built in the village in 2019. A truck comes to the forest to cut bamboo. But I don’t know why the ration cart does not come. Due to which, for 35 kg rice, one has to go to a small shop 35 kilometers away. The villagers decide the journey to Bethia village.

Donation for bringing ration by tractor: According to villager Lachu Vadda, villagers have to donate Rs 200 per family. Only after this a tractor is arranged for ration. Those who do not have money have to leave two days in advance to get ration. Tribals stop on the way and then reach Chhotebethiya village the next day and bring ration.

Same condition in Narayanpur district: Apart from the Gram Panchayats of Kanker, the condition of ration shops in Narayanpur district too is the same. Most of the problems in Narayanpur come during the rains. Because many rainy rivers are in spate. Due to which ration is not available in the ration shops. In such a situation, due to shops not opening, people face difficulty in getting ration. In such a situation, you can imagine how the tribals would survive for three months without ration.

Which villages are suffering the most: If we talk about Kanker and Narayanpur, apart from Konge, Pangur, there is problem of ration in dozens of villages like Kodonar, Boranirpi, Bionar, Korskodo, Sitram, Aaldand, Muspersi, Garpa, Binagunda, Hachekoti, Amatola. The tribals of Abujhmad have to walk to places like Koyalibera, Orchha to get rice. According to Kanker district food officer Janmejay Nayak, 33 PDS shops are in inaccessible areas. Which we call inaccessible areas. In these 33 shops we store food grains for four months during the rainy season. Considering the Panchayat as a unit, one ration shop has been built in one Panchayat.

“According to the circumstances or the demand of the people, if there is no financial loss to the government, another shop can be opened. It is not that ration does not reach due to roads. We do storage. There is no information about walking 35 kilometers to get ration.” Janmejay Nayak, Food Officer.

When will the administration take notice? : Even if the government is providing PDS rice facility to the people. But many people are deprived of taking benefits of the PDS scheme. Even today, many villages do not have government ration shops. Even today, tribals have to travel through difficult jungle paths to get ration. The administration can excuse itself by saying that it does not have information. But this is not the case of any one village. Is. Now after the pictures have surfaced, the government administration should take care of these villages and provide proper arrangements for ration, so that the tribal families do not have to struggle for their rights.

Courtesy : Etv Bharat

UTTAR PRADESH

The bullies did not allow the last rites of the Dalit village head’s wife to be performed, the police got the cremation done.

POSTED ON FEBRUARY 24, 2024

A shocking case has come to light from village Salpur in Aligarh district of Uttar Pradesh. Where after the death of a Dalit chief’s wife, the bullies did not allow his wife’s last rites to be performed in the village crematorium. When Pradhan complained about this whole matter to the district administration, the police came into action and performed the last rites of the wife in their presence.

On one hand, Modi government is talking about development of all with support of all. On the other hand, some small minded people are not desisting from following anti-Dalit policies. The latest case is of Salpur village of Tappal police station area. Where the wife of a Dalit chief, suffering from illness, dies. After the death of his wife, when the Dalit head goes to the crematorium to perform the last rites of his better half, some powerful people of the same village stop him from performing the last rites. He is told that since he belongs to the Dalit community, he cannot perform the last rites of his wife in this crematorium.

Police reached the spot after getting information and got the body cremated.

Angered by this, the village head informs the district administration about this. After the information from the district administration, the police department swung into action and reached the cremation ground and performed the last rites of the Dalit Pradhan’s wife in the presence of the police. However, everything was resolved peacefully in the presence of police. But the big question is that in this society where Modi government is talking about support for all and development for all, why are Dalits still backward?

Courtesy: Hindi News

BIHAR CASTE DALIT NEWS NEWS STATE

A Dalit wedding party dances to DJ music

POSTED ON FEBRUARY 24, 2024

For the marginalised, riding a horse and playing music at weddings was taboo, but now, it is an assertion of their right to be treated as equals. DH journalist Satish Jha travels to rural Gujarat to report on the evolving caste dynamics

Satish Jha

Until recently, I had never attended a wedding in a scheduled caste (SC) family. This, even though I grew up around such families in my village in Bihar. The families worked on the farms, and lived on the periphery of the village. When they visited homes such as ours, located in the middle of the village, they would sit on the floor at a distance and use glasses and plates set aside for them.

Whenever a wedding was coming up, the bride’s family came to our doorstep to take the blessings of my grandparents. The grooms were mocked if they wore Western attire — shirts, trousers and shoes — on the big day. They were expected to wear a kurta and dhoti and walk barefoot. This was in the early ’90s. I was 12 or 13, too young to know why these families were being treated differently.

These memories came into sharp focus as I headed for the wedding of a Dailt couple in Dangarva village in Gujarat on February 11. I was told activists had sought police protection because the wedding procession was to feature DJ music. I was in attendance in my capacity as a journalist. For the Dalits in the state, riding horses and playing live music during the baraat (wedding procession) have become flashpoints. Grooms and guests have been assaulted by the upper castes. The attackers say such ceremonial practices are the preserve of the upper castes.

Caste violence is breaking out in districts such as Gandhinagar, Mehsana, Banaskantha, Sabarkantha and Ahmedabad, in which Dangarva falls. A significant number of Dalit communities live here. A police van follows the groom’s car during the procession Which road?

Dangarva is located close to the Narmada main canal, an hour’s drive from the state capital Gandhinagar. The region is lush green, with wheat and castor dominating the landscape.

After a 90-minute drive from Ahmedabad, the biggest city in Gujarat, my cab reached the village. A concrete gate, locally called toran, stood in front. I had to ask about Rohit Vaas, a Dalit locality, to get to Kalubhai Makwana’s house. Two people asked me, repeatedly, if I really wanted to go to Rohit Vaas. They then directed me to a ‘shortcut’ and our car set off on a dirt road.

I arrived at my destination. A pink and blue shamiana (tent) was up and under it, 10-15 plastic chairs were arranged in neat rows. The morning breeze was gone and it was getting hot. Guests, mostly Makwana’s neighbours, were dragging chairs out of the shamiana to sit under the trees.

Makwana makes a living by selling cosmetics on a push cart. Sangita is the youngest of his four daughters and it was her wedding I was covering.

An hour before the baraat was to arrive, Makwana developed cold feet. The unease among his relatives was also palpable. Turning to two human rights activists who had come to support the wedding, Makwana asked, “Should we take the easy road instead of the main road? I don’t want anything untoward to happen today.”

I had come by the said easy route. It bypasses the ‘main village’ and leads directly to the back, dotted with 20 Dalit households. The main road, made from concrete, stretches from the village square up to the heart of the village, dominated by the upper-caste Thakor and Patel communities.

Makwana’s fear was not unfounded. About two weeks before his daughter’s wedding, a Dalit groom in the neighbouring district of Mehsana had been attacked for riding a horse and entering the village to the beats of DJ music.

Then on May 26, 2022, upper caste men had attacked the wedding procession of his neighbour’s daughter, Dhara Parmar. According to police records, the attackers wanted the DJ music stopped. Locals spoke of a similar case from 2019. In this instance, a compromise was reached and no FIR was filed.

Acknowledging Makwana’s concerns, activist Kanubhai said: “This is absolutely your call (which route you want to take) but nothing will happen.

The police will ensure the baraat passes peacefully.”

While they were discussing, a police van arrived and stopped in front of Makwana’s home. The policemen assured the family that everything would go smoothly.

At the square

A posse of 25 policemen kept vigil at the village square. Many were holding lathis (sticks). A couple of cars arrived. The drivers parked under a banyan tree to find respite from the heat. These cars were decked with artificial flowers. Photos of the couple were pasted on the rear windshields.

Two pink heart cutouts bore their names ‘Sangita and Haresh’ in glitter.

The DJ was ready. DJs in these villages are different from the ones you see in films. They aren’t your headphone-wearing, head-bobbing, discspinning kind. Piyush Chavda, the DJ, was sitting inside a pick-up truck with a driver and an electrician. There was no mixing console in sight, but a giant music system on top of the truck. Chavda wore a beige full-sleeved shirt and denims. He is from an adjoining village Since guests from the bride’s side were trooping in, the DJ started playing popular Hindi and Gujarati songs, sourced from YouTube. Women broke into dance, and soon, men joined. A circle was formed. The iconic garba song ‘Dholida dhol re vagad’ was a favourite. So was ‘Jamal jamalek jamaloo jamal kudu’ from the recent Hindi film ‘Animal’. A boy burst firecrackers and the woosh-woosh of rockets in the air added to the festive mood.

The groom sat hunched inside the car, waiting for his guests to arrive. The dancing slowed down. The sun was scorching, and bothering everyone.

Women, dressed in finery and decked up in heavy jewellery, were sweating profusely.

The bus ferrying the baraatis (guests) arrived by noon and the mood picked up again. The dancing resumed. The procession started in no time. It was guarded by two groups of policemen, one in the front and one at the back. A police jeep followed the groom’s car.

The procession danced and walked through Patel Vaas, Brahmin Vaas, and 40 Ghar Thakor Vaas. The streets were empty and the houses and shops were shut. The residents did not want any fracas, I gathered from the guests. Additionally, the police had ordered the seven men accused in the 2022 wedding procession attack case to leave the village for the day. They would be held responsible if anything went wrong, the police had warned them. They are out on bail now.

Reclaiming space

The procession stopped in front of the Mahakali temple near Thakore Vaas and the entire group began dancing with renewed vigour. They performed garba for 10 minutes.

The spot held special significance. This is where Dhara Parmar’s baraat was attacked by seven Thakor men in 2022 — her younger brother Mayur and some relatives were injured. The Thakor community is categorised among the other backward castes (OBCs) but its members in the region describe themselves as Kshatriyas. They had told the wedding party that only the upper castes could play music at weddings, as was the ‘tradition’.

I spotted both Dhara and Mayur in the procession. Dhara was dancing with abandon. “Like any other girl, I wanted DJ music in my baraat,” Dhara said, looking back on the ‘worst nightmare’ of her life. But the attack hasn’t deterred the scheduled castes in the region. “It has stirred up our courage,” she said.

Her brother Mayur went in for a court marriage after the attack. He didn’t want to invite undue attention from the upper castes. But today, he wanted their attention. He was riding a racing bike through the procession. “I was waiting for this moment ever since my sister’s baraat was interrupted. I rode my bike to show them that we are not inferior,” he said.

The siblings told me that discrimination in the village was routine. Growing up, some friends would not enter their home or share food with them.

But such violence had still come as a “shock” to them.

A groom riding to the bride’s home with pomp is a fixture in north Indian weddings. Symbolically, the groom becomes a prince who takes his princess away on a horse. In recent years, the Dalits are using it to assert their place in society, and demand equal rights, I gathered from interviews.

I was curious to know how the local DJs negotiated the friction. “I am only concerned about the bookings, which I get from both Dalit and other communities. If we are told to turn off the music, we do it. I haven’t been in trouble ever,” said DJ Piyush, 25.

Ambedkar song

The procession reached the bride’s house. The baraatis danced again to popular Gujarati songs. The day was as hot as before. The last song was in honour of B R Ambedkar and the movement he started for Dalit emancipation. ‘Bandharan vaalo mara kaleja ni kor’ has become an anthem at Dalit social and cultural events in Gujarat. It is a call for the assertion of their identity.

Sangita and Haresh went through the wedding rituals under the vigil of policemen. Amid giggles and chatter, the guests gorged on puri, kala chana curry, aloo gobi, sweet dal, potato chips and mohanthal (a gram flour sweet). “I was sure nothing would happen as we had already called the cops,” the groom said.

Sangita’s father Makwana folded his hands and thanked the activists Kanubhai and Kirit Rathod for pushing the authorities to provide security.

Rathod said they seek police protection if a village had a “history” , and if families were up for a “dare”.

Makwana’s wife joined in to say thanks. She shouted ‘Jay Bhim’. Others followed. Makwana almost choked with happiness.

Pride and prejudice

On my way back to Ahmedabad that evening, I kept thinking about the unwritten rules that divide us. And Rathod’s words: “We have tried to counsel village elders and leaders (in the region) but the meetings have not been fruitful. Dalits are not equals, that’s their mentality. And it is the youth who are at the forefront of such violence. They have the support of the old generation.”

Next day, news came from another village, Chadasana, of a Dalit groom being slapped for riding a horse. Four men from the Thakor community had forced Vikas Chavda, the groom, to travel to the bride’s home in a four-wheeler instead. His cousin Sanjay Chavda had filed an FIR and the men had been booked for assault, and under various sections of the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989.

“Riding a horse and playing DJ music is not that important… The point is (for us) to live with dignity. Our ancestors were treated badly. At the weddings, they were not even allowed to play a dhol or set up a mantap. A traditional Indian wedding calls for these things,” Sanjay Chavda, a clerk in a school, told me over a call.

He is optimistic, though. “Earlier, such news wouldn’t travel beyond a village, but today, because of news channels and social media, it is going far and wide. It can inspire 20 to 30 (adjoining) villages,” he said.

Dhara’s sister-in-law, Rina, is happy things are changing but “will be really proud when our marriage can take place without police protection”.

Low conviction rate

Although Gujarat doesn’t figure in the top 10 list of states in caste atrocity cases, its conviction rate is one of the lowest in the country. According to the National Crime Records Bureau report of 2021, the conviction rate is the highest in Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh whereas in Gujarat, only five in 100 cases result in convictions.

Kirit Rathod’s NGO Navsarjan works for the rights of the marginalised in Gujarat. “Sometimes, even after a family files a complaint, it is forced to compromise or withdraw the case, or they are socially boycotted,” he said.

Courtesy : DH

Swami Prasad Maurya Charts New Political Course with Rashtriya Shoshit Samaj Party Launch in Delhi

Former SP stalwart Swami Prasad Maurya's launch of the Rashtriya Shoshit Samaj Party marks a significant shift in Indian politics, focusing on social justice for marginalized communities. Learn more about Maurya's journey and the impact of his new political venture.

22 Feb 2024 21:25 EST

Rafia Tasleem

Swami Prasad Maurya Charts New Political Course with Rashtriya Shoshit Samaj Party Launch in Delhi

New Delhi: In a bold move that has stirred the currents of Indian politics, former Samajwadi Party (SP) stalwart Swami Prasad Maurya unveiled his latest venture, the Rashtriya Shoshit Samaj Party (RSSP), on February 23, 2024. This development comes on the heels of Maurya's dramatic exit from the SP, marking a significant shift in his decades-long political journey. The RSSP aims to carve a new path in the political landscape, with a primary focus on defeating the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and championing the cause of reservations for the marginalized sections of society.

A New Dawn for the Marginalized

Maurya's decision to launch the RSSP was not merely a political statement but a clarion call for justice for the Scheduled Castes (SC), Scheduled Tribes (ST), and Backward Classes. His announcement highlighted the alleged dilution of reservations in government job advertisements under the BJP's 'double engine' government, a concern that has resonated deeply with many across the nation. Through the RSSP, Maurya seeks to address these grievances head-on, promising a renewed focus on the socio-economic upliftment of these communities.

Charting a New Political Path

The Road Ahead

The formation of the RSSP is not just a testament to Maurya's political resolve but also a reflection of the broader discontent among certain sections of society. With the 2024 Lok Sabha elections on the horizon, the RSSP's emergence adds a new dimension to the electoral battle, potentially altering alliances and voter dynamics. Maurya's vision for the RSSP extends beyond electoral politics; it is a fight for social justice, equity, and the recognition of the marginalized. The party's commitment to these principles will be crucial in garnering support and translating Maurya's vision into reality.

The launch of the Rashtriya Shoshit Samaj Party underlines a critical juncture in India's political narrative, where the voices of the marginalized are seeking new avenues for representation and justice. As the RSSP embarks on its journey, the political landscape of Uttar Pradesh, and indeed India, braces for a period of recalibration and reflection, with the hope that the ideals of democracy and social justice will steer the nation towards a more inclusive future.

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Navigating the post-BSP terrain: Dalit-Muslim political prospects in UP

Posted byMuslimMirror

Published on : 1 day

By Narender Nagarwal

Prorogue

The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) has traditionally been a prominent political force in Uttar Pradesh for advocating the rights of the Dalit community. Undisputedly, a considerable portion of the minority community (read Muslims) also supports BSP in western UP. Nevertheless, a lack of effective leadership and recent internal turmoil have put the party’s future at risk. The appointment of Mayawati’s nephew, Akash Anand, as her political successor, despite mounting legal pressures on Mayawati, has exacerbated the party’s internal challenges and raised concerns about its viability in North India, particularly in Uttar Pradesh. The BSP’s primary challenge is consolidating the Dalits vote in the 17 Lok Sabha seats in Uttar Pradesh, where it has only secured two seats in Lalganj and Nagina. Additionally, the party’s booth-level workers and cadre have significantly declined, adding to its woes. Simply elevating Akash Anand and labelling posters with slogans like ‘yuva soch, yuva josh’ aur ‘yuva hriday samrat’ does not automatically qualify him as a mass leader.

BSP has witnessed a significant decline in recent times due to various factors such as lack of leadership, negligible booth level cadre, disengagement with BAMCEF, and a continuous decrease in vote share. This has put the BSP in a precarious position, close to being a dead organization. Historically, the BSP has relied heavily on the charismatic leadership of Mayawati, who has served as the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh twice and remained active during the Vajpayee era of the BJP. However, since 2014, the BSP’s vote share has dwindled significantly, and its cadre has remained active only in a few WhatsApp groups run by Ambedkarite activists. The lack of hope among the BSP’s core voters has created uncertainty. Dalit voters are eagerly looking for a leader who is candid, strong, and outspoken like Mayawati was in her earlier phase when she confronted upper-caste chauvinism with her famous words “Tilk Taraju aur Talwar-Maro Jute Inko Char” (the upper-caste people deserved to be punished).

After the 2019 election, her unwavering commitment to the upliftment of Dalits and marginalized communities declined unprecedently and her widespread support catapulted the BSP to prominence in UP politics. However, recent legal troubles involving allegations of financial impropriety, coupled with the intimidating tactics of investigative agencies like the Enforcement Directorate (ED) and the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), have forced Mayawati into a defensive position, effectively silencing her voice in the political arena. Further, Mayawati also made various mistakes or maintained a suspicious silence that indirectly benefited the BJP, it’s a testimony that the BSP is playing under the lap of the BJP. This move of the party has turned away the traditional voters of the party i.e. Dalits and Muslims and now they are looking for alternatives.

The repercussions of Mayawati’s silence are keenly felt among Dalits in UP, who now find themselves adrift without a clear direction or rallying point. In the absence of strong leadership, there is a palpable sense of confusion and disillusionment among Dalit and Muslim voters, many of whom feel abandoned by the very party that once promised to champion their cause. This sentiment is exacerbated by the lack of viable alternatives, as other political parties have historically marginalized Dalits or failed to address their concerns effectively. A common Muslim repeatedly asked, where was the BSP when the entire Muslim population had been facing mob lynching, the violence of cow vigilantism, and social and economic boycotts in the country. In addition to the above, after the K. Danish Ali episode, the traditional Muslim voters of BSP felt illusional and deserted the party and looked for alternatives like the Samajwadi Party or Congress.

The decision by the BSP to anoint Akash Anand, Mayawati’s nephew, as a political leader appears to be a strategic misstep that has further eroded confidence in the party’s leadership and put the BSP on gallows. While familial ties may have played a role in Akash Anand’s elevation, his relative inexperience and lack of political acumen have raised doubts about his ability to effectively lead the party which struggling to win a single Lok Sabha seat, particularly in the face of mounting challenges of its existence. Moreover, the perception of nepotism within the BSP ranks has alienated many supporters who view the move as further evidence of the party’s detachment from the grassroots.

The timing of Akash Anand’s ascent to prominence is particularly unfortunate, as it coincides with a period of intense scrutiny and pressure on the BSP. With Mayawati sidelined by legal troubles, the party is left vulnerable to attacks from political rivals and investigative agencies seeking to exploit its weaknesses. In this volatile environment, placing the reins of leadership in untested hands only serves to hasten the BSP’s decline and embolden its detractors.

The consequences of the BSP’s faltering leadership extend beyond the party itself, posing significant implications for the broader political landscape of North India. Historically, the BSP has played a crucial role in shaping electoral outcomes in UP, often serving as a kingmaker in coalition politics. Its decline not only diminishes the voice of Dalits within the state but also weakens the prospects for meaningful representation and social justice.
In the wake of the BSP’s demise, there is a pressing need for a new paradigm of leadership that can effectively articulate the aspirations and concerns of Dalits in UP and beyond. This necessitates a departure from the politics of personality cults and dynastic succession, towards a more inclusive and participatory model of governance. It also requires a concerted effort to build alliances and coalitions with like-minded parties and movements that share a commitment to social justice and equality.

The demise of BSP, what went wrong?

No stand on the CAA-NRC issue:

Mayawati’s decision to maintain a neutral stance on the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and the National Register of Citizens (NRC) proved to be a significant misstep. In a time of nationwide protests and heightened tensions, her silence on these issues failed to provide the reassurance and solidarity sought by the Muslim community. By abstaining from making any statements to address the concerns of Muslims who were protesting against perceived discrimination and marginalization, Mayawati missed a crucial opportunity to demonstrate principled leadership and solidarity with a community that forms a significant part of her party’s base. This absence of vocal support only served to deepen the sense of alienation and disenchantment among Muslims, contributing to a widening disconnect between the BSP and some key constituencies of UP. In politics, especially during times of social upheaval, silence can speak volumes, and Mayawati’s neutral stance on the CAA and NRC issues spoke volumes about the party’s priorities and allegiances.
BSP’s flip-flop over Article 370: BSP was notably absent from taking a clear and decisive stand when the Indian government, led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), unilaterally abrogated Article 370 of the Constitution, thereby revoking the special status of Jammu and Kashmir. This move was accompanied by a complete lockdown in the Kashmir Valley, including stringent restrictions on communication and movement, effectively severing the region from the rest of the country. During this critical juncture, when the rights and autonomy of Kashmiris were being fundamentally altered without their consent, the BSP’s response was conspicuously muted. The party, which claims to champion the cause of marginalized and oppressed communities, failed to vocally oppose the unconstitutional abrogation of Article 370 or condemn the heavy-handed tactics employed in Kashmir. This silence from the BSP leadership further underscored the party’s inability or unwillingness to uphold principles of democracy, justice, and constitutional propriety in the face of authoritarian actions by the ruling government. It also raised questions about the party’s commitment to defending the rights of all citizens, particularly those belonging to minority communities, in the face of state-sponsored repression and the unilateral decision of abrogation of Article 370 which was an unconstitutional move.

BSP was nowhere during Delhi Riots 2020:

The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) remained noticeably silent during the communal violence in 2020 Delhi following protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and the National Register of Citizens (NRC). Despite the widespread reports of violence targeting Muslim communities, Mayawati refrained from making any significant statements condemning the violence or expressing solidarity with the affected communities. The BSP’s silence in the face of such communal violence sends a troubling message about the party’s priorities and commitment to upholding the rights and dignity of all citizens, particularly marginalized communities. By failing to speak out against the violence perpetrated by groups affiliated with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and other right-wing organizations, the BSP missed a crucial opportunity to assert its role as a party that is committed to social justice and secularism. Mayawati’s conspicuous silence over the unconstitutional detention of Umar Khalid, S R Darapuri, Safura Jargar, Devangana Kalita and Tahir Hussain further widen the gap between BSP and its minority voters.

Moreover, the BSP’s lack of vocal opposition to the targeting of Muslims in the name of issues such as the hijab, halal, azan, and economic boycott in states like Karnataka, Uttar Pradesh, and Madhya Pradesh further underscores its failure to confront communalism and religious discrimination head-on. These incidents not only violate the fundamental rights of Muslims but also pose a threat to the secular fabric of Indian society. Mayawati’s silence on these matters is particularly concerning given the BSP’s historical mandate to represent marginalized communities, including Muslims, Dalits, and other religious minorities.

The BSP runs the risk of alienating its supporters and ruination its standing as a political force for social justice, minority rights and civil liberties if it does nothing in the face of communal violence, mob lynching, cow vigilantism, and discrimination against Muslims. Being a popular leader of Dalits, Mayawati had the potential to halt BJP’s bloodbath and anarchy against Dalits and Muslims in UP but she chose to remain silent at the merciless instances of bulldozer justice, communal violence and discrimination. Failing to do so feeds a vicious circle of injustice, divisiveness, and fear in addition to giving offenders more confidence. Why would the BSP, which is following the BJP, be trusted in such a situation by the minority and Dalits? The BSP must reassess its stance on such critical issues and recommit itself to the principles of secularism, inclusivity, and human rights that form the bedrock of a democratic society.

Mayawati failed to protect her own MP Danish Ali:

The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) faced severe criticism and alienation from the Muslim community when it failed to support its own Member of Parliament, Kunwar Danish Ali (MP from Amroha) during a shocking incident in Parliament. The jargon used by Ramesh Bidhuri in the Lok Sabha, which was recorded and broadcast live on news channels, to refer to Kunwar Danish Ali as a “Bharwa” (pimp), “Katwa” (circumcised), “Mullah Atankwadi” and “Mullah Ugrawadi” (Muslim terrorist) is pure language of violence and is more serious than hate speech. The divisive MP publicly threatened Kunwar Danish Ali, saying, “I’ll see you outside the parliament.” During this shameful incident, Harsh Vardhan, a former minister of health and science and technology, as well as Ravi Shankar Prasad, a former minister of law and justice and communications and information technology, were sitting next to Bidhuri and found the situation amusing as they laughed throughout his outburst.

This incident not only showcased the lack of solidarity within the party but also highlighted a glaring disregard for the safety and dignity of its Muslim members. The BSP’s failure to stand up for Danish Ali, a prominent Muslim leader within the party, sent a clear message of neglect and indifference towards the concerns and rights of the Muslim community. By allowing such an incident to pass without condemnation or action, the BSP further widened the gulf between itself and the Muslim electorate, eroding trust and confidence in the party’s ability to represent their interests.

Lost national status and didn’t join the INDIA Alliance:

Mayawati indeed made a significant strategic political error by not joining the INDIA alliance led by the Indian National Congress and comprising various opposition parties. This alliance aimed to counter communalism and uphold the principles of the Constitution, democracy, and the rule of law. By abstaining from joining this coalition, the BSP has convey the message that she has indirectly aligned with the BJP. The decision to remain aloof from the grand alliance not only isolated the BSP politically but also underscored a lack of strategic foresight. In a politically charged environment where the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has been accused of promoting communalism and undermining democratic institutions, a united front of opposition parties offered the best chance to challenge these trends effectively. However, by choosing to stay out of the alliance, the BSP marginalized itself and weakened the collective effort to counter divisive politics, hence strengthened the saffron party.

Furthermore, the BSP’s failure to secure national party status due to a decline in its vote share represents a significant setback for the party. National party status not only confers certain privileges and recognition but also symbolizes a party’s national relevance and influence. The loss of this status reflects a broader decline in the BSP’s electoral fortunes and highlights the party’s struggles to maintain its support base and relevance in Uttar Pradesh and beyond.Combined, these factors have contributed to the BSP’s diminishing influence and relevance in Uttar Pradesh politics. The party’s isolation from the grand alliance, coupled with its loss of national party status, has further weakened its ability to effectively challenge the dominance of the BJP in the state. Moving forward, the BSP will need to reassess its strategy and priorities to regain lost ground and reassert itself as a formidable political force committed to social justice and inclusive governance.

Mayawati-a script reader not leader:

Mayawati is not a great ideological leader with an all-India reach like Kanshi Ram. She may have oratory skills but she can’t speak without scripted documents. All media and common man closely watched her bodily posture as she always preferred reading scripted speech and never took direct questions from the press. She is lacking an ideological standpoint and is a politician who cannot inspire the cadre. She has gradually become a ‘script-reading leader’ even in public meetings. It is a sad state of affairs. Illiterate, semi-literate and even educated Indian masses need a leader who arouses emotions in public meetings.

Mayawati’s shift to its ideology-

Mayawati, an influential Dalit leader in Indian politics, has recently undergone a shift in her approach to the Dalit cause. This change coincided with her newfound association with Satish Mishra, a Brahmin leader. Together, they altered the fundamental slogan of Kanshi Ram’s party from ‘Bahujan Samaj’ to ‘Sarvajan Samaj.’ However, this new slogan appears to exclude other important Dalit communities, such as Khatik, Raigar, Dhobi, Khati, and Kumhar, raising questions about the inclusivity of the party. This also raises the question of why BSP has not altered its narrative to reflect that it is not just a “Jatav Samaj Party”, but a political platform for all Dalit, OBC and minority communities. Mayawati’s recent actions seem to have caused damage to her political vehicle, and many are questioning the thought process behind these changes.

The way ahead

The political scenario in Uttar Pradesh poses a significant challenge for the Dalit community. The BSP’s social engineering strategy has been boomeranged in last legislative assembly election and the 2019 Lok Sabha election, with the Jatav community being the only group that still supports the party. However, even they seem to be losing faith in the party, as evidenced by their recent desertion in favour of the SP and BJP. This has left the Dalit and Muslim communities in Uttar Pradesh without effective political representation and organization. Given their historical marginalization and political underrepresentation, it is imperative that these two groups unite to seek a viable alternative that can genuinely address their collective interests and concerns. The collaboration of these two communities has the potential to be a transformative force in state politics. Why Dalits and Muslims should join hands in UP, here are few justifications.

Firstly, Dalits and Muslims share common socio-economic and political challenges, including caste-based discrimination, religious prejudice, and economic deprivation. By forging a coalition, they can amplify their voices and demand policies that address these systemic inequalities. Together, they represent a significant portion of the state’s population, which, if mobilized effectively, can influence electoral outcomes and shape the political agenda. Secondly, joining forces can foster solidarity and mutual empowerment among Dalits and Muslims. By building alliances based on shared grievances and aspirations, they can transcend narrow sectarian interests and work towards broader social justice and inclusivity. This unity can serve as a bulwark against divisive forces that seek to exploit communal fault lines for political gain. Thirdly, a joint Dalit-Muslim alliance has the potential to disrupt the existing political landscape dominated by major parties like the BJP. These parties have often used identity politics and caste-based mobilization to consolidate their support base, marginalizing minorities and perpetuating social divisions. By offering a credible alternative, the alliance can challenge this status quo and foster a more inclusive and representative democracy.

However, building a successful Dalit-Muslim coalition requires careful navigation of internal differences and building trust through dialogue and mutual respect. Both communities have diverse interests and priorities, and any alliance must accommodate these complexities while remaining committed to a shared vision of social justice and equality. Moreover, such an alliance should also reach out to other marginalized groups, including OBCs (Other Backward Classes) and women, to build a broader coalition for progressive change. By harnessing the collective strength of diverse communities, the alliance can become a formidable political force capable of challenging entrenched power structures and advancing a more inclusive and equitable agenda in Uttar Pradesh.

SP-Congress Alliance- Dalit-Muslim must seal the triumph

With the 2024 Lok Sabha election on the horizon, all major political players are keen on securing the BSP’s Dalit vote bank, given the party’s persistent decline in electoral performance in Uttar Pradesh (UP) since 2014. The new SP and Congress Alliance are making efforts to gain the confidence of the state’s nearly 22% Dalit population, which holds significant political significance in UP. If the Muslim and Dalit communities support the SP-Congress alliance, the Mayawati-led BSP may be rendered obsolete. In 2007, the BSP secured a government on its own after winning over 206 seats in the 403-seat assembly with a 30.43% vote share. However, the BSP’s performance has been on a downward trend following the 2012 Assembly election. It presently holds only one seat and a 12.88% vote share, which is 17.55% less than its 2007 vote share. Given these circumstances, it is highly likely that the party may not be able to save its deposits in its home state of UP during the upcoming Lok Sabha election. Therefore, it would be wise for the Dalit Muslim population to support the SP-Congress alliance instead of backing a defunct party.

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Why India is still stuck with caste surveys and quota?

Why India is still stuck with caste surveys and quota?

Why India is still stuck with caste surveys and quota?

Caste was always a reality of life in India and in many places, it still is

India has been gripped by a new census. No, not the national one that is yet to be conducted, this is a caste census from the state of Bihar.

It’s exactly what it sounds like - the population data was collected based on 17 indicators and one of them was caste. The headline result is this: two groups make up 63% of the state’s population - the OBCs (or the other backward classes) and EBCs (the extremely backward classes).

Now, you don’t do a census for the love of numbers, you do it to make policy. So, what’s the policy goal here? More reservation and more welfare schemes. It’s become a political lightning rod. The opposition parties want a nationwide caste census, the ruling party says - not interested.

Keeping the politics out for now, let’s look at the caste census and reservation. Why is it so important? When was it last done? And has it delivered in the past?

First things first. What is caste?

Simply put – it’s a system of social hierarchy. People are ranked based on their birth. Hindu texts talk about four major caste groups. At the very top come brahmins, your priests and teachers; then comes kshatriyas, the warriors; vaishyas, the traders; and finally, shudras, the menial workers.

Beyond these four, there is another group - the Dalits, or the untouchables.

This group was considered outside the caste system. They were cleaners and cremators.

Caste was always a reality of life in India and in many places, it still is. But when the British came, they formalised it. Their reason was simple – you can’t govern what you don’t know, so divisions based on caste were easy to understand, or so they thought.

A British idea

The British wanted to neatly divide India’s Hindus into four categories. They were in for a surprise. In Benares, in 1834, there were 107 castes of brahmins, so the four-category system wasn’t always the norm. The British made it so and they knew it. Here’s what a British official who organised the Madras census wrote: “whether there was ever a period in which the Hindus were composed of four classes is exceedingly doubtful".

Despite that, they pushed on. From the 1880s, the official census began. Caste data was also collected back then. This practice would continue until 1941 - the last census where caste data was collected. But in 1941, this data wasn’t published. The British called it an enormous and costly table, so they said no more caste data, which means, our last caste estimate is from 1931. That’s around 93 years ago.

When reservation made sense?

Did reservation exist during this time? In some places, yes. The princely state of Mysore was among the first to do it. In 1921, they reserved seats for backward communities. Basically, a quota in government jobs and education. Soon, Madras and Bombay followed. It made perfect sense back then.

Here’s some data from the Madras presidency - Brahmins made up 3 per cent of the population there but they held 80% of all official posts. So back then, reservation was necessary. In the 1930s, it was extended to government - not without some drama though.

A flashpoint and compromise

In 1932, the British had proposed separate electorates for backward communities. Now, this is different from reserved seats. In reserved seats, everyone votes. The only condition is that candidates must belong to backward communities - say Scheduled Caste or Scheduled Tribe.

SEPERATE ELECTORATE

Separate electorates is different. Here, both candidates and voters will be from backward communities.

This decision pitted two stalwarts against each other - Mahatma Gandhi was against it,

DR.BR Ambedkar supported it.

To convince Dr.Ambedkar, Gandhi began a fast unto death. Eventually, Ambedkar relented. He agreed to reserved seats instead of separate electorates. This would continue even after Independence. India’s constitution permitted quotas and reservations. Not for everyone though, only two marginalised groups - the SCs - or the scheduled castes - and the STs - or the scheduled tribes.

One-two of reservation

This reservation can be divided into two types -

(1) one is the political one, which is temporary;

(2)the other is the social kind - our jobs and college seats.

The political reservation meant quotas in elected bodies like Parliament and state assemblies. That was supposed to be re-evaluated after 10 years. But nowadays, there is no evaluation, there is only extension. The latest was in 2019 - the SC-ST quota was extended by another 10 years.

The second type of quota doesn’t have a time frame. Many people say the founding fathers wanted it to be temporary, but the Constitution doesn’t mention it. Either way, this was the set-up after Independence, and it remained so until 1979. That’s when a new commission was set up - the Second Backward Classes Commission. You may know it as the Mandal commission.

It was headed by BP Mandal, a former chief minister of Bihar. He took around two years to finish the report. In December 1980, it was submitted and the big headline was this - OBC communities should get 27 per cent reservation, both in jobs and in colleges. It wasn’t implemented though! Because by 1980, the government had changed.

A political and legal landmine

Nobody touched this report again for 10 years, but in August 1990, then prime minister VP Singh dusted out the Mandal report. In fact, he went a step further. He decided to implement it. There were massive protests across India. Hundreds of students hit the streets in major cities, dozens of them set themselves on fire but the government pushed on. The 27 per cent quota was implemented for OBCs. So India’s reservation pie looked like this - 15 per cent for Scheduled Castes, 7.5 per cent for Scheduled Tribes and 27 per cent for OBCs. The total came to 49.5 per cent.

Just one problem though. The Mandal report triggered a new era of politics. Leaders hijacked the narrative. Instead of social justice, reservation became a political tool. If you want community X to support you, give them quotas. That became the trend.

So, to prevent that, the Supreme Court intervened. In 1992, they delivered a historic verdict - that quotas cannot be more than 50 per cent. Things have changed though. A new verdict says the 50 per cent limit is flexible.

But we’ll get to that later.

It’s been three decades since OBC reservation was introduced, and around eight decades since the SC-ST one. The big question is - has it delivered? And if not, why are we not trying something else?

In 2021, the government submitted some data to the Supreme Court. They had surveyed 19 ministries, and this was their finding - SCs made up around 15 per cent of all employees, STs made up 6 per cent and OBCs around 17.5 per cent. We are talking about government workers here. Now compare this to the reserved quota. The SC numbers are on par but the other two are not.

While 27 per cent jobs are reserved for OBCs, they make up only 17.5 per cent. That’s a huge gap and within this gap there is a bigger problem. Most quota workers are low-level employees. In 2012, around 40 per cent of public cleaners were SCs. Even among OBCs, the biggest chunk is employed in such jobs. As you go up the hierarchy, they simply disappear.

Let’s look at the coveted all-India services - your IAS and IPS. In the last five years, around 4,300 appointments have been made. OBCs, SCs and STs made up 27 per cent of that, but their share of population is much higher - closer to 75 per cent. Same with colleges. Around 42 per cent of teaching posts reserved for these communities are lying vacant. 42 per cent! so reservation has not levelled the gap. It has made gains, yes, but it hasn’t solved the problem.

At the same time, a new one has emerged - everyone wants a quota nowadays. At first dominant communities had rejected the idea of reservation but clearly, it’s not going anywhere. So their new strategy is this: ask for their own quota. There are examples from across India - the Patel community in Gujarat wants quotas, the Marathas in Maharashtra, the Lingayats in Karnataka, the Jats in Haryana. These are politically powerful communities in their states, but now, they want quota.

So where does it end?

The Supreme Court had some interesting takes on reservation. This was last year, when they said the 50 per cent cap on quota is flexible. Here’s what one judge said: “at the end of 75 years of our Independence, we need to revisit the system of reservation in the larger interest of the society as a whole”. Here’s another judge: “reservation is not an end but a means — a means to secure social and economic justice… reservation should not be allowed to become a vested interest”.

Unfortunately, that’s what it has become - a vested interest, a political tool. That doesn’t mean reservation hasn’t helped. It has made very important contributions to social justice. But it hasn’t solved the root problem.

And where does the caste census figure in this conversation?

Well, numbers drive policy. That’s the idea behind the caste census. We already collect SC and ST data every 10 years. The demand is to collect OBC data as well. The previous government did so in 2011 but that information was never published. The current government says the data is unusable. Hence the demand for a new one.

There are two reasons why quotas still persist in India.

One is political - quotas help win elections and every political party has used them.

Two, because there is no alternative. Governments have failed to answer the most important question – if not quota, then what?

Do you have a plan to change mindsets? Because let’s face it, everyone is against the caste system. Unless of course, their children decide to marry outside their caste, then, it’s a big issue.

So, India is stuck with this imperfect system. It’s ironic really. Our goal is to create a casteless society, yet our policy is to define and reserve based on caste.

To Uplift the SC.STs on par with others..

India must distribute the public lands 25% to the landless SC.ST like America distributed to Blacks when they gave rights to Blacks.

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24.02.2026.The Indian Untouchables news...collected by Sivaji.ceo.stationed at Vellore.Anaicut.632605.

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தமிழ்நாடு ஒரு முன்னுதாரணத்தை அமைக்கிறது: SC/ST மேம்பாட்டுக்கான வரலாற்றுச் சிறப்புமிக்க மசோதா நிறைவேற்றப்பட்டது

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The Road Ahead

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Why India is still stuck with caste surveys and quota?

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