09.06.24.Untouchables News.chennai India.by Team Sivaji.



‘Threat’ to Constitution, Dalit-Muslim-OBC alliance — how SP won over Dalits in UP & challenges ahead

POSTED ON JUNE 9, 2024


Lokniti-CSDS data shows NDA lost big chunk of non-Jatav Dalit votes to INDIA bloc. But analysts say SP may find it hard to sustain voter coalition that includes both Dalits & Yadav base.

SANYA DHINGRA

New Delhi: One of the biggest stories to emerge from this election has been the result in Uttar Pradesh and the shift in the Dalit vote in the state. While the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) has seen a near-decimation, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA), too, has lost a significant chunk of its non-Jatav Dalit vote even as it improved its vote share among Jatavs, a core constituency of the BSP.

While the BSP has not even managed to open its account in this election, the BJP’s tally has fallen from 62 seats in 2019 to just 33 in this election.

Meanwhile, the Samajwadi Party, traditionally perceived to have an antagonistic relationship with Dalits due to local caste tensions between the latter and Yadavs, managed to turn a corner when it comes to the non-Jatav Dalit vote.

According to a post-poll survey conducted by the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS)-Lokniti, published in The Hindu, the SP’s performance in this election — jumping to 37 seats from just five in 2019 — was the result of a consolidation of Yadav and Muslim voters, along with a sizeable share of non-Jatav Dalits.

The data shows that 92 percent of Muslims and 82 percent of Yadavs voted for the INDIA bloc. However, in addition, the alliance gained significantly by winning 56 percent of the non-Jatav Dalit vote as well. In addition, 25 percent of Jatav Dalits, too, voted for the alliance.

In comparison, the BJP, which over the years has sought to carve out a constituency among non-Jatav Dalits, suffered a reversal this time. The BJP-led NDA managed to get only 29 percent of the non-Jatav Dalit vote, a steep decline from the 48 percent it had won in 2019.

However, the NDA did improve its vote share among Jatavs since the last Lok Sabha elections. In 2019, it had won just 17 percent of the Jatav vote, while in 2024, its vote share increased to 24 percent.

The BSP saw its vote share reduced to single digits for the first time in decades. It won just 9 percent of the vote in 2024, down from 13 percent in UP’s last assembly elections in 2022 and 19 percent in the last Lok Sabha elections, which it fought in alliance with the SP. This time, the party was able to retain just 44 percent of the Jatav vote, its traditional voter base.

Moreover, just 15 percent of non-Jatav Dalits voted for the BSP. While the non-Jatav Dalit vote has been steadily moving away from the BSP over the past decade, at least, until this election, it was the BJP that had been gaining this vote. 

However, in 2024, the SP-Congress alliance, too, gained from the shrinking presence of the BSP.

Candidate selection by SP, BSP’s perennial decline

The results seem to show that SP chief Akhilesh Yadav’s attempt to stitch together a Pichde-Dalit-Alpsankhyak (PDA) or Backward-Dalit-Minority alliance worked on the ground. While the party has traditionally had a Muslim-Yadav voter base, this time the SP attempted to broaden its base by giving tickets to 32 OBCs (of whom only five were Yadavs), 16 Dalits, 10 upper-caste candidates, and four Muslims.

In the 17 reserved constituencies in UP, the SP’s tally went up from zero in the last election to seven in this election. Meanwhile the BSP and the BJP’s tallies fell from 2 and 15 in 2019 to zero and eight, respectively. The Congress and Chandrashekhar Azad’s Azad Samaj Party won one seat each in the reserved constituencies.

However, the SP even fielded Dalit candidates in non-reserved seats such as Faizabad and Meerut. Its Dalit candidate, Awadhesh Prasad, managed to defeat the BJP’s Lallu Singh by a margin of over 50,000 votes in Ayodhya just months after the consecration of the Ram Temple.

One of the major factors that enabled the INDIA bloc to significantly improve its vote share among Dalits is the gradual, but definitive, decline of the BSP over the past decade, which has ensured that the Dalit vote has been up for grabs in UP.

In the 2019 election, the BSP was able to secure 19 percent of the vote share in UP and win 10 seats in the Lok Sabha as it piggybacked on the SP’s support base. However, since 2012, its vote share has shrunk considerably with each passing election.

In the 2007 assembly election in UP, the BSP was voted to power with a single-party majority for the first time, winning 206 of the 403 assembly seats, and securing a vote share of around 30 percent.

In the 2012 assembly elections, its tally dropped to 80 seats, while its vote share dipped to 26 percent. In 2017, the party managed to secure only 19 seats, even as its vote share dipped only marginally to around 22 percent.

In the 2022 assembly elections came the BSP’s worst-ever performance till then, as it managed to win only one seat, and its vote share dipped to around 13 percent.

“In this election particularly, Mayawati’s strategy puzzled the Jatavs,” argues A.K. Verma, director of the Centre for the Study of Society and Politics, a Kanpur-based think tank. “Akash Anand was getting significant traction on the ground, and suddenly without any explanation, he was removed from the position of president without any explanation…This angered the Jatavs, and there was a sudden derailment,” he says.

Mayawati had named her nephew Akash Anand her political successor last December but during the Lok Sabha election campaign, she removed him from the post of national coordinator until he “gains maturity”. This came days after Anand — who had begun to attract attention and draw crowds — was booked for violating the Model Code of Conduct by referring to the BJP-led central government as “terrorist”.

‘Moral panic’ over the Constitution

The second reason behind the shift in the Dalit vote towards the INDIA bloc was the pervasive fear created among Dalits by the narrative of the Constitution being under threat, says Verma.

“This fear penetrated deep into the Dalit psyche,” he says. “The 400 paar narrative created this fear among them because no rational explanation was given by the BJP to aim for 400-plus seats, and Akhilesh (Yadav) and Rahul (Gandhi) grabbed this opportunity, and effectively spread the fear that the BJP wants to demolish Babasaheb Ambedkar’s Constitution,” he adds.

Arvind Kumar, assistant professor, sociology and criminology at Royal Holloway, University of London, agrees. “There was a moral panic created among the Dalits over the threat to the Constitution,” he says.

However, he adds that even in the 2022 assembly elections, in which the SP tally improved by 64 seats from 2017, there were undercurrents of the Dalit vote moving away from the BJP and towards the SP.

 “There was already a wind towards the Samajwadi Party, and the BJP did nothing to course correct,” he says. “In eastern UP, the middle class among Dalits gets created through government jobs. The BJP government’s performance on this front has created a massive sense of frustration among Dalits where they are getting no government employment, thereby thwarting their upward mobility.”

The “moral panic” created over the Constitution became the rallying point of this existing resentment, he adds.

Can the SP sustain the Dalit support?

According to Verma, however, the fear of the Constitution being changed was arguably the only reason the Dalit vote shifted to the SP this time. “The BJP has offered political accommodation, security in terms of law and order, economic security through welfare and cultural inclusion to Dalits,” he says. “They had no reason not to  vote for the BJP other than the fear over the Constitution…More than a vote for the SP-Congress, it was a vote against the BJP.”

Both Verma and Kumar, however, say that the SP might find it difficult to sustain this coalition going ahead.

“They might be able to sustain this in eastern UP, where Yadavs have traditionally even been leaders of the Dalits,” says Kumar. “But in western UP, the Yadavs are zamindar-like, and there is significant local conflict between Yadavs and the Dalits there.”

Verma agrees. “Yadavs and Dalits have shared a deeply conflictual relationship, wherein Yadavs, who are the dominant agricultural communities, are seen as the social as well as economic exploiters of the Dalits, who work as labour on their lands,” he says. “Even in this election, the Dalits have voted for the SP because it is in alliance with the Congress,” he argues.

“The Constitution narrative came to be the big undoing of the BJP…Whether or not that can sustain the Dalit vote in favour of the SP is to be seen,” he says.

From. : The Print.news

 



BJP’s seat loss analysis: Dalit perception, angry party workers among key factors

POSTED ON JUNE 9, 2024



A post-poll analysis by the BJP indicated that the party’s failure to manage the delicate caste equations in the northern states led to a significant shifting of votes towards the Opposition-led INDIA bloc.

Himanshu Mishra

After facing a significant reduction in its tally in the recently concluded Lok Sabha polls, the BJP leaders have started an in-depth analysis of the party’s performance.

According to sources, the leaders have found that the party’s failure to manage the delicate caste equations, lack of coordination between the government and the organisation in the BJP-ruled states, and anger among the local candidates were some of the issues that led to the decrease of the saffron party votes in Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, and Haryana.

Local party workers were angry about being neglected by their state’s government and the decision to field incumbent MPs, the post-poll analysis highlighted.

The poor performance was unpredictable because the BJP is either the majority power in these states or in power as a member of the ruling alliance.

BJP leaders also estimate that not only did the non-Yadav OBC vote bank slip away, but Dalit votes also shifted in favour of the INDIA bloc in the northern states, sources said.

The Opposition’s campaign on the lines that BJP will change the Constitution if it comes to power weighed heavily on the party, and the saffron side’s failure to not counter it effectively also led to the slipping away of the Dalit votes, BJP leaders believe.

The defection of Khatik and Khurmi votes among non-Yadav OBCs dented the ambitious ‘400 paar’ target. The near absence of the Mayawati-led Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) resulted in the shifting of the Dalit votes towards the Congress-Samajwadi Party alliance in Uttar Pradesh.

The lack of involvement of RSS workers also hurt the BJP in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, the analysis showed.

In North India, the BJP suffered significant losses in Haryana, Rajasthan, Maharashtra and especially in Uttar Pradesh in the 2024 polls as compared to 2019.

In Uttar Pradesh, the INDIA bloc won 43 seats of the state’s 80 seats and, the BJP managed to secure victory on 33 seats only. In 2019, the BJP had won 62 of the 80 seats, and ally Apna Dal (Soneylal) had bagged two.

In Rajasthan, where the BJP won 24 of the 25 seats in 2019, with the Hanuman Beniwal-led Rashtriya Loktantrik Party winning the Nagaur seat, the saffron side this time only won 10 seats. The Congress, on the other hand, learnt from its mistakes and bagged eight seats. Its three allies — the Communist Party of India (Marxist), the Bharatiya Adivasi Party, and Beniwal’s RLP — have won one seat each.

In Maharashtra also, the results for the ruling Mahayuti alliance — comprising Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena, Ajit Pawar’s NCP and the BJP — were disappointing as it managed to win only 17 seats. On the other hand, the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA), plagued by splits in two parties, punched above its weight to bag 30 seats.

In Haryana, where the BJP had won all 10 seats in 2019, it lost in five constituencies this time.

WHAT WORKED FOR BJP

The post-poll analysis showed that the four states that saved the BJP from sinking below 200 were Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat, Odisha, and Karnataka.

In Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat, the BJP analysis showed that its grassroots organisation worked strongly. In Karnataka too, despite a Congress government being in power, the BJP performed well there.

The party’s decision to give leadership to the BS Yediyurappa faction also worked in its favour. Trusting Yediyurappa after the assembly election results and forming an alliance with the Janata Dal (Secular) was beneficial for the BJP.

The BJP secured a resounding victory in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections in Karnataka by clinching 17 out of the 28 seats. Its ally JD(S) also won two seats.

In Odisha, the BJP’s decision not to form an alliance with Naveen Patnaik proved to be correct. The BJP achieved a historic victory in the Lok Sabha polls in the eastern state, securing an unprecedented 20 out of 21 seats, a significant improvement from their previous tally of eight seats in 2019.

From. : India Today

 


Lok Sabha Election Results: Mandal finally reins in Kamandal

POSTED ON JUNE 8, 2024



Mandal reins in Kamandal, the biggest example of this is the political success of Uttar Pradesh and SP. Akhilesh Yadav’s entire PDA formula (Backward, Dalit and Minority) was the realization of Mandal politics in concrete form. Dr. Siddhartha explains

Siddhartha, (Edited by: Rajan/Naval/Anil)

The results of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections are clear evidence of the fact that the flag-carrying horse of Kamandal or Hindutva has not only been reined in, but it has also become lame. Now it cannot even walk without crutches. The BJP has not even got the minimum number of seats (272) required to form the government on its own and it and all its alliance partners (NDA) have also got only 293 seats in total. Even the entire NDA together has not been able to cross the 300 mark.

The question is who reined in the flag-carrying horse of Kamandal and who made it lame? The answer is clear that the work of reining in this horse and making it lame has been done by Mandal. The Mandal whose ideology, agenda and politics had been declared irrelevant by many liberal, leftist thinkers and analysts. Some were even blaming Mandal for the rise and power of Kamandal. But ultimately the same Mandal stopped Modi’s victory campaign and forced him to stand (form government) and walk with the help of crutches of people like Nitish or Chandrababu Naidu.

The next question arises that on the basis of which facts can it be said that Mandal reined in Kamandal? No one can deny the fact that Rahul Gandhi first created such a positive narrative against Narendra Modi before the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, which slowly became a narrative of the whole country. The truth is that for the first time after 2014 and 2019, the opposition was able to create an effective narrative against Modi. This narrative was of caste census and along with it socio-economic survey. While explaining this narrative, Rahul Gandhi raised the question of the participation of Bahujans in public institutions and organizations, citing as an example the fact that how many SC-ST and OBCs are there among the secretaries of the central government. He talked about the participation of these deprived communities in the High Courts and Supreme Courts. He underlined their absence in the media, and even started emphasizing the need for reservation in the private sector. There was nothing in all these things said by Rahul Gandhi that was not already in the report of the Mandal Commission or in the agenda of politics. For a very long time, the Dalit-Bahujan movement and Dalit-Bahujan politics i.e. Mandal politics have been raising these questions and have been fighting for it from the streets to the Parliament. Rahul Gandhi presented these questions of Mandal movement and politics as questions of Congress and his own and made it a nationwide issue. Along with this, he said that it is because of the Constitution and democracy of India that SC-ST and OBC have got representation and participation. He also underlined the fact that this representation and participation can be increased only by using the Constitution and democratic process.

Mandal movement is still effective

He loudly propagated and spread throughout the country that the Constitution and democracy and the representation and participation based on it are under threat from the BJP led by Narendra Modi. This proved to be effective too. Along with this, he said that without saving the Constitution, the interests of SC-ST, OBC and minorities cannot be protected. Taking this narrative forward, he said that it is necessary to defeat the BJP to save the Constitution and democracy. This narrative of his became a hit. He started talking about saving the Constitution by holding it in his hand in every public meeting. Later, he also started waving pictures of Dr. Ambedkar, who had become the symbolic personality of the Constitution, in his hands. It became such a hit that Narendra Modi had to focus his entire election campaign on rejecting or diverting this narrative. Narendra Modi was so upset by this that

He started talking nonsense like Mangalsutra, taking away one of the two buffaloes and giving property to those who produce more children. Everyone understood that the purpose of these talks was to turn the question of SC-ST and OBC share into a Hindu-Muslim question.

Was the agenda or narrative of saving the Constitution created by Rahul Gandhi? The answer is – No. The Constitution and democracy are under threat from RSS-BJP. Dalit-Bahujans were running this campaign for the last 10 years. Many organizations and individuals were running movements on a large scale for this. These organizations and individuals had conveyed this to a large section of Bahujans. People were also feeling this by seeing the anti-constitution activities of the Narendra Modi government. It is clear that the narrative of saving the Constitution was also a gift of the Dalit-Bahujan (Mandal) movement. Yes, Rahul Gandhi played a big role in making this agenda of saving the Constitution a big electoral agenda by using his stature in politics and the All India organization of the Congress. It is clear that the main basis of the agenda or narrative on the basis of which Rahul Gandhi gained widespread public support or popularity was the Mandal movement and Mandal politics. It is true that he also added other issues and agendas to it. A broad coalition of political parties doing politics based on Mandal was formed. The most important constituents of the India Alliance, Samajwadi Party, Rashtriya Janata Dal, DMK Munetra Kazhagam, and Jharkhand Mukti Morcha, etc. were already doing Mandal politics. Yes, Rahul Gandhi and India Alliance did assure them that this is our agenda too. This definitely gave more strength to SP, RJD, DMK and JMM. A part of the leftist parties had already adopted the Mandal agenda, like CPI (ML-Liberation) etc. Other leftist parties also added it to their agenda and stood with it openly.

It was Mandal that put a rein on Kamandal, the biggest example of this is the political success of Uttar Pradesh and SP. Akhilesh Yadav’s entire PDA formula (backward, Dalit and minority) was the realization of Mandal politics in concrete form. In ticket distribution, he gave place to various backward castes, extremely backward and Dalits on a large scale. The fact that SP is a party of Yadavs and Muslims was completely rejected by his method of ticket distribution. He repeatedly underlined in his public meetings that the constitution is in danger, reservation is in danger, democracy is in danger, even elections and the electoral process are in danger. He called for defeating the BJP to save the constitution, democracy, reservation and the rights of SC-ST, OBC and minorities. He also appealed to the upper castes to come forward to save India’s achievement, constitution and democracy. In true sense, Akhilesh Yadav completely placed SP on the ground of Mandal politics. He found a solution to the BJP’s strategy of separating non-Yadav backwards from Yadavs, separating extremely backwards from backwards and separating non-Jatav Dalits from Jatav Dalits and by implementing Mandal politics in true sense, he defeated the BJP in the birthplace of Kamandal or the stronghold of Kamandal. Under the leadership of Akhilesh Yadav, SP deeply hurt the backbone of Kamandal with its Mandal politics in the stronghold of Kamandal. Surprising everyone, BJP was reduced to 33 seats in Uttar Pradesh. BJP’s tally was reduced to half as compared to 2019. No one had even imagined that BJP would be reduced to 33 seats in Uttar Pradesh. That too after all the conspiracies and antics of the trio of Yogi-Modi-Amit Shah. The Mandal formula adopted by Akhilesh Yadav to counter Kamandal in Uttar Pradesh defeated BJP in Uttar Pradesh. He gave such a blow to BJP that it is unable to get up. By adopting the Mandal formula, SP not only secured 37 seats for itself, but also added 6 seats to the bag of its ally Congress. While on one hand Rahul Gandhi helped SP with his narrative, on the other hand SP helped Congress to stand strong in Uttar Pradesh with the social mathematics of Mandal. BJP is just 32 seats short of majority at the Centre. If there is one place where it has lost so many seats, it is Uttar Pradesh. If we look at the maths of the election results of the whole country, BJP has lost somewhere, and has compensated for it to some extent in other places. But it could not compensate for the nearly 30 seats of Uttar Pradesh.

The Mandal formula was strongly adopted by RJD, Congress, CPI (ML) and other allies of the All India Alliance in Bihar. In Bihar, it was led by Tejashwi Yadav. Even though they did not get the expected success in the electoral maths, this alliance succeeded in snatching about 9 seats from the NDA alliance. The main party (RJD) doing Mandal politics here had a relatively weak performance in the election results compared to Uttar Pradesh, as a result of which the election results were not good for the Congress either. It too could win only one seat. This fact is proof of the fact that the success or failure of Mandal politics has played a big role in the success and failure of the Congress. Here, a big reason for the partial failure of the All India Alliance and the relatively better success of the NDA alliance in Uttar Pradesh was the presence of JDU (led by Nitish), a strong party doing politics on the basis of Mandal, with the BJP. Despite this, Tejashwi

The Mahagathbandhan led by was successful in reducing BJP’s votes by 8 percent. BJP’s vote share in Uttar Pradesh was also reduced by the same percentage as compared to 2019. But in Bihar, BJP had JDU, a party with Mandalist base, with it.

The biggest reason for the comparatively better performance of Congress and allies in Rajasthan has been the support of Dalits, tribals and backward classes. Here too Mandal worked mainly. Still, BJP won 14 out of 25 seats. Congress got 8 and its allies got 2 seats and one seat went to Bharat Adivasi Party. Congress and allies have got the most success in those areas where Dalits-tribals and backward classes are in large numbers and Dalit and tribal movement has been gaining momentum for the last 10 years. The widespread popularity of Bhim Army in Rajasthan in the last 7-8 years is a proof of this. The reason for the success of Bharat Adivasi Party, which was formed only 6-7 months ago, in winning one seat is the demand of tribal organizations in southern Rajasthan for a separate Bhil state (combining Bhil tribal dominated areas of Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat, Rajasthan and Maharashtra) and the growing momentum of tribal movements.

The same situation prevailed in Jharkhand even after limited success. Here, out of 14 seats, 5 seats went to India Alliance and 8 to BJP. India Alliance has got success only in tribal dominated areas. Haryana is a Jat, OBC and Dalit dominated state. Where Congress managed to win 5 seats. 5 seats went to BJP. Punjab, the home of Sant Nanak, the hero of Bahujan-Shramana tradition, did not even allow BJP to open its account this time. There, 7 out of 13 seats went to Congress and 3 seats went to Aam Aadmi Party. In Delhi, along with BJP, Aam Aadmi Party has also been doing more or less the same Kamandal type of politics, albeit in a slightly softer form. There was no challenge of Mandal politics there. Here, Congress also did not get any seat.

Congress was completely wiped out in Madhya Pradesh. BJP won all 29 seats because Mandal politics has never had a strong presence there and it is not there now. Leaders like Kamal Nath have mainly been doing upper caste Hindutva politics. The same is the case with Chhattisgarh, where Congress has got only one seat. BJP won 10 out of 11 seats. In both these states, if we leave aside the undeclared anti-Muslim attitude of Congress, then BJP has been doing the same kind of politics while being in power and opposition. Kamal Nath and Bhupesh Baghel, both did almost the same kind of politics as Kamandal while being the Chief Minister. Cow, cow dung, Ramvan Gaman Path were the schemes of Bhupesh Baghel. Kamal Nath went even further and openly did upper caste politics with Ram. Congress could not win even a single seat in Uttarakhand and Himachal Pradesh, states with upper caste majority voters. BJP won all the five seats of Uttarakhand and all the four seats of Himachal. There, in contrast to the politics of Kamandal, Congress has been doing more or less the same politics as Kamandal to please the upper caste voters of the state, because upper caste voters are in majority in both the states. BJP has won 25 seats out of 26 seats in Gujarat except one seat. There has been no strong base of Bahujan-Dalit politics in Gujarat either. There has been only the politics of hard (BJP) and soft (Congress) Hindutva.

If seen in the light of facts without any prejudice, if the India Alliance was successful in challenging Narendra Modi in its narrative and agenda in the 2024 elections and BJP had to lose 63 seats compared to 2019, then the main reason for this was the strong challenge of Mandal politics in front of Kamandal politics. Kamandal politics was born only to end Mandal politics. Mandal politics was termed as Shudra revolution by RSS mouthpiece Organiser. There was a call to stop this revolution. Kamandal politics came to the fore to stop it. The struggle between Mandal and Kamandal politics continued for two decades. At that time, Kanshiram, Mulayam Singh and Lalu Yadav were the leaders of Mandal’s Bahujan politics. In 2014, Kamandal politics under the leadership of Narendra Modi made a decisive attack on Mandal politics. For this, Kamandal politics also wore the thin mask of Mandal politics (in the form of Narendra Modi, Ramnath Kovind, Draupadi Murmu etc.). In 2014 and 2019, no situation arose to challenge Kamandal politics. The opposition created various narratives, but all failed. It was said that Kamandal politics has buried Mandal politics in the grave forever. Many left-liberal people were also seen celebrating the burial of Mandal politics. But ultimately Mandal politics itself pulled the reins of the horse of Kamandal politics and made it lame. 

Courtesy: Hindi News

Why are voters being abused when a Dalit becomes an MP from Faizabad (Ayodhya)?

POSTED ON JUNE 8, 2024



American scholar Dr. Audrey Truschke, in a message on her Twitter handle on June 6, 2024, quoted paragraph 158.2 of the report of the Liberhan Commission, formed to investigate the Babri demolition, which was presented in the Indian Parliament in 2009, in which it is stated in essence that the common people had no interest in Ayodhya during the Ram Mandir movement. Read this article

Naval Kishore Kumar, (Edited by: Rajan/Anil)

Sonu Nigam, the famous singer of Hindi cinema, needs no introduction. But his full name is Sonu Nigam Singh and he was born in Faridabad (Haryana). On June 4, 2024, when the votes of the Lok Sabha elections held this time in the country were being counted, his eyes were on the Faizabad Lok Sabha constituency of Uttar Pradesh, which is also known as Ayodhya. In a post on his Twitter handle, he wrote, “The government that made the whole of Ayodhya shine, gave a new airport, railway station, built the Ram temple after 500 years, created a whole temple economy, that party is having to struggle for the Ayodhya seat. Shameful to the people of Ayodhya.”

Actually, the main reason for his comment was that Samajwadi Party candidate Awadhesh Prasad was far ahead of BJP candidate Lallu Singh in the counting of votes and it was almost certain that he would be the winner. Then when the final result came out, it was officially declared that Awadhesh Prasad had defeated BJP’s Lallu Singh by a margin of 54 thousand 567 votes by getting 5 lakh 54 thousand 289 votes. Sachchidanand Pandey, the candidate fielded by Bahujan Samaj Party, was in third place, who got only 46 thousand 407 votes. Poem is being written- Tum Kaho Ayodhyawasi

It is worth noting that Faizabad or Ayodhya Lok Sabha constituency is a general constituency and SP has fielded Awadhesh Prasad, who comes from Dalit community, as its candidate here. However, Awadhesh Prasad has been an experienced politician. He became MLA for the first time in 1977. In his political career, he has been MLA 9 times and has been a minister in the state government 6 times. After his victory, a poet from Uttar Pradesh, Amit Premshankar, wrote a poem titled- ‘Tum Kaho Ayodhyawasi’. In this poem, he insults the voters of Ayodhya by writing- “A lone archer standing/He was dependent on public opinion/Raghuvar in his own house/He was defeated only by his own people/All men became Ravana/Women were Manthra’s slaves/What mistake was committed, what mistake was committed/Tum Kaho Ayodhyawasi”. In fact, the voters of Ayodhya are being cursed and insulted by BJP supporters on social media. However, now it has come to light in reports published by several media organisations (including in an analysis titled ‘Not the imaginary Ram, but the people of Ayodhya gave the mandate against the BJP’ published by Forward Press) that there were several reasons behind the defeat of the BJP in Ayodhya, one of which was that lands were acquired from the local people in the name of construction of the Ram temple in Ayodhya. Livelihood of several people was snatched away. MPs of Faizabad Lok Sabha constituency till date at a glance

Year when elections were held Winning party

1957 Raja Ram Mishra Congress

1962 Brijbasi Lal Congress

1967 and 1971 Ramkrishna Sinha Congress

1977 Anantram Jaiswal Janata Party

1980 Jairam Verma Congress (Indira)

1984 Nirmal Khatri Congress

1989 Mitrasen Yadav CPI

1991 and 1996 Vinay Katiyar BJP

1998 Mitrasen Yadav BSP

1999 Vinay Katiyar BJP

2004 Mitrasen Yadav BSP

2009 Nirmal Khatri Congress

2014 and 2019 Lallu Singh BJP

2024 Awadhesh Prasad SP

But the question arises whether the voters of Ayodhya are being cursed and insulted only because of the defeat of BJP or is there a reason behind this that those who are doing this are not able to digest the victory of a person from the Dalit community – that too from a general seat and that too from ‘Ramjanmabhoomi’?

Hindutvaists have not lost only in Ayodhya

This question also arises because BJP has not lost only in Faizabad. In the surrounding parliamentary constituencies such as Basti Lok Sabha constituency, SP candidate Ram Prasad Chaudhary defeated BJP candidate Harish Chandra alias Harish Dwivedi by a margin of 1 lakh 994 votes. Similarly, in Shravasti Lok Sabha constituency, SP candidate Ram Shiromani Verma defeated BJP candidate Saket Mishra by a margin of 76 thousand 673 votes. Whereas in Sultanpur Lok Sabha constituency, SP candidate Ram Bhual Nishad defeated BJP’s strong leader and Indira Gandhi family’s daughter-in-law Maneka Gandhi by a margin of 43 thousand 174 votes. BJP had to face defeat in the Barabanki Lok Sabha constituency reserved for Scheduled Castes at the hands of Congress candidate Tanuj Punia. Punia defeated BJP candidate Rajrani Rawat by a margin of 2 lakh 15 thousand 704 votes.

Manuvadi thinking cannot be hidden: B.R. Biplavi

Obviously, BJP has faced defeat in many Lok Sabha constituencies in this entire region. This is the area which BJP was promoting as a stronghold of Hindutva by calling Faizabad as ‘Ayodhya Ji’. Then why are only the voters of Ayodhya being cursed and insulted? In this regard, the well-known litterateur of Uttar Pradesh, B.R. Biplavi, says in very clear words – “First of all, a myth has been created about Shri Ramchandra Ji for vote politics and in their [Brahminists’] politics about Shri Ram, there is talk of their Chaturvarna Dharma. In this Chaturvarna Dharma, Dalits are at the bottom. Now if a Dalit becomes the king of that place, then this thing is not acceptable to Shri Ramchandra Ji. Ramchandra Ji may be able to digest it, but Ramchandra Ji’s followers are not able to digest the fact that a person from the lowest rung of the ladder and the Ram temple which was created a ruckus all over India, this election result has destroyed that entire ideology. So one reason is that a Dalit won, the second reason is that the winner was the opposition candidate, and the third reason is that he won from the alleged birthplace of Ramchandra Ji. Now these three arrows have hit the upper caste community, so I want to clearly say that the upper caste community, if not all, then I am talking about those people who live in a special kind of mania. I had heard many people on the ground saying and abusing that the people of SP have gone mad to have made a person from the lowest caste their candidate. Instead of this, they should have made a non-Dalit their candidate. Whether they win or lose, they should have made at least one pious man their candidate. So for them, Dalits are still impure. Even if we lie for politics that we want coordination, we want to move ahead together, it is only for statistics so that our vote calculations are correct. That is why Baba Saheb Dr. Ambedkar’s constitution forces us to do this because he has given this arrangement, only then they (people from upper castes) can talk about such things. Otherwise they do not talk about the welfare of Dalits. That is why the abuses being hurled at the people of Faizabad are only due to Manuvadi thinking. Their Manuvadi thinking cannot be hidden anywhere.”

The result of elections is the fruition of humanist movements: Ramchandra Katiyar

On the other hand, Shoshit Samaj Dal’s national president Ramchandra Katiyar says that “First of all, BJP had declared [Ayodhya] as the stronghold of Hindu ideology and Brahminism. And they did so much propaganda that they will win the whole of India from here (Ayodhya). Now that they have lost, they are not worth showing their face. And see that wherever humanist movements are carried out, they definitely bear fruits. You see that in Tamil Nadu, where Periyar’s movement was carried out, BJP suffered a crushing defeat. In Maharashtra, where Baba Saheb Dr. Ambedkar’s ideas spread, BJP has suffered defeat. In Punjab, where the Adi Dharma movement was carried out, the egalitarian religion of the Sikhs

Where the BJP was established, it lost. And in Uttar Pradesh, where the Arjak Sangh movement was carried out, many people like Ramswaroop Verma and Periyar Lalai Singh Yadav fought against Brahmanism, BJP lost. So there is a ground against Brahmanism here. Then this time when the question of attack on the Constitution and reservation arose, the issue of ending democracy came up, people voted by breaking party lines. You must be aware that Lallu Singh, who was the BJP candidate, and belonged to the Thakur (Rajput) caste, had said in an election rally that the BJP needs four hundred more seats so that the Constitution can be changed. Ayodhya has dealt a severe blow to the Hindutva ideology. This is beyond the tolerance of the Hindutvaites. That is why they are speaking nonsense. Avdhesh Prasad ji has been an Ambedkarite from the beginning. Why only Ayodhya, look at Barabanki. The ground there has been socialist. There has also been leftist consciousness there. We can also say that when the westerly wind blew, it wiped out Hindutvaism. They are not capable of showing their face because they were saying that we have brought Ram, so bring us. All this was destroyed in this election. As far as Faizabad is concerned, the movement of Arjak Sangh was very popular here. Three regional conferences of Shoshit Samaj Dal and Arjak Sangh have been held here. Raghunath Singh Yadav from there has been the state president of Shoshit Samaj Dal. Apart from him, Mahadev Verma has also been the state president from there. Currently, its state president Ramniwas ji is also from there. The land of Faizabad has been revolutionary since a long time.”

American scholar Dr. Audrey Truschke, in a message on her Twitter handle on June 6, 2024, quoted paragraph 158.2 of the report of the Liberhan Commission, formed to investigate the Babri demolition, which was presented in the Indian Parliament in 2009, in which it is said in essence that the common people had no interest in Ayodhya during the Ram Mandir movement.

Hatred towards Dalits and resentment of BJP’s defeat: Virendra Yadav

The same thing is said by the famous Hindi critic Virendra Yadav. According to him, “BJP’s defeat in Ayodhya is a very big event. This is not just BJP’s defeat on one seat and India Alliance’s victory, but it is the defeat of the central issue of the election, Ram Mandir. The propaganda being done on social media about the people of Ayodhya after Awadhesh Prasad’s victory, is rooted in their thinking that there is a Ram Mandir there and BJP has lost there, which they are unable to digest. And the biggest thing is that it was a general seat. The victory of a Dalit candidate on a general seat is not acceptable to them in any way. So in the propaganda by them, there is hatred towards Dalits and also resentment of BJP’s defeat. Such an environment is being created due to both of these. I think it is very unfortunate that the people of Ayodhya are being blamed for the results of an election held under a democratic process. These are the same people who do not know the real situation of Ayodhya. What was destroyed in the name of Ram temple in Ayodhya and how many people lost their jobs. They also do not know what the construction of Ram temple in Ayodhya means for the residents there. For people from outside, it may be a matter of religious faith. But there are many people there, whose lands were taken away and they were not given compensation, there are many people whose shops were demolished. Overall, there is such an environment in Ayodhya or Faizabad, due to which BJP lost there. It is not that Hindutva forces have lost in Faizabad or Ayodhya for the first time. Mitrasen Yadav kept winning from there even in the years after the Babri demolition incident. The propaganda that is being done on social media now is the ill effect of the poison spread by the BJP about that place. And it is not that BJP has lost only from Faizabad, but it has lost in many surrounding seats. The message is very clear that now the politics of hatred is not going to work for long and for a long distance.




MP News: Brutality with Dalit in MP… When he did not leave the ground, the bullies tore his skin, broke his hands

POSTED ON JUNE 8, 2024



Chhatarpur: A shameful incident has come to light in Chhatarpur district of Madhya Pradesh. Here the bullies beat up a Dalit and tore his skin. After the incident, the injured middle-aged Dalit has been admitted to the district hospital. Where he is being treated. The Dalit with whom the crime has been committed has been identified as Raju Ahirwar.

Edited By Sanjay Chaturvedi | Reported by Jai Prakash

Actually, the case is of Chauka village of Matganwa police station area of ??Chhatarpur district. Where 40-year-old Raju Ahirwar, who lives there, was beaten up by the bully Dharam Singh and his brothers living in the same village. The bullies first hit the victim Raju, who was walking on the road, with a Bolero car, then dragged the seriously injured person and tore his skin by hitting him with an iron object on his back. When the victim fainted due to the beating, the accused fled. After the incident, Raju Ahirwar fainted and remained lying there. On receiving the information, the family members took him home from where they called the ambulance. The family members say that Raju was unconscious, so he was taken to the police station and later to the hospital in the ambulance. However, the police have registered a case under minor sections in this entire matter and started investigation. At the same time, the accused who committed the crime are said to be absconding.

The bullies want to capture the land worth crores.

Raju Ahirwar and his family say that a four-line road is passing through his land. Due to which the value of the land has gone up to crores. The village bully Dharam Singh and his brother want us to leave this land and run away from the village. They have been demanding the land from us for a long time. On refusing, they have been threatening to kill us for the last several months.

The family was imprisoned in the house due to fear for many months.

The Dalit family says that for the last several months, Dharam Singh and his brother were threatening to kill us for capturing the land. This was the reason why we were not leaving the house for many months. If we had to go somewhere, the family members used to go together. Victim Raju says that he had left the house to get medicine. But Dharam Singh and his brothers, who had already set up a house, first hit him with a Bolero and later tore the skin of his back with some iron object. In the incident, Raju has serious injuries on his back and both his hands have been broken.

A youth who went to buy gutkha behaved rudely, kissed the shopkeeper woman when she asked for money, now the police will take further action

The family is living in the shadow of fear

The entire family of Raju Ahirwar is living in the shadow of fear. The family members have reached the SP office and given a complaint application and asked for help. At the same time, Chhatarpur SP Agam Jain says that the police is taking action in the matter. If needed, the sections will be increased and the accused will be arrested soon.

About the author
Sanjay Chaturvedi
I work for Madhya Pradesh-Chhattisgarh in Navbharat Times Digital. In journalism, I have joined Navbharat Times from Asianet News Network. After starting work from Indore city, now my workplace is Bhopal.


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