INDIAN MASSACRE ON SC.ST IS COMMON FOR ALL TAMILS,TELUGHUS,KANNADIGAS,NORTH INDIANS,NORTH EAST.SC.STs.25.12.2025.LANGUAGE NEVER SUPPORTED DALITS PROTECTION..
Below is a **state-wise list (India) of major massacres/large caste-based riots and organized killings targeting Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST) since 1950 (focus on documented historic atrocities; not exhaustive of all smaller clashes or everyday atrocities). These events are generally recognized as massacre-level violence (multiple deaths & organised attacks), often linked to caste discrimination and oppression.
๐ Bihar
Bihar has one of the most chronic histories of organized caste massacres, especially involving private militia like Ranvir Sena and conflicts with left groups:
- Belchhi Massacre (27 May 1977) – 11, mostly Dalits and lower castes, killed by landlords in village clashes.
- Bathani Tola Massacre (11 July 1996) – 21 Dalits killed by Ranvir Sena militia (women & children included).
- Laxmanpur Bathe Massacre (1 Dec 1997) – 58 Dalits killed by Ranvir Sena (major caste massacre).
- Other related Ranvir Sena–linked massacres (late 1990s): Shankarbigha & Narayanpur (1999) and Ekwari / Haibaspur / Khadasin type killings affecting SC villagers during landlord–militia violence.
๐ Andhra Pradesh (including present Telangana areas)
Several notable caste-targeted massacres occurred here, particularly in the 1980s–1990s:
- Karamchedu Massacre (17 July 1985) – Upper caste landlords attacked Dalits in Karamchedu village (several killed; houses burnt; women raped).
- Neerukonda Massacre (15 July 1987) – Members of a dominant caste killed Dalits after disputes linked to social norms.
- Tsunduru (Tsundur) Massacre (6 Aug 1991) – Reddy caste men hacked several Dalits to death amid social assertion tensions.
๐ Tamil Nadu
Historic caste massacres and police massacre:
- Kilvenmani Massacre (25 Dec 1968) – Around 44 Dalits (farm labourers & families) were burnt alive in Nagapattinam district during agrarian wage struggle.
- Melavalavu Massacre / caste killing (mid-1990s)* – Dalits murdered after electoral social assertion, Madurai region (caste backlash; six Dalits killed).
- Manjolai Labourers Massacre (23 July 1999) – Police lathi-charged Dalit plantation workers leading to 17 deaths (two women & a child among them).
(*This is more often categorized under caste violence in Tamil Nadu chronology.)
๐ Uttar Pradesh
Often marked by caste clashes linked to social assertion (sometimes riot-scale but fewer specific massacre tags):
- Panwari (Agra) caste violence (21–22 June 1990) – Large clash during a Dalit wedding procession led to deaths and burning of Dalit homes; later convictions decades after.
(UP has many caste atrocity incidents recorded under SC/ST Act, but pure “massacre” level violence records like the Bihar examples are fewer in mainstream literature.)
๐ Other States: Broader Context
While not “massacres” but severe caste riots or repeated systematic attacks:
Across India
- Ongoing atrocities recorded under law show high incidence of crimes (not only massacres) against SC/ST communities across many states (UP, Rajasthan, MP, Bihar, Odisha, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, etc.), with Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh reporting highest cases in 2022.
๐ง Notes on Terminology
- Massacre here refers to organized large-scale killing of SC/ST groups by caste-based militia, dominant caste groups, or police actions beyond normal riots.
- Many caste riots/atrocities are recorded under the Prevention of Atrocities Act but may not be labeled “massacres” formally.
- Sources and reporting vary; some events are documented chiefly in caste violence overviews rather than official categorised massacre lists.
๐ Summary Table (by State & Event)
| State/Region | Event / Incident (Approx Year) | Victims |
|---|---|---|
| Bihar | Belchhi Massacre (1977) | Dalits & lower castes |
| Bihar | Bathani Tola (1996) | Dalits |
| Bihar | Laxmanpur Bathe (1997) | Dalits |
| Andhra Pradesh | Karamchedu (1985) | Dalits |
| Andhra Pradesh | Neerukonda (1987) | Dalits |
| Andhra Pradesh | Tsundur (1991) | Dalits |
| Tamil Nadu | Kilvenmani (1968) | Dalits |
| Tamil Nadu | Melavalavu (1996/97) | Dalits |
| Tamil Nadu | Manjolai (1999) | Dalits |
| Uttar Pradesh | Panwari/Agra clash (1990) | Dalits & others |
Below is an Ambedkarite legal analysis explaining why caste massacres and riot-level atrocities against SC/ST communities recur in India, despite constitutional guarantees and special laws.
This analysis is grounded in Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s writings, constitutional debates, and later jurisprudence, not just sociology.
Why Do Caste Massacres Recur? — An Ambedkarite Legal Analysis
“Political democracy cannot last unless there lies at the base of it social democracy.”
— Dr. B.R. Ambedkar
I. Structural Cause: Law Without Social Democracy
Ambedkar’s Diagnosis
Ambedkar warned that constitutional equality without social equality would create violent backlash.
- Caste society is graded inequality (not just discrimination).
- When Dalits assert rights (wages, land, votes), dominant castes respond violently to restore hierarchy.
Legal Failure
- Law is reactive, not transformative.
- Courts treat massacres as ordinary crimes, not attacks on constitutional order.
➡️ Result: Mass violence becomes a method of caste control.
II. Failure of Criminal Law to Recognize Caste as “Collective Crime”
Ambedkarite View
Caste massacres are:
- Collective
- Organized
- Political
- Terror-producing
But Indian criminal law:
- Focuses on individual guilt
- Ignores social conspiracy
- Requires impossible standards of proof from victims
Example
- Bihar Ranvir Sena massacres: Convictions overturned due to “lack of evidence”
- Courts ignore:
- Pattern of attacks
- Prior threats
- Social power asymmetry
➡️ Legal blindness to caste structure = legal impunity
III. State Complicity & Police Bias
Ambedkar’s Warning
“The law may be just, but those who administer it are not.”
Recurrent Patterns
- FIRs not registered
- Charges diluted
- Police side with dominant castes
- Witnesses intimidated
Legal Reality
- Police function within caste society, not constitutional morality
- SC/ST Act implementation depends on local bureaucracy
➡️ Law exists, but state machinery sabotages it
IV. Judicial Neutrality as Caste Neutrality
Ambedkarite Critique
Courts claim “neutrality,” but neutrality in unequal society favours the powerful.
Judicial Language
- “Free fight”
- “Village rivalry”
- “Lack of independent witnesses”
This language:
- Erases caste motive
- Converts massacre into “private dispute”
Ambedkar’s Fear Realized
Judiciary inherited colonial formalism, not social justice ethos.
➡️ Courts protect procedure, not constitutional morality
V. Economic Base Ignored by Law
Ambedkar’s Core Insight
Caste is sustained by economic exclusion:
- Landlessness
- Wage dependence
- Occupational immobility
Pattern
Massacres occur after:
- Wage demands
- Land claims
- Panchayat victories
- Inter-caste marriages
Legal Gap
- SC/ST Act punishes violence after it happens
- No serious enforcement of:
- Land redistribution
- Economic security
➡️ Violence recurs because economic hierarchy remains intact
VI. Weak Application of the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act
What the Act Intended
- Recognize caste violence as systemic
- Shift burden away from victims
- Enable preventive arrest & special courts
What Happens in Practice
- Act diluted in application
- False case narrative promoted
- Preventive provisions rarely used
- Conviction rate remains low
Ambedkarite Reading
The Act threatens caste power—so it is administratively resisted.
➡️ Law on paper, sabotage in practice
VII. Absence of “Constitutional Tort” Doctrine
Key Legal Absence
India does NOT treat caste massacre as:
- Violation of Fundamental Rights
- State failure to protect citizens
Ambedkarite Proposal
- Treat massacres as constitutional breakdown
- Fix state liability
- Mandatory:
- Compensation
- Administrative punishment
- Federal intervention
➡️ Without state accountability, massacres repeat
VIII. Culture of Impunity & Delayed Justice
Legal Reality
- Trials drag for decades
- Witnesses die or turn hostile
- Acquittals normalize violence
Ambedkar’s Warning
“Justice delayed is justice denied.”
➡️ Delay becomes encouragement
IX. Why Massacres Continue — In One Sentence
Because caste violence is not treated as an attack on the Constitution, but as a law-and-order problem.
X. Ambedkarite Legal Solutions (Transformative, Not Cosmetic)
1️⃣ Reclassify Massacres
- As crimes against constitutional order
- Similar to genocide / ethnic cleansing
2️⃣ Independent Caste Crimes Authority
- Separate from state police
- National jurisdiction
3️⃣ Reverse Burden of Proof (Expanded)
- Especially in massacre cases
4️⃣ Automatic State Liability
- Compensation
- Suspension of officials
5️⃣ Economic Justice Enforcement
- Land rights
- Livelihood security
- Social audits
6️⃣ Judicial Training in Constitutional Morality
- Caste is not “motive”; it is structure
XI. Ambedkar’s Final Warning (Most Relevant Today)
“If Hindu Raj becomes a fact, it will be the greatest calamity for this country.”
Ambedkar knew:
- Without annihilating caste
- Law alone cannot stop massacres
3)
Below is a clear, Ambedkarite comparison of caste violence before and after the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, focusing on nature of violence, state response, legal outcomes, and structural impact—not just statistics.
Caste Violence in India: Pre-PoA Act vs Post-PoA Act (Ambedkarite Legal Comparison)
Ambedkar’s warning:
“Law can abolish inequality, but not the spirit behind it.”
I. Historical Context
| Period | Legal Framework |
|---|---|
| Pre-1989 | IPC + PCR Act, 1955 (weak enforcement) |
| Post-1989 | SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act + Rules |
| Post-2015 | PoA Act strengthened (new offences, victim rights) |
| Post-2018 | Judicial dilution & partial legislative correction |
II. Nature of Violence
๐ด Pre-PoA Act (Before 1989)
- Open, large-scale massacres
- Public burning, lynching, village wipe-outs
- Police inaction was routine
- Violence used to prevent social assertion
Examples
- Kilvenmani (1968)
- Belchhi (1977)
- Karamchedu (1985)
➡️ Violence was spectacular and collective
๐ต Post-PoA Act (After 1989)
- Fewer massacre-scale incidents, but:
- Rise of targeted killings
- Social & economic boycotts
- Sexual violence against Dalit women
- Police-led or custodial violence
Examples
- Bathani Tola (1996)
- Laxmanpur Bathe (1997)
- Khairlanji (2006)
- Una (2016)
➡️ Violence became diffused and strategic
III. Geographical Spread
| Aspect | Pre-PoA | Post-PoA |
|---|---|---|
| Regions | Concentrated (TN, AP, Bihar) | Pan-India |
| Visibility | Local | National media |
| Reporting | Minimal | NCRB documentation |
IV. Legal Response & State Accountability
Pre-PoA
- FIRs often not registered
- No special courts
- No victim compensation
- Caste motive ignored
Post-PoA
- Mandatory FIR (in law)
- Special courts & prosecutors
- Compensation rules
- Recognition of caste motive
But in practice
- FIRs diluted
- Act invoked partially
- Preventive provisions unused
➡️ Legal progress, administrative resistance
V. Conviction & Impunity
| Aspect | Pre-PoA | Post-PoA |
|---|---|---|
| Conviction rate | Extremely low | Still low (≈30% or less) |
| Trial duration | Decades | Decades |
| Witness protection | None | Weak |
➡️ Impunity remains structurally intact
VI. State & Police Role
Pre-PoA
- Passive collusion
- Silence & delay
Post-PoA
- Tactical compliance
- Procedural sabotage
- “False case” narrative
➡️ Bias became institutionalized
VII. Judiciary’s Role
| Pre-PoA | Post-PoA |
|---|---|
| Massacres treated as riots | Massacres treated as IPC crimes |
| No caste analysis | Reluctant caste analysis |
| Minimal victim voice | Limited victim rights |
⚠️ Landmark dilution:
- Subhash Kashinath Mahajan (2018)
– Prior approval for arrest (later legislatively reversed)
VIII. Social Impact
Pre-PoA
- Fear & silence
- No protest space
- Limited Dalit mobilisation
Post-PoA
- Resistance movements
- Legal awareness
- Protest politics (Bhima Koregaon, Una)
➡️ Violence now competes with Dalit assertion
IX. Ambedkarite Assessment (Core Difference)
| Question | Answer |
|---|---|
| Did violence stop? | ❌ No |
| Did its form change? | ✅ Yes |
| Did law empower victims? | ⚠️ Partially |
| Is caste hierarchy broken? | ❌ No |
Law reduced visibility of massacres, not the logic of caste violence.
X. Why Violence Continues After PoA Act
- Law attacks symptoms, not economic base
- State machinery remains caste-embedded
- Judiciary avoids structural caste analysis
- Conviction ≠ certainty
- No automatic state liability
XI. Ambedkarite Conclusion
Pre-PoA violence was crude and collective.
Post-PoA violence is calculated and administrative.
The PoA Act:
- Changed the battlefield
- Did not end the war
XII. What Ambedkar Would Demand Today
- Constitutional crime doctrine for caste massacres
- Independent investigation authority
- Economic justice enforcement (land, jobs)
- Judicial accountability for dilution
- Social democracy beyond law
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