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Justice Rohini commission member backs caste census, sub-categorisation of SCs/STs
JK Bajaj supports a caste census and sub-categorisation of SC/STs, aligning with a recent Supreme Court ruling.
“Personally, I am for caste census,” Bajaj said. “Since we are doing 50% of our admissions and appointments on the basis of caste, not having the data is like keeping ourselves in the dark. “ It is, however, unclear whether the Rohini Commission has also supported the census. Since it was submitted last year in August, the commission’s report has been lying with the President of India’s office and Bajaj refused to confirm its contents. While the Opposition is united in its demand for such a census, the Bhartiya Janata Party is in a quandary with its allies like the Lok Janshakti Party supporting it, but others being opposed to implementing it nation wide.
“It isn’t a very easy thing to do. For OBC castes there is a central and state list but the government will also have to prepare a list of forward castes, as there are many in that list too who want to claim OBC status. For instance, you have the case of the Marathas in Maharashtra,’’ said Bajaj. He also completely rejected the idea that Congress’ Rahul Gandhi had put the government on the backfoot on the issue of caste representation. “Caste census is a larger demand than Rahul Gandhi. Socialist parties have also been asking for it , and many in BJP want it too. The Congress has only picked it up now.”
The top court’s ruling earlier this month, that state governments have the authority to create subclassifications within the Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) for the purpose of preferential reservations (as long as this based on data), has opened the door for states to identify and provide targeted benefits to the most disadvantaged sub-groups within the broader SC/ST categories. Following the judgement, the union cabinet ruled out the court’s suggestion of instituting income based exclusions in the SC/ST quotas.
But Bajaj sees merit in the court’s order.
“Sub-categorisation in Dalits and Adivasis is even more needed than for OBCs,” said Bajaj, “The data I have been looking at shows great differential from caste to caste within SC/STs, “ he said. The Rohini Commission member has written to the government to record the caste of every person who avails reservation in jobs and educational institutes.
“The data on quota usage will show which caste has got how much. It will be more important than data on population and, captured in entirety, will be crucial for our reservation system to be just and inclusive,” he said. At present, government records show simply the number of admissions and appointments made through quotas, without giving a split by caste. The Rohini Commission studied data linked to 100,000 admissions under the OBC quota in central education institutes and 130,000 recruitments in the central government between 2015 and 2018. It found that a quarter of the share of benefits went to just 10 OBC castes, another quarter to 38 castes, a third quarter to 102 castes and under a fourth (22.3%) to 506 castes . A staggering 983 castes got no benefits while 994 jousted for just 2.68% of the benefits.
Odisha Assembly proceedings were disrupted over demand for a caste Census by Congress
Updated - August 27, 2024 08:14 pm IST
Published - August 27, 2024 07:33 pm IST - BHUBANESWAR
Congress MLA Tara Prasad Bahinipati climbs on the Speaker’s podium along with other Congress and BJD MLAs in a protest demanding caste-based census during the ongoing Budget session of Assembly, in Bhubaneswar, Tuesday (Aug. 27, 2024). | Photo Credit: PTI
The Odisha government is considering increasing reservations for scheduled caste (SC) and schedule tribe (ST) students during admission into technical education courses in the State.
At present, the State provides 20% reservation SC and ST Students in State Government technical colleges in admissions as against their 39.98% of the total population.
https://www.syllad.com/meghalaya-assembly-rejects-bill-moved-by-vpp-for-providing-reservation-of-non-creamy-layer-of-scheduled-tribes/
Water cannons stop Cong SC cell’s CM house gherao
https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/bhopal/water-cannons-stop-cong-sc-cells-cm-house-gherao/articleshow/112846614.cms
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Caste crime aid restored, payments cut
https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/chennai/caste-crime-aid-restored-with-payment-cuts-in-tamil-nadu/articleshow/112848310.cms
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Who is more transparent about Dalit literature? Only Dalits
Writing about Dalit experiences requires more than empathy. It demands an understanding of the struggles in a deeply hierarchical society.
Published Aug 15, 2024 | 9:00 AM ⚊UpdatedAug 15, 2024 | 9:00 AM
Sukirtharani and Perumal Murugan.
Dalit voices in Tamil literature have emerged as powerful narratives that bring to light the struggles and resilience of marginalised communities. However, the depth and authenticity of experiences presented can be fully understood only by Dalits, opined Tamil poet Sukirtharani. She made the observation at the Book Brahma Literature Festival that concluded recently in Bengaluru.
'Name a Dalit': BJP, Cong spar over CM face in Haryana amid caste census debate
https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/name-a-dalit-bjp-cong-spar-over-cm-face-in-haryana-amid-caste-census-debate/articleshow/112868568.cms
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A Dalit comedians’ collective sheds light on marginalised communities with new open mic series
A collective of Dalit comedians is amplifying voices from marginalised communities through a new series of inclusive open mics in the city
Devashish Kamble
City-based comedian Ravi Gaikwad remembers dropping out of an engineering course at a renowned institute in Mumbai following snide casteist comments from his peers. “I didn’t tell my parents about it. I didn’t know how to,” he recalls. Three years later now, he retells the story at stand-up comedy shows to a mix of roaring laughter, hesitant chuckles, and admittedly, a fair share of disapproval. Blue Material, a collective of comedians from the Dalit community co-founded by Gaikwad, has many such stories coloured in irony to tell. This weekend, they open the stage to the city with an open mic series.
“Starting a discussion around caste is like convincing a child to finish the greens on their plate. You know It’s good for you, yet, it’s almost always frowned upon. Through our collective, we’re making the greens more palatable. Using humour, you can slip in some important conversations in your jokes that people will gladly consume,” laughs Gaikwad, who finds inspiration in African-American comedians such as Dave Chappelle, Chris Rock, and Jerrod Carmichael. “After dropping out, I binge-watched stand-up comedy videos coming out of the black community. It mirrored my life experiences to a great extent,” he reveals.
For co-founder Ankur Tangade, this isn’t her first rodeo. “I came out as queer before I came out as Dalit. The latter was considerably harder. The initial response from those closest to me was that of surprise. ‘But you don’t look Dalit,’ some of them would point out. I never understood what that meant,” she reveals. Just a few years ago, Tangade would have taken to the comment well. “I spent a fair chunk of my initial days trying to fit in. Writing generic jokes that the privileged audiences would enjoy made me feel included. But while other comics would proudly flaunt their identities and title their sets ‘Marwari weddings’ or ‘Pooja shenanigans at home’, I was busy hiding my Dalit identity.”
For many like Tangade, the open mic will offer a judgement-free and inclusive environment. “The series marks our foray into taking comedians from other marginalised groups like the trans community under our wings. “One of the earliest conversations we had was whether we wanted to be a group of comedians doing Dalit comedy, or a group of Dalit comedians doing comedy. We chose the latter. At our open mics, you don’t have to talk about your struggles. It’s your voice and you get to decide what to do with it. Along the way, we recognised that the divisions within the marginalised communities was holding us back. The goal now is to pull others like us up,” Gaikwad explains.
While the audiences seem to have warmed up to the idea, reflected in the healthy mix of Bahujan and upper-caste spectators at most shows, we learn that the problem runs deeper. “The stand-up comedy fraternity has mixed views about us. A few A-listers have shown their displeasure, claiming that our material only works because of the shock value. Once, at a gathering, a popular comedian joked, ‘Ab comedy mein bhi reservation hoga’. Unfortunately, the comment was met with laughter,” recalls Tangade. Gaikwad adds, “Caste remains a taboo in the industry that we work in. We have been dropped out of multiple brand sponsorships in the past, citing the controversial nature of our work.”
Nonetheless, the collective persists. Following the open mic series, which will continue to be held every Saturday, the comedians are now working on writing sketch comedy shows and digital content. “Blue comedy is much more than a genre or a theme. With stand-up comedy, we have merely scratched the surface. There exist immensely talented individuals in the fields of writing, acting, and production as well. We are excited to see what the future holds for us,” the duo signs off.
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Rape of a teenager in Agra; BJP leader Premchand Kushwaha now booked under POCSO Act, court approves police remand – Agra Dalit Teenager Rape Case
The police had earlier sent the accused BJP leader Premchand Kushwaha to jail for disturbing the peace. When Jatav Mahapanchayat, BSP, SP and Congress opened a front against the police action in the case of rape of a Dalit teenager, now the police had also sought remand of the BJP leader from the court under POCSO Act.
Agra: The troubles of BJP leader Premchand Kushwaha, who went to jail in the case of rape of a Dalit teenager in a marriage home located in Tal Feroz Khan of Sadar police station area, have increased. On the application of the police, the court has ordered to take the BJP leader on remand under POCSO Act.
The police had earlier sent the accused BJP leader Premchand Kushwaha to jail for disturbing the peace. When Jatav Mahapanchayat, BSP, SP and Congress opened a front against the police action in the case of rape of a Dalit teenager, now the police had also sought remand of the BJP leader from the court under the POCSO Act.
ACP Sadar Sukanya Sharma said that the remand of BJP leader Premchand Kushwaha has been approved by the court in the case of POCSO Act and rape. Fair and strict action is being taken in this case.
Let us tell you that on August 21, the driver of former BJP district general secretary Premchand Kushwaha raped a teenager in a marriage home. This marriage home belongs to the BJP leader. The accused BJP leader is the national secretary of the All India Kushwaha Mahasabha.
The police arrested the driver of the BJP leader, Bhima alias Bhimsen, and sent him to jail. The victim’s family also accused BJP leader Premchand. On which, due to the BJP MLAs of Agra, the police first worked to save the BJP leader.
Then BSP supremo Mayawati posted on X and a panchayat of the society was held. After this, the Sadar police station sent the BJP leader to jail for disturbing peace after the ruckus. Now on the order of the court, the police has also imposed the POCSO Act on the BJP leader.
Agra police came on the backfoot after politics: The case of rape of a teenager from Dalit society got heated up. Jatav Mahapanchayat created a ruckus. When the panchayat was held, BSP, SP and Congress also came forward to help the victim. As soon as politics started regarding the case of rape of a Dalit teenager, the police came on the backfoot.
The police had filed an application in the court by making BJP leader Premchand Kushwaha an accused in the POCSO Act. In which the police has also made the building owner an accused as per the provision in the POCSO Act. There was a debate between the advocates of the plaintiff side and the accused BJP leader regarding this.
Demand to run a bulldozer on Baba Marriage Home: Dr. Ambedkar follower Ekta Foundation and Jatav Mahapanchayat demand that the UP government take strict action against the BJP leader. Action like Ayodhya and Unnao should be taken in Agra. Jatav Mahapanchayat demands that CM Yogi should run a bulldozer on the marriage home of the BJP leader in Agra as well.
Fair action should be taken in the rape case of a Dalit girl. Jatav Mahapanchayat President Dharampal Singh said that the marriage home of the BJP leader should be demolished. This marriage home was built illegally. The victim should get housing from the government and financial assistance of Rs 20 lakh should be given.
Courtesy : Hindi News
Jharkhand News: Dalit murdered by slitting throat in Jharkhand
Jharkhand News: This incident is from Swang North Panchayat of Gomia police station area in Bermo. The body of Mukesh Kumar (35 years), a Dalit youth of Karmatia village, was found at the foot of a hill some distance from his house on Wednesday.
Mukesh’s murder created a sensation in the entire village. Police has started investigating the matter. Villagers told that in the morning some women had gone to the hill for defecation. At the same time, the body of the villager was lying near the road. The women immediately informed the villagers about this. Villagers informed the Gomia police about the incident.
Gomia police station in-charge arrived and started investigation and interrogation. There is a mark of a cut made by a sharp weapon on the neck of the deceased. It is being speculated that the murder has been committed at some other place. Then the body has been disposed of behind the hill near the village. It is said that the villager had left the house on Tuesday evening. He had not returned home since then. Villagers told that he was seen till late evening. There is no information after that. The deceased late. Mahendra is the son of Ravidas. He has two more brothers, one elder and one younger. The elder brother works in CCL while the younger brother works in Mumbai. The deceased’s mother Phaguni Devi and sister-in-law are crying inconsolably. The villagers are demanding an immediate investigation of the incident with the help of a sniffer dog.
Courtesy : Hindi News
Who Is Satish Kumar? First Dalit Chairman, CEO of Railway Board
Satish Kumar has been appointed as the new chairman and chief executive officer of the Railway Board, as per a government order issued on Tuesday. Kumar, an officer of the Indian Railways Management Service (IRMS), will be the first member from the Scheduled Caste community to hold this prestigious position. He will assume office on September 1, succeeding Jaya Varma Sinha, who is retiring on August 31.
Edited by: Anurag Kumar
New Delhi: Satish Kumar, an officer of the Indian Railways Management Service (IRMS), has been appointed as the chairman and chief executive officer of the Railway Board, according to a government order issued on Tuesday. This appointment marks Kumar as the first Scheduled Caste community member to hold the board’s top position. His tenure will commence on September 1, succeeding Jaya Varma Sinha, retiring on August 31. Sinha, who took on the role on September 1 last year, made history as the first woman to serve as the CEO of the Railway Board.
“The Appointments Committee of the Cabinet (ACC) has approved the appointment of Shri Satish Kumar, Indian Railway Management Service (IRMS), Member (Traction & Rolling Stock), Railway Board to the post of Chairman & Chief Executive Officer (CEO), Railway Board,” an order from the department of personnel & training (DoPT) said on Tuesday. It added the appointment is in the apex pay scale (pay level 17 as per the 7th central pay commission).
Who Is Satish Kumar?
Satish Kumar, a 1986-batch officer of the Indian Railway Service of Mechanical Engineers (IRSME), has had a distinguished career spanning over 34 years with notable contributions to the railways. He served as the Divisional Railway Manager (DRM) for the Lucknow division on Northern Railway from April 2017 to 2019. Before his current role as General Manager of North Central Railway, Kumar was the Senior Deputy General Manager and Chief Vigilance Officer at North Western Railway in Jaipur.
“In recognition of his vast experience and contributions to the Indian Railways, Kumar was recently appointed as the MTRS, a key position that oversees the critical aspects of traction and rolling stock across railways,” an HT report cited a railways official. “Now, he will ascend to the highest level of Indian Railways as the Chairman of the Railway Board (CRB), where he will play a pivotal role in shaping the future of the railway network in India.”
On July 29, the Union government issued an order appointing Jaya Varma Sinha, the current chairperson of the Railway Board, as an administrative member of the Central Administrative Tribunal (CAT).
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In the budget of 2024-25, the Odisha government wants to implement a development work plan for scheduled castes and tribes!
The ongoing budget consultation for 2024-2025 by the government of Odisha must not be a ritual to follow like their predecessors; rather it must include the real concerns with the special allocations for the Dalit and Adivasi which represent a considerable segments of Odisha’s population. The concept of a separate allocation in the budget for SCs and ST development has been mandated by the erstwhile Planning commission during the 5th five year plan.
Manas Jena
This is called the Development Action Plan for Scheduled Castes (DAPSC) and Development action Plan for Scheduled Tribes(DAPST) in place of scheduled caste sub plan and the tribal sub plan used earlier. Under this provision, funds are earmarked in annual budget by both union and state government for the welfare of SCs and STs. In the early eighties, the then Planning Commission observed that the annual budgetary spending of different Ministry and departments did not equally benefit all sections of people, especially the SCs and STs are remain outreached. As per 2011 census, the SCs and STs constitute about one- fourth of the population of our country but ironically, the development of this segment of population has been historically neglected for number of reasons.
So, in order to bridge the development gap between SC /ST and other advanced social groups and to ensure their inclusion in the government’s planned developmental spending, a special component plan outlay within the total state plan expenditure is made .The allocation percentage is decided on the basis of their population percentage. Unfortunately, such an important plan of the Govt. that is directly connected to the development of the marginalized groups has not been grounded effectively even after more than 40 years of its existence. There is no foolproof mechanism to track the fund allocation and its utilization by different departments. However, every year there are notional allocations only.
The replacement of the planning commission with NITI Aayog in 2015 has changed the business rules and the implementation process. In the new arrangement, the Ministry of finance, MSJE and MoTA have to monitor these provisions based on the overall framework developed by NITI Aayog. From the budget year 2017-2018, the planned and non-planned expenditure has been merged in case of this special provision. In the new arrangement a total of 39 ministry/ departments for SCs and 42 departments for STs have been allocating funds under different schemes ,about 250 schemes, exclusively for their inclusion. The statement 10 A – allocation for welfare of SCs and 10 B-allocation for welfare of STs of the expenditure profile of the union budget has made a list of such allocations.
The total budget allocation of the schemes and programs under different ministries and departments where DAPSC allocation have been made during the year 2022-2023 is Rs9.04,541 crore out of which Rs 1,42,342 crore have been allocated for the welfare of SCs which is 15.74 percent of the total allocation under the identified schemes. Similarly, 42 ministries have allocated Rs87,584 crore out of total Rs12,28,361 in the year 2022-2023 under different central schemes and central supported schemes for welfare of STs which is 7.13 percent of the total budget.
The NITI Aayog has issued guidelines for earmarking of funds but mostly these are advisory in the absence of legislative backing to fix accountability. There has been a demand for many to introduce a suitable central legislation to make the provision meaningful, but, things are getting delayed in the absence of the political will.
The states, such as Karnataka, AP and Telengana, have enacted legislation in their states for better monitoring of these Subplan funds. The AP SCSP and TSP (planning, allocation and utilization of financial resources Act 2012 and the Karnataka SCSP and TSP (Planning ,allocation and utilization of financial resources )Act 2013 are seen as the right step to ensure its effective implementation in spite of limitations.
What is the government of Odisha doing on this matter?
In this context, the 17thLoksabha parliamentary committee on the welfare of SCs and STs, comprising of 30 MPs from both houses, in their report, noticed a number of anomalies in the implementation of the plan. While examining the schemes under allocation for the welfare of SCs and STs under different centrally-sponsored schemes and central sector schemes, the committee headed by its chairperson, Dr. KiritPremi Bhai Solanki, MP, has recommended that all state Govt. should be instructed to submit annual reports giving details of sector-wise and scheme-wise financial and physical targets achieved for better transparency and accountability. They also observed that many of the schemes have failed to deliver desirable results due to lack of effective management among Ministries, NITI Aaayog and state Govt. The committee has taken note of non-allocation of funds in proportion to the population by many states , such as Assam and Jharakhand. Referring to a report of CAG, it is observed that funds earmarked for this intent have been diverted for other purposes. Though finance ministry has instructed to all concern that the appropriation of funds from SC and STs heads to other head is barred. The funds in some cases have diverted to such institutions which are no way related to the development of SCs and STs. The most shocking part of it was the non utilization of funds within the financial year and its return. The committee has also observed that there have been notional allocations to the budget, but the real spending is much less. There were also delays in release of funds affecting timely implementation of schemes and funds remain largely not being utilized. It is denial of development to socially marginalised sections by denying them of their due share in the budget. It has a bearing on the livelihood and living standards of these people. In recent times, the Govt. of India has started an online e-utthaan under Public finance management system to track the spending but this is more as generating data without addressing the real issues. Therefore, the advisory, guide line and executive instructions which are not being followed by ministry and states in true spirit must be replaced by legislation to mitigate the issues of non-implementation and the violation of provisions.Along with legislation, the government must encourage social audit and involve people at each stage, from planning to impact assessment.
(manasbbsr15@gmail.com,Mob-9437060797)
SC sub-classification: Criminalising Dalit beneficiaries is not the way forward
It may be true that certain Scheduled Castes have benefitted more, but there are several problems with the usage of words such as ‘appropriation’ or ‘cornering’, because it criminalises those SCs who, despite various odds, managed to obtain visible benefits of reservation.
Written by:Sumeet Mhaskar
The recent Supreme Court judgement on the sub-classification of reservations is a turning point for the provisions meant for Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs). The judgement seeks to address the long-standing demand of those SCs who have been left behind or benefitted less from the reservation in higher education and public employment. As expected, SCs who have benefitted less have welcomed the decision. However, it is important to note that several anti-reservationists have also enthusiastically supported the judgement on social media, arguing that ‘real’ SCs should benefit from the reservation policies and those who have benefitted for several generations should be excluded. This perspective fails to consider the historical context that led to the current situation.
It may be true that certain SCs have benefitted more, but there are several problems with the usage of words such as appropriation or cornering the benefits. The central problem, in my view, is that such characterisation criminalises those SCs who, despite various odds, managed to obtain visible benefits of reservation in government employment and higher education. It creates massive hatred towards them for utilising the reservation provisions. It is important to remember that those SCs who have benefitted slightly more are also victims of caste discrimination, including the practices of untouchability. Despite the economic mobility of a tiny section of SCs, they continue to experience caste-based discrimination.
The first problem with usage such as appropriation and cornering of reservation by certain SCs is that it overlooks the role of political parties in power, bureaucrats, and officials responsible for implementing the reservation policies. Regardless of ideology, political parties in power have been extremely hostile towards caste-based reservations. Government officials and those controlling government-funded institutions actively subverted reservation in employment and higher education. This is not just a minor problem, it is a systemic issue that has been widely documented. Strong political mobilisation by Dalit organisations compelled governments to implement reservation policies. For instance, the powerful mobilisations by the Dalit Panthers in Maharashtra in the 1970s and 1980s. The arrival of political parties with a Dalit mass base in the 1990s, especially with the entry of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) on the national scene, has increased the pressure on the governing classes to implement the reservation policy.
The SCs who benefitted slightly more are the ones who remained at the forefront of Dalit politics and struggled for effective implementation of the reservation policy. Despite their mobilisation, thousands of job vacancies for SCs and STs still remain vacant in government offices. It is often noticed that the selection committees overtly reject the most qualified SC person by stating that the candidate is ‘Not Found Suitable’ (NFS). Even after 75 years of Independence, the castes who have benefitted from reservation have not managed to obtain jobs as faculty members at the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) and the Indian Institute of Management (IIM). The Times of India reported in March 2019 that of the total faculty members in the IITs, the proportion of SCs is 2.23% and STs merely 0.31%. Similarly, of the total faculty members in IIMs, the proportion of SCs is 0.8% and STs is 0.2%. In both the cases, as per the reservation policies, the expected proportion of SCs should have been 15% and STs should have been 7.5%. The situation is no different in several universities and research institutions. The judiciary does not follow caste-based reservation, and other government offices have kept SC and ST seats vacant for a long time.
It is clear that varied mechanisms have been deployed by those at the helm of decision-making to subvert the mandate of reservation policies. The judiciary has never taken suo motu cognisance to intervene in the violations of reservation provisions for SCs and STs. In the current judgement, the Supreme Court expressed its concerns about the SCs who are left behind while introducing sub-classification. This is contradictory to the Supreme Court’s judgement in the case of Economically Weaker Section (EWS) reservation for the General Category. It never took into account that some caste and religious groups benefitted most from the General Category than others. In the General Category, it is visibly evident that the Brahmin caste has a significant over-representation in higher education and public employment. However, the Supreme Court treated ‘poor’ as a homogenous category for the General Category people. It never ventured into the variations among caste and religious groups that benefitted least from the General Category.
The second problem with appropriation and cornering is that it suggests that SCs who benefitted slightly more, especially the Neo-Buddhist Mahars in Maharashtra or the Jatavs in Uttar Pradesh, are the groups that have actively blocked opportunities for the ones left behind. There is no concrete evidence that those SCs who have utilised the reservation policy have placed obstacles and denied other SCs access to the benefits offered by the state. Instead, it is equally evident that the beneficiaries of the social justice policies had to experience extremely hostile situations at the workplace, including traumatic situations leading to depression and suicide attempts.
As for higher education, there is a long history to showcase how higher educational institutions have subverted reservation policies. Those Dalit students who enter higher educational institutions perpetually experience caste discrimination from teachers, non-teaching staff, and fellow students. In several cases, this has forced Dalit students to die by suicide in India’s elite institutions such as the Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs) and the All India Institute of Medical Sciences.
The third problem with terming it appropriation and cornering of reservation benefits by certain SCs is that it overlooks the changes in political economy that directly impact the availability of government jobs and higher education opportunities. Since the economic liberalisation, jobs have shrunk in the public sector. Of the total secured jobs nationwide, merely 3.5% are in the public sector. Even within these public sector jobs, a large proportion are contractualised. For instance, contractual government jobs increased from 0.7 million in 2004-05 to 15.9 million in 2017-18. Data from the Public Enterprises Survey from 2012-2013 to 2021-22 shows a reduction in 2.7 lakh jobs in Central public sector enterprises (CPSEs) in India. As of March 2022, 42.5% of the jobs in Public Sector Undertakings were classified under the ‘contractual or casual workers’ category. These employees have no access to job security and the wide-ranging social security provisions that come along with it.
As for education, since the fiscal crisis of the 1980s, several public institutions have diversified their sources of funding. As a result, there has been a massive increase in self-financed public and private institutions. Overall, seats in government institutions have decreased and seats in private ones have increased. As of 2019, of the total colleges, 64.3% are private and unaided, 13.5% are private and aided, and merely 22.2% are managed and run by the government. Except for the institutions managed by the government, the fees in private institutions are comparatively higher. Furthermore, there is no reservation in the ‘minority’ institutions, defined in terms of religion, language and region. During the last decade and a half, there has been a massive expansion of private higher educational institutions that also do not follow caste-based reservation.
In private institutions, as the Yashpal Committee noted, fees are exorbitant and they have illegal capitation fees that range from Rs 1-10 million for engineering courses, Rs 20-40 million for MBBS courses, Rs 5-12 million for dental courses, and about Rs 30,000-50,000 for courses in arts and science colleges. Given the fact that the majority of SCs and STs have lower income levels, they cannot access private educational institutions. Thus, the changes in the higher education sector and in public sector employment have directly impacted the reservation provisions. Therefore, in addition to reservation of seats, there is a need to focus on financial support from the government to access private educational institutions.
For the factors mentioned above, it is important that SCs who have benefitted slightly more are not criminalised. This is a necessary step towards a healthy dialogue among the SCs who have benefitted slightly more and those who are left behind. The discussions between the SCs are important as the share of higher educational institutions and public employment has shrunk considerably. Therefore, the focus of the SCs and STs should be on pressuring the government to expand the opportunities in higher education and discontinue the contractualisation of jobs. At the same time, the government must ensure that SCs and STs are given business contracts so that they can be part of the private sector as owners of capital.
Furthermore, the government can incentivise private companies who have caste-based diversity in their workforce. Similarly, to gain access to private higher educational institutions, there is an urgent need to provide a large number of scholarships for SCs and STs. It is through dialogues in the changed political-economic context that hard-fought reservations for SCs and STs can be protected. Otherwise, the sub-classification of SCs might become a tool in the hands of political parties, bureaucrats, and those heading various institutions to subvert reservation policies.
Ludhiana: Sarpanch, aides hold four Dalit students captive in classroom, thrash them.
The accused allegedly assaulted the students of the Government Senior Secondary School in Gorsian Kadar Bakhsh village in Ludhiana’s Sidhwan Bet area with a stick and hurled casteist remarks; the staff of the school came to their rescue, but to no avail
By Tarsem Singh Deogan, Ludhiana ,
The sarpanch of Gorsian Kadar Bakhsh village in Sidhwan Bet area, and his aides allegedly held four Dalit students captive in their classroom and thrashed them with sticks, aware of the matter said.
They added that the police rescued the Class 12 students at least two hours later from the Government Senior Secondary School in the village.
The accused allegedly assaulted the students with a stick and hurled casteist remarks. The staff of the school came to their rescue, but to no avail. Later, the police intervened and rescued the students.
The Sidhwan Bet police registered a first-information report (FIR) against Jagdev Singh (sarpanch) and his aide Surjit Singh. Police said some accused are yet to be identified.
According to police, the incident comes as some girls had accused the students of stalking and harassing them. A case of stalking and harassment was registered against the students on Saturday.
Sidhwan Bet station-house officer (SHO) inspector Jasvir Singh said that according to a complaint by one of the students, the sarpanch and his aide barged into the classroom on Saturday even as a class was on. The accused made the teacher and other students leave the room and bolted the door from inside, the complainant said.
The complainant also alleged that the accused told the students that they would not let them study in the school. He added that the school staff tried to rescue them, but the accused did not open the door. Later, they called the police control room.
The inspector added that a case was registered under sections 115 (2) (voluntarily causing hurt), 127 (2) (wrongful confinement) and 190 (every member of unlawful assembly guilty of offence committed in persecution of common object) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) and a hunt is on to arrest the accused.
The SHO added that earlier on Saturday, the police had five minors and their unidentified aides for allegedly stalking and harassing schoolgirls.
The case was lodged following a complaint from a Class 11 girl. The girl had accused the boys of stalking her and her cousins for the past three months and harassing them.
After she shared the ordeal with her parents and the accused sarpanch, the sarpanch went to the school and allegedly confined the students.
Earlier, a gun-wielding woman stopped a school van ferrying at least 25 students at Samrala Bypass on July 11. The woman threatened the students at gunpoint to delete a purported video from their mobile phones, which she suspected the students had recorded from the window.
The Samrala police had registered an FIR against the woman.
Courtesy: Hindustan Times
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