06..01..2025...Untouchablity News.....अछूत समाचार.தீண்டாமை செய்திகள்.by Team சிவாஜி. शिवाजी .Shivaji.asivaji1962@gmail.com.9444917060.
Men kick Dalit boy in groin for playing Ambedkar song in Karnataka
When he shouted in pain, a crowd gathered and shifted him to the government hospital in Gubbi town.
TUMAKURU: A Dalit youth was left with a serious injury after two caste Hindus allegedly assaulted him for playing a song on Dr BR Ambedkar in a milk procurement van he was travelling in. The assault took place at Gidada Muddanahalli village in Gubbi taluk on Saturday evening.
The victim Deepu (19), a student from Sirivara village in Tumakuru Rural, who was tasked with procurement of milk from farmers, was travelling with the van driver Narasimha Murthy. Around 6pm, the accused, Chandrashekar, a gangman with Indian Railways, and his accomplice Narasimharaju, waylaid the van, pretending to be RPF personnel. They questioned the victim for playing a song on Ambedkar from the serial ‘Mahanayaka’.
They asked for the victim’s caste and when he revealed that he was from SC-Madiga community (Dalit caste), they dragged both Deepu and Narasimha Murthy out of the van and assaulted them. The accused kicked Deepu in his groin, leaving him with a severe injury. When he shouted in pain, a crowd gathered and shifted him to the government hospital in Gubbi town.
“Doctors saved his life. He has got nine stitches and is out of danger,” said Deepu’s uncle Srinivas. Dalit organisation members approached police on Sunday, following which the accused were booked under Section 307 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) and Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989.
Gubbi police sub-inspector Sunil told TNIE that the accused are absconding. SP KV Ashok said stringent action will be taken and the case will be investigated thoroughly.
Courtesy: The New Indian Express
50 Dalit families boycotted for Pocso case on upper caste man.
YADGIR: Fifty Dalit families in north Karnataka’s Yadgir district have been allegedly facing a social boycott for a month after a minor Dalit girl’s parents refused to withdraw charges of sexual assault against a 23-year-old upper caste man.
Police sources said the 15-year-old girl and the man were reportedly in a relationship and he allegedly sexually assaulted her on the pretext of marriage. The girl informed her parents in early Aug when she was five months pregnant. When the girl’s family asked the man to honour his word, his family allegedly rejected it, following which the girl’s parents filed a case under Pocso Act on Aug 12. Yadgir is about 500km from Bengaluru.
Following the complaint, upper caste members of the village called the girl’s parents for negotiations. However, the parents decided to proceed with the case. On Aug 13, the accused was arrested and remanded in judicial custody.
Angered by this, village’s upper caste leaders allegedly imposed a social boycott of about 250 Dalits residing in the village’s two colonies denying them access to grocery and stationery shops, temples, salons and public spaces. A purported audio clip of the boycott call has gone viral on social media.
However, Yadgir SP Sangeetha denied any evidence of the alleged situation in the village where she’s currently camping to broker peace. She urged village elders “to refrain from inhumane practices” such as boycott and ostracism. Vllagers have reportedly agreed to the SP’s request.
Courtesy: MSN
Tumakuru Shocker: Dalit Youth Assaulted for Playing ‘Jai Bhim’ Song, Railway Police Officer Among Accused
Tumakuru: In a shocking incident from Muddanahalli village in Gubbi taluk, two Dalit youngsters were allegedly assaulted for playing the song “Jai Bhim” in their milk delivery vehicle.
The accused, including Chandrashekhar, a railway police officer, and another individual, Narasimhraju, reportedly intercepted the car, hurled caste slurs, and physically attacked the victims.
The victims, identified as 19-year-old Deepu and Narasimha Murthy from Sirivara village, sustained injuries, with one suffering severe trauma to his private parts. Both are currently undergoing treatment at the Gubbi Public Hospital.
The incident occurred on Saturday evening when the victims were playing a song praising Dr. B.R. Ambedkar while traveling through Muddanahalli. The accused allegedly blocked their vehicle, demanded to know their caste, and threatened them against playing such songs before assaulting them.
A case has been registered at the Gubbi Police Station, and an investigation is underway.
Courtesy: The Hindustan Gazette
Dalit youth in Odisha tonsured, assaulted, and garlanded with slippers by casteist mob
The police in Odisha’s Jagatsinghpur district registered two first information reports in connection with an incident in which two Dalit youths accused of goat theft were assaulted, tonsured and garlanded with slippers.
The incident reportedly took place on December 27 in the jurisdiction of Biridi police station, according to Indian Express.
Odisha Congress leader Amiya Pandav brough attention to the case by sharing a video of the assault on X on Saturday morning.
Two men were allegedly chased by locals while they were transporting two goats in an auto rickshaw, claimed police officers. They were later rescued by the police, charged with theft, arrested and sent to judicial custody. They were eventually released on bail.
Seven persons have been booked for the assault under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Prevention of Atrocities Act, 1989, along with sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita.
In a complaint lodged on January 1, a victim’s father alleged that his son and a friend were returning from Simadala village when a group of locals stopped their autorickshaw near the Baredia bridge, close to the panchayat office. The group reportedly questioned his son’s name and place of origin.
“While they heard his name, they abused my son and his friend in obscene language by casting aspersions on their caste and accusing them of stealing goats,” the father’s complaint read.
He also alleged that the mob robbed a silver necklace belonging to his son during the assault.
Condemning the incident, Congress leader Pandav wrote on X: “Lawlessness is the prime feature of BJP [Bharatiya Janata Party] ruled Odisha. See how two Dalit youths were treated in Jagatsinghpur! Human dignity is in danger, shame on the double engine Sarkar [a synonym for the BJP state and central governments].”
Courtesy : Maktoob Media
Muzaffarpur shelter home horror: Brajesh Thakur, two others acquitted in SC/ST case
They will, however, remain in jail as they have been convicted by a Delhi court in 2020 and sentenced to life imprisonment in other cases
Updated - January 04, 2025 12:39 pm IST - Muzaffarpur
Brajesh Thakur. File
Brajesh Thakur, who allegedly sexually assaulted several girls at his shelter home in Bihar's Muzaffarpur district, was acquitted along with two of his associates by a special SC/ST court on Thursday (January 2, 2025) owing to "lack of evidence."
Thakur and his associates — Shaista Praveen alias Madhu and Krishna Kumar — will, however, remain in jail as they have been convicted by a Delhi court in 2020 and sentenced to life imprisonment in other cases related to the gruesome incidents that shook the conscience of the nation in 2018.
PM Modi hits out at Opposition over caste politics
In a veiled attack on the Opposition, the PM denounced their “continued demand” for a caste census and expressed concern over attempts to weaken rural unity.
He emphasised that while his government’s policies have energized rural areas, some forces are actively sowing “poison” to disrupt harmony.
“We must thwart these conspiracies and protect the common heritage of our villages,” Modi said, reaffirming his administration’s commitment to ensuring a dignified life for rural communities.
Speaking at the inauguration of the “Grameen Bharat Mahotsav,” the PM accused the previous governments of neglecting rural India. “For decades, they ignored rural India. Even years after independence, villages were deprived of basic necessities. Our government, however, is empowering rural areas and prioritising those left behind,” Modi asserted.
He criticised his predecessors for “neglecting” Scheduled Castes (SC), Scheduled Tribes (ST), and Other Backward Classes (OBCs), most of whom reside in rural regions. The neglect of the SC, ST and OBCs has led to migration, rising poverty, and a widening urban-rural gap, the PM asserted.
Highlighting rural development as key to achieving the goal of ‘developed India by 2047’, Modi pointed out that since 2014, the BJP government has prioritized rural uplift by improving living standards, reducing migration, and boosting local economies.
He underscored flagship initiatives like the ‘Swachh Bharat Mission’, which led to large-scale toilet construction, and the ‘PM Awas Yojna’, which resulted in millions of permanent homes.
The PM also discussed the ‘Jal Jeevan Mission’, aimed at providing clean drinking water to rural households. On healthcare, Modi highlighted the establishment of over 1.5 lakh ‘Ayushman Arogya Mandirs’, which offer medical services in villages. He claimed that digital technologies and telemedicine have enabled villagers to access top medical practitioners through platforms like ‘e-Sanjeevini’, benefitting millions.
Addressing rural economic growth, Modi called for continued support through government initiatives. He mentioned the ‘PM Kisan Samman Nidhi’ programme, which has provided nearly `3 lakh crore as direct financial assistance to farmers. The PM said agricultural loans have increased 3.5 times in the past decade.
Moreover, he mentioned the formation of over 9,000 ‘Farmer Producer Organizations’ and the issuance of ‘Kisan Credit Cards’ to farmers, now engaged in livestock and fisheries.
In a subtle critique of previous administrations, Modi remarked, “While some merely chanted slogans about eradicating poverty for decades, we are now seeing tangible results.”
Citing consistent rise in Minimum Support Prices (MSPs) for various crops, he reaffirmed his government’s commitment to rural prosperity. “When the intentions are good, the results are evident,” he said, attributing the progress to sustained efforts of his government over the past decade.
Referring to a recent survey, the PM highlighted that rural consumption has nearly tripled since 2011, indicating greater purchasing power. He observed that, for the first time since independence, rural households are spending less than 50% of their income on food, a sign of improved living standards. He added that a narrowing consumption gap between rural and urban areas reflects the success of his government’s rural-centric policies.
Modi also referred to a study by the State Bank of India, which indicated a significant decline in rural poverty from approximately 26% in 2012 to less than 5% in 2024. Modi reiterated that his government’s focus on basic amenities such as toilets and permanent housing has positively impacted millions of rural lives.
The ‘Grameen Bharat Mahotsav 2025’, themed on “Building a Resilient Rural India for a Viksit Bharat,” will continue until January 9.
The Reservation Tug-of-War in J&K Puts Political Parties in a Tight Spot
Jan 04, 2025
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The controversy over Jammu and Kashmir’s reservation policy presents a significant political challenge for the three-month-old Omar Abdullah-led government. This became evident when the National Conference (NC) MP Aga Syed Ruhullah recently joined general category students protesting outside the chief minister’s residence, demanding a rationalisation of reservation policies that have undergone significant changes over the past five years.
With these changes, the reserved category for educational institutes and government jobs in J&K has become nearly 60%. This includes 20% reservations for the Schedule Tribes (STs), 8% for Scheduled Castes (SCs), 8% for Other Backward Classes (OBCs), 10% for backward areas, 10% for economically weaker sections, 4% for residents along the Line of Control and international border.
In addition, there is a provision of 4% reservation for children of Defence Personnel and police personnel, and 2% for sports category candidates. After the new government took over, it formed a three-member cabinet sub-committee on November 22, 2024 with a mandate “to assess existing reservation framework and ensure it is fair and equitable.”
Prima facie, the reservation issue seems to be grounded in routine claims and counter-claims of communities in the context of lobbying for affirmative action in their favour. However, the whole controversy around it is not merely a debate around meritocracy, often deployed by upper caste and upper class groups, and the argument that affirmative action is required owing to socio-historical realities. There are many reasons why the raging acrimony over the reservation policy requires a close scrutiny.
First, in a region beleaguered by militancy for the last thirty-five-years, any issue, which is directly linked to the youth, should logically attract immediate attention. Second, the issue is a perfect example of problems arising out of over-centralisation and hasty decisions taken in a former state which has multiple layers of complexity which are difficult to comprehend even with several years of studying the subject. Third, the whole issue requires greater understanding of the context, chronology and unpacking at various levels, including its salience, causation, the effects and bigger systemic defects as it touches on many crucial aspects of federalism in India. Above all, the raging debate on the issue has the potential to further deepen the existing fissures within J&K.
Counter terrorism literature often cites the need for a customised approach to understand the triggers of radicalisation. In J&K, any factor that is leading to youth unrest can be ignored at one’s own peril. Close to 28.5% of J&K’s population fall within the 15–29 age group, a vulnerable group for potential militant recruitment. In the recent past, educated militant recruits have included a PhD scholar. In addition, according to the latest quarterly Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS), J&K now has the highest unemployment rate of 32% among jobseekers in the same age group in the urban areas across India. It is in this context that the protest over the reservation policy is taking place.
The immediate genesis of the present flare-up over reservation is the 2020 decision of the Jammu and Kashmir State Administrative Council (SAC), an executive authority of bureaucrats created after governor’s rule was imposed in Jammu and Kashmir in 2018. The council issued a notification for reservation for Pahari-speaking people in both government jobs and educational institutions.
This decision was among many orders that were issued hurriedly to prove to the national as well as the international audience that the abrogation of Article 370 had been in the interest of the people of J&K. The hurried decisions were taken to demonstrate to the outside world that the otherwise marginalised groups, who were once ignored in J&K, had been given extended guarantees of the Indian constitution in the new context.
While extending domicile rights and reservation benefits to some of the earlier ignored and marginalised groups such as Valmikis, a Dalit group, and the 1947 refugees from neighbouring Pakistani Punjab, who are also mostly from the Dalit community, was justifiably done and highlighted, it made a marginal difference to the polity, as the absolute number of these communities was quite small in J&K.
Also read: 2024: The Year of Realisation in Kashmir
The big potential change came with the consideration of a demand by a linguistic group, that is, the Pahari community for ST status or benefits. The Pahari language, as it is recognised today, was once construed to be one of the dialects of Punjabi. It got separate recognition in the 1911 Census in J&K. The catch here is that the Pahari speaking community comprises upper caste Hindus as well as upper caste Muslims and it is the language spoken by people along the areas near the Line of Control (LoC) in both Kashmir Valley and Jammu.
Hindu and Sikh migrants from across the LoC, who migrated in 1947, speak this language, although many of them have since passed away. At a practical level, in all socio-economic classes, there was and still exists a fluidity and cross-fertilisation among Dogri, Pahari and Punjabi speakers due to familial ties and vast similarities in the three languages. For instance, a person can speak all three languages with ease as it is common that he or she or they have immediate family members from all the three groups.
Pahari speakers were the third largest in terms of population after Kashmiri-speaking people and Dogri speakers in undivided J&K. In fact, the three akin-language speakers comprised 1.2 million in population as compared to 1.1 million Kashmiri-speaking population in undivided J&K, as per the 1911 Census. The bulk of the Pahari speakers live across the LoC and in the UK. The territory of Pakistan controlled Jammu and Kashmir, with ten districts, as per the 2017 census, has an estimated population of 4.45 million. Since the linguistic data is unavailable for Pakistan-controlled Jammu and Kashmir, it is hard to find the exact number or proportion of Pahari speakers across the LoC.
After the abrogation of Article 370, many decisions that followed were marked with confusion. As there was hardly any provision or precedent to give ST status to a linguistic community, the decision taken to accord Paharis ST status was no different. Initially, the Pahari community was placed under the category of Socially and Economically Backward Classes (SEBC) on 20 April 2020 – a separate category from the Scheduled Castes or Scheduled Tribes – and they were given 4% percent reservation.
This didn’t satisfy the Paharis whose vote was critical for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to expand beyond Hindus living in the plains in any future elections. In November 2022, a decision of the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes (NCST) cleared the way for the inclusion of the Pahari ethnic group in the ST list of the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir.
The grant of ST status to Paharis has triggered protests from Gujjars and Bakarwals, who are predominantly Muslim communities in Jammu and Kashmir. At a practical level, before Paharis were given the ST status, Gujjar-Bakarwal formed nearly 99% of the ST population in J&K. Gujjar, Bakarwal, Sippis, Balti, Changpa, Mon, Drokpa, Garra, Purigpa and Bot, Botto were the ST communities in the former state.
The Gujjar-Bakarwal population in Jammu and Kashmir perceives the grant of ST status to Paharis as a threat, fearing it could potentially erode their existing benefits. One of the most prominent and emotional protests came from Chowdhary Masood, a revered figure in the Gujjar-Bakarwal community and a retired senior police officer, who, despite being terminally ill and on his deathbed, protested against the ST reservation for the Pahari community. The Gujjar leadership dispute the Paharis’ claim of being tribal, alleging that the latter have no similarity with the tribals except their language and comprise people from diverse caste groups, including upper-caste Muslims and Hindus.
On the other hand, the Pahari leaders point out that only Bakarwals, who are nomadic tribes, actually fulfil the criterion for tribals. They argued that Gujjars, many of whom are settled and are no longer nomadic, share the socio-economic conditions of Paharis. The Bakarwals are nomads and have flocks of goat and sheep, whereas the bulk of Gujjars are settled and dairy farming is the main occupation for a part of the community.
As per official figures of 2017, nearly 32% Gujjars and Bakarwals have nomadic and semi-nomadic characteristics, with the majority of Gujjars being settled. The fact is that, similar to Hindu Gujjars in parts of North India, particularly in states like Delhi, Haryana, and Punjab, Muslim Gujjars in J&K have traditionally been involved in dairy farming. Notably, in undivided Punjab, the 1901 census reported a significant population of approximately 0.46 million Gujjar Muslims. However, following the 1947 partition, the Gujjar community, predominantly Muslim in undivided Punjab, became a minority in Indian Punjab.
Regarding their social classification, Hindu Gujjars are categorised as Other Backward Classes (OBC) in Haryana and Delhi. In contrast, in Rajasthan, they fall under the Most Backward Classes category, with separate reservation provisions.
In Jammu and Kashmir, against the backdrop of rising militancy and governor’s rule, the short-lived government of Prime Minister Chander Shekhar, supported by the Congress party, granted ST status to Gujjar-Bakarwals in April 1991. A key argument in favour of this decision was made by public intellectual Balraj Puri, who emphasised the importance of outreach to the community, which is predominantly Muslim in J&K, as a crucial civilian deterrent against militancy, particularly in border areas.
As a result, over the past two decades, the grant of ST status has enabled a new generation of professionals and civil servants from the Gujjar-Bakarwal community to emerge. In India, ST status is typically granted based on specific government criteria, although these criteria are not formally codified in law. The main criteria include primitive traits, geographical isolation, social backwardness, economic backwardness, shyness of contact, and prevalence of indigenous practices. Considering these metrics, it is clear that the Bakarwals in J&K deserve ST status.
Following protests by the Gujjar community, home minister Amit Shah visited Jammu and Kashmir in October 2022. Shah assured that the reservation for Paharis would not be at the cost of other ST communities. Consequently, a new proposal was formulated, granting ST status to Paharis and three other underrepresented groups: Koli, Paddari, and Gadda Brahmins. This move did not alter the existing 10% allocation for previous ST communities in J&K.
On March 15, 2024, the social welfare department issued a notification amending the J&K Reservation Rules of 2005. The notification stipulated that Paharis and other newly added groups would receive an additional 10% reservation, supplementing the existing 10% reservation for Gujjars, Bakarwals, and other communities. This decision effectively increased the total ST reservation in J&K from approximately 10% to 20%, alleviating concerns among both Gujjar-Bakarwal and Pahari communities.
Interestingly, the BJP’s attempt to leverage these developments for electoral gains fell flat. The party failed to secure a single assembly seat in either the Gujjar-Bakarwal or Pahari assembly segments during the September-October 2024 elections, which took place after a decade-long gap in a new constitutional and institutional context. In hindsight, this politically expedient decision has created an unnecessary problem. Notably, J&K may be one of the rare places in India where upper-caste groups, including Brahmins, Khatris, Mahajans, and Rajputs, living in Rajouri-Poonch are now eligible for ST reservation benefits.
In practice, even upper-caste members of Pahari-speaking clans, who were displaced from across the Line of Control in 1947 and rehabilitated in parts of South Delhi, particularly Lajpat Nagar, and the Jammu plains, can apply for ST status.
As the details and implications of the March, 2024 order were internalised, particularly by Kashmiri speaking Muslims, it was realised that this has brought a tectonic shift to the reservation policy in J&K. Thus the narrative, particularly in Kashmir valley, started to gain ground that reservation in educational institutions and jobs was more than 60% whereas less than 40% are now left for nearly 70% of the population. A number of advertised positions in the state sector came out where a majority of the seats were in the reserved category and this exacerbated the anxieties.
Unlike other parts of India, Jammu and Kashmir lacks substantial physical infrastructure to foster sustainable, long-term economic security in the non-state sector. Furthermore, the lingering presence of militancy has discouraged private sector investment in the region, despite proactive efforts by successive administrations. Consequently, suitable job opportunities are scarce in both the manufacturing and service sectors.
The public discourse and clamour indicate that resentment against the present reservation policy is felt by Kashmiri speaking Muslims living in Kashmir valley and upper caste Hindus of Jammu plains. While a significant number of talented individuals from the Jammu plains migrate to other parts of the country or abroad for employment opportunities, Kashmiri-speaking Muslims are less inclined to do so due to various concerns, including real or perceived threats to their physical safety. As a result, they feel that the current reservation policy has pushed them to a corner.
In actual terms, Gujjars, Bakarwals and Paharis do live in various parts of the valley apart from Jammu province. The reservation categories such as the SC, OBCs, backward areas and children of defence personnel are more applicable to Jammu’s population though there are many groups from the valley which are represented in the OBC category.
In the public domain, Kashmir valley-based political actors stress that they are not against reservation to any community or group but there should be rationalisation of the whole process. However, the substantive import of the whole contentious debate cannot ignore the ethnic, geographical and religious aspects, and its potential implications.
At the same time, no political executive or Kashmir Valley-based party can openly oppose the reservation policy due to the immediate backlash it would generate, particularly in Jammu’s Rajouri-Poonch areas and Kashmir Valley’s districts, such as Baramulla, Ganderbal, and Anantnag, which have a significant population of Paharis, Gujjars, and Bakarwals. Legislators from the newly reserved categories, including those allied with the ruling NC, have warned that reversing the decision would lead to a “civil war.”
Facts and logic are also becoming victims of acrimony. The recent order increased 4% reservation to 8% for the OBCs. A total of 41 caste groups were identified as OBCs. While one can dispute the inclusion of some of the groups in the OBC, the fact is that the communities in the OBC list are from across the length and breadth of J&K, including Kashmir Valley.
Also, one of the reported demands of the protesters is to amend Rule 17 of the Jammu and Kashmir Reservation Rules, 2005, which states that if a reserved category candidate is selected for an open merit seat, they may be considered for a discipline, stream, or college in their category. The remaining open merit seats are allocated to reserved category candidates selected based on merit, after initial allocations to reserved category candidates in the open merit category. There is an apex court judgment on the issue which clearly reinforces what is being done in J&K. In August 2024, the Supreme Court addressed the allocation of seats in medical college admissions in Madhya Pradesh and said that the open category is accessible to all candidates based on merit, regardless of their social or economic background.
So what can be the solution to this issue? It is true that the present Abdullah-led government had no role in creating the current crisis. Caught in a stalemate due to the potential political fallout of any significant changes to the current reservation policy, chief minister Abdullah has announced that a cabinet sub-committee will submit its report on the issue within six months.
The Jammu and Kashmir Students Association, which recently met with chief minister Abdullah, has demanded an immediate halt to all ongoing recruitments under the disputed policy until the review is completed. They have also emphasised the need to expedite the review process, recommending that it be concluded within three months, as the initial six-month timeline is deemed too long to wait for a resolution.
A petition has been filed in the Jammu & Kashmir and Ladakh high court challenging the newly amended J&K Reservation Rules 2005. The petition reportedly requested the court to issue a notice for the formation of an expert commission, headed by a retired judge and comprising members from each community and category. The commission’s purpose would be to recommend reservations based on population percentages in the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir. The high court has reportedly sought a response to the plea challenging the validity of amendments to the J&K reservation rules from the government and other stakeholders by the first week of March 2025.
Clearly, the current political executive in Jammu and Kashmir, which shares power with the centrally appointed lieutenant governor, faces a daunting challenge. The executive has two options: either wait for the issue to be resolved through litigation or take proactive measures.
At a practical level, once additional communities have been granted ST status, the reservation proportion for SC and ST populations cannot be altered, as these are aligned with prevailing norms, constitutional guidelines, and judicial pronouncements. These guidelines emphasise that reservations for each community should be proportionate to their population.
Notably, Gujjar-Bakarwals and Paharis now comprise approximately 20% of Jammu and Kashmir’s population, reflected in the current ST reservation figure. The OBC proportion stands at 8%, with little scope for reduction due to potential societal backlash.
One possible solution is to reassess the 10% reservation for backward areas, which could be abolished or significantly reduced. Additionally, reservations for residents living near the LoC require streamlining, as many of these residents are already covered under the 20% ST reservation for Gujjars and Paharis.
While the issue is being litigated and (parallel to that of) a cabinet sub-committee concurrently reviews it, granting statehood immediately is crucial. Even if the political executive devises an optimal solution, the draft may still require assent from the lieutenant governor or Union government, potentially exacerbating the concerns of protesting youth.
An empowered political leadership will be best equipped to take decisions within the context of multi-stakeholder consultations by evaluating the societal ramifications of its decisions and also simultaneously communicate some of the nuances, including constitutional obligations, of the reservation policy to the protesting and aggrieved youth.
If left unaddressed, the current tensions surrounding Jammu and Kashmir’s new affirmative policy may have far-reaching consequences for national security and potentially intensify centrifugal forces within the region’s diverse population.
Luv Puri has authored two books on J&K, including Uncovered face of militancy and Across the Line of Control.
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