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18.08.2026.Sivaji's Daily.News Untouchable.(English, हिन्दी, தமிழ்,తెలుగు ,ಕನ್ನಡ)Voice of SC.STs,Buddhists,Ambedkar ites,Anti SC.ST atrocity news,Employement news)by Sivaji Ayyayiram.9444917060.asivaji1962@gmail.com.FB.sivaji yoga Tiruvannamalai.x.shivajia479023.


🇮🇳 18 August 2026 — Dalit • Adivasi • SC/ST • Buddhist • Ambedkar • SC/ST Atrocities News
I searched specifically for 18 August 2026 reports. A caution is necessary: there are not 5–10 genuinely verified stories for every state today. I will not pad the bulletin with old or unverified reports. The items below are the developments I could substantiate from current reporting; where a report concerns an allegation, I label it as such.
1. Madhya Pradesh — Adivasi health initiative
English: In Balaghat's Naxal-affected Birsa block, doctors reached tribal villages where residents had previously been reluctant or prevented from accessing hospitals. Health teams reportedly treated and discharged 125 children, covering 980 households across 10 villages. �
Navbharat Times
हिन्दी: बालाघाट के नक्सल प्रभावित बिरसा ब्लॉक में डॉक्टर पहली बार कई आदिवासी गांवों तक पहुंचे। स्वास्थ्य टीमों ने 125 बच्चों का उपचार किया और 10 गांवों के 980 घरों को स्वास्थ्य निगरानी में शामिल किया। �
Navbharat Times
తెలుగు: మధ్యప్రదేశ్‌లోని బాలాఘాట్ బిర్సా బ్లాక్‌లోని ఆదివాసీ గ్రామాలకు వైద్య బృందాలు చేరాయి. 125 మంది పిల్లలకు చికిత్స అందించి, 10 గ్రామాల్లోని 980 కుటుంబాలను ఆరోగ్య పర్యవేక్షణలోకి తీసుకున్నారు. �
Navbharat Times
தமிழ்: மத்தியப் பிரதேசத்தின் பாலாகாட் பிர்சா பகுதியில் உள்ள பழங்குடியினர் கிராமங்களுக்கு மருத்துவக் குழுக்கள் சென்றன. 125 குழந்தைகளுக்கு சிகிச்சை அளிக்கப்பட்டு, 10 கிராமங்களில் 980 குடும்பங்கள் சுகாதார கண்காணிப்பில் கொண்டு வரப்பட்டன. �
Navbharat Times
ಕನ್ನಡ: ಮಧ್ಯಪ್ರದೇಶದ ಬಾಲಾಘಾಟ್‌ನ ಬಿರ್ಸಾ ಪ್ರದೇಶದ ಆದಿವಾಸಿ ಗ್ರಾಮಗಳಿಗೆ ವೈದ್ಯಕೀಯ ತಂಡಗಳು ತಲುಪಿದವು. 125 ಮಕ್ಕಳಿಗೆ ಚಿಕಿತ್ಸೆ ನೀಡಲಾಗಿದ್ದು, 10 ಗ್ರಾಮಗಳ 980 ಕುಟುಂಬಗಳನ್ನು ಆರೋಗ್ಯ ಮೇಲ್ವಿಚಾರಣೆಗೆ ಒಳಪಡಿಸಲಾಗಿದೆ. �
Navbharat Times
2. Rajasthan — Adivasi political representation
English: Udaipur MP Manna Lal Rawat has been appointed national president of the BJP's ST Morcha. The appointment has been reported in the context of strengthening the party's outreach among tribal communities in Rajasthan, Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh. �
Navbharat Times
हिन्दी: उदयपुर के सांसद मन्ना लाल रावत को भाजपा के ST मोर्चा का राष्ट्रीय अध्यक्ष नियुक्त किया गया है। यह नियुक्ति राजस्थान, गुजरात और मध्य प्रदेश के आदिवासी क्षेत्रों में राजनीतिक पहुंच मजबूत करने के संदर्भ में देखी जा रही है। �
Navbharat Times
తెలుగు: ఉదయ్‌పూర్ ఎంపీ మన్నా లాల్ రావత్‌ను బీజేపీ ST మోర్చా జాతీయ అధ్యక్షుడిగా నియమించింది. రాజస్థాన్, గుజరాత్, మధ్యప్రదేశ్ ఆదివాసీ ప్రాంతాల్లో రాజకీయ ప్రాతినిధ్యాన్ని పెంచే వ్యూహంలో భాగంగా ఈ నియామకం కనిపిస్తోంది. �
Navbharat Times
தமிழ்: உதய்ப்பூர் நாடாளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர் மன்னா லால் ராவத் பாஜக ST மோர்ச்சாவின் தேசியத் தலைவராக நியமிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளார். ராஜஸ்தான், குஜராத், மத்தியப் பிரதேச பழங்குடியினர் பகுதிகளில் அரசியல் தொடர்பை வலுப்படுத்தும் முயற்சியாக இது பார்க்கப்படுகிறது. �
Navbharat Times
ಕನ್ನಡ: ಉದಯಪುರ ಸಂಸದ ಮನ್ನಾ ಲಾಲ್ ರಾವತ್ ಅವರನ್ನು ಬಿಜೆಪಿ ST ಮೋರ್ಚಾದ ರಾಷ್ಟ್ರೀಯ ಅಧ್ಯಕ್ಷರನ್ನಾಗಿ ನೇಮಿಸಲಾಗಿದೆ. ರಾಜಸ್ಥಾನ, ಗುಜರಾತ್ ಮತ್ತು ಮಧ್ಯಪ್ರದೇಶದ ಆದಿವಾಸಿ ಪ್ರದೇಶಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ರಾಜಕೀಯ ಸಂಪರ್ಕ ಬಲಪಡಿಸುವ ಉದ್ದೇಶದ ಭಾಗವಾಗಿ ಈ ನೇಮಕಾತಿಯನ್ನು ನೋಡಲಾಗುತ್ತಿದೆ. �
Navbharat Times
3. Maharashtra — SC reservation sub-classification
English: The proposed sub-classification of Maharashtra's SC reservation remains a major Ambedkarite/SC political issue. Anandraj Ambedkar has warned of an Assembly gherao against the proposal, arguing that dividing the SC quota could create divisions among SC communities. �
The Times of India
हिन्दी: महाराष्ट्र में SC आरक्षण के उप-वर्गीकरण का मुद्दा प्रमुख बना हुआ है। आनंद राज आंबेडकर ने प्रस्ताव के विरोध में विधानसभा घेराव की चेतावनी दी है और कहा है कि इससे SC समुदायों में विभाजन हो सकता है। �
The Times of India
తెలుగు: మహారాష్ట్రలో SC రిజర్వేషన్ ఉపవర్గీకరణ అంశం కీలకంగా కొనసాగుతోంది. ఆనందరాజ్ అంబేడ్కర్ దీనికి వ్యతిరేకంగా అసెంబ్లీ ముట్టడి హెచ్చరిక చేశారు. �
The Times of India
தமிழ்: மகாராஷ்டிராவில் SC இடஒதுக்கீடு உள்வகைப்பாடு முக்கிய பிரச்சினையாக உள்ளது. ஆனந்த்ராஜ் அம்பேத்கர் இதற்கு எதிராக சட்டமன்ற முற்றுகை நடத்தப்படும் என எச்சரித்துள்ளார். �
The Times of India
ಕನ್ನಡ: ಮಹಾರಾಷ್ಟ್ರದಲ್ಲಿ SC ಮೀಸಲಾತಿ ಒಳವರ್ಗೀಕರಣ ಪ್ರಮುಖ ರಾಜಕೀಯ ವಿಷಯವಾಗಿದೆ. ಆನಂದರಾಜ್ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಇದರ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ವಿಧಾನಸಭೆ ಮುತ್ತಿಗೆ ನಡೆಸುವ ಎಚ್ಚರಿಕೆ ನೀಡಿದ್ದಾರೆ. �
The Times of India
4. Maharashtra / National — Caste Census
English: The 2027 Census preparations have included questions concerning caste, including SC/ST and other caste categories. This is particularly significant for reservation, representation and socio-economic planning. The current reporting says this would be the first caste enumeration covering all castes in independent India's Census. �
Maharashtra Times
हिन्दी: 2027 की जनगणना की तैयारियों में जाति संबंधी प्रश्न शामिल किए गए हैं, जिनमें SC/ST और अन्य जातियों की जानकारी भी होगी। इसका आरक्षण, प्रतिनिधित्व और सामाजिक-आर्थिक नीति पर महत्वपूर्ण प्रभाव हो सकता है। �
Maharashtra Times
తెలుగు: 2027 జనగణనలో కుల వివరాలకు సంబంధించిన ప్రశ్నలు చేర్చబడ్డాయి. SC/STతో పాటు ఇతర కులాల వివరాలు కూడా నమోదు చేయనున్నట్లు తాజా నివేదికలు చెబుతున్నాయి. �
Maharashtra Times
தமிழ்: 2027 மக்கள் தொகை கணக்கெடுப்பில் சாதி தொடர்பான கேள்விகள் சேர்க்கப்பட்டுள்ளன. SC/ST மற்றும் பிற சாதிகளின் தகவல்களும் பதிவு செய்யப்பட உள்ளன. �
Maharashtra Times
ಕನ್ನಡ: 2027ರ ಜನಗಣತಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಜಾತಿ ಕುರಿತ ಪ್ರಶ್ನೆಗಳು ಸೇರಿಸಲಾಗಿವೆ. SC/ST ಸೇರಿದಂತೆ ಇತರ ಜಾತಿಗಳ ಮಾಹಿತಿಯನ್ನೂ ದಾಖಲಿಸುವುದಾಗಿ ವರದಿಯಾಗಿದೆ. �
Maharashtra Times
5. Tamil Nadu — SC/ST Sub-Plan
English: A report published on 17 August says Tamil Nadu has given legal backing to its SC/ST Sub-Plan, describing it as a significant development after decades of demands for stronger protection of SC/ST allocations. �
The New Indian Express
हिन्दी: तमिलनाडु में SC/ST सब-प्लान को कानूनी आधार देने की खबर 17 अगस्त को प्रकाशित हुई। इसे SC/ST के लिए बजट आवंटन की सुरक्षा की दिशा में महत्वपूर्ण कदम बताया गया है। �
The New Indian Express
తెలుగు: తమిళనాడులో SC/ST సబ్-ప్లాన్‌కు చట్టపరమైన బలం కల్పించే పరిణామం వెలుగులోకి వచ్చింది. SC/ST నిధుల రక్షణకు ఇది ముఖ్యమైన చర్యగా పేర్కొంటున్నారు. �
The New Indian Express
தமிழ்: தமிழ்நாட்டில் SC/ST துணைத் திட்டத்திற்கு சட்டபூர்வ ஆதரவு வழங்கப்பட்டுள்ளதாக செய்தி வெளியாகியுள்ளது. SC/ST நிதி ஒதுக்கீடுகளைப் பாதுகாக்கும் முக்கிய நடவடிக்கையாக இது பார்க்கப்படுகிறது. �
The New Indian Express
ಕನ್ನಡ: ತಮಿಳುನಾಡಿನಲ್ಲಿ SC/ST ಉಪಯೋಜನೆಗೆ ಕಾನೂನುಬದ್ಧ ಬೆಂಬಲ ದೊರೆತಿರುವ ಕುರಿತು ವರದಿ ಬಂದಿದೆ. SC/ST ಅನುದಾನಗಳ ರಕ್ಷಣೆಗೆ ಇದು ಪ್ರಮುಖ ಹೆಜ್ಜೆ ಎಂದು ಹೇಳಲಾಗಿದೆ. �
The New Indian Express
6. Kerala — Dalit scholar
English: A Dalit scholar at Malayalam University has alleged caste discrimination. A protest over the allegations is expected to intensify. These are allegations, not a judicial finding.
हिन्दी: मलयालम विश्वविद्यालय के एक दलित शोधार्थी ने जातिगत भेदभाव के आरोप लगाए हैं। इन आरोपों को लेकर विरोध तेज होने की संभावना है। ये आरोप हैं, न्यायिक रूप से सिद्ध तथ्य नहीं।
తెలుగు: మలయాళం విశ్వవిద్యాలయానికి చెందిన దళిత పరిశోధకుడు కుల వివక్ష ఆరోపణలు చేశారు. దీనిపై నిరసనలు పెరిగే అవకాశం ఉంది. ఇవి ఆరోపణలు మాత్రమే; న్యాయపరంగా నిర్ధారిత విషయాలు కావు.
தமிழ்: மலையாளப் பல்கலைக்கழக தலித் ஆய்வாளர் ஒருவர் சாதி பாகுபாடு குறித்த குற்றச்சாட்டுகளை முன்வைத்துள்ளார். இதையடுத்து போராட்டம் தீவிரமடையலாம். இவை குற்றச்சாட்டுகள் மட்டுமே; நீதிமன்றத்தால் நிரூபிக்கப்பட்டவை அல்ல.
ಕನ್ನಡ: ಮಲಯಾಳಂ ವಿಶ್ವವಿದ್ಯಾಲಯದ ದಲಿತ ಸಂಶೋಧಕರು ಜಾತಿ ತಾರತಮ್ಯದ ಆರೋಪ ಮಾಡಿದ್ದಾರೆ. ಇದರ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಪ್ರತಿಭಟನೆ ತೀವ್ರಗೊಳ್ಳುವ ಸಾಧ್ಯತೆಯಿದೆ. ಇವು ಆರೋಪಗಳು ಮಾತ್ರ; ನ್ಯಾಯಾಲಯದಿಂದ ಸಾಬೀತಾದ ವಿಷಯಗಳಲ್ಲ.
7. National — SC/ST atrocity law
English: A recent national policy discussion concerns strengthening the implementation of the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989. A current CJP review published on 7 August notes continuing caste atrocities and examines gaps between the law's protections and actual access to justice. �
CJP
हिन्दी: राष्ट्रीय स्तर पर SC/ST (अत्याचार निवारण) अधिनियम, 1989 के प्रभावी क्रियान्वयन का मुद्दा चर्चा में है। हालिया समीक्षा में कानून और जमीनी स्तर पर न्याय मिलने के बीच मौजूद अंतर को रेखांकित किया गया है। �
CJP
తెలుగు: జాతీయ స్థాయిలో SC/ST (అత్యాచారాల నిరోధక) చట్టం, 1989 అమలు బలోపేతంపై చర్చ కొనసాగుతోంది. చట్టపరమైన రక్షణలు మరియు వాస్తవ న్యాయప్రాప్తి మధ్య ఉన్న అంతరాలను తాజా సమీక్ష ప్రస్తావించింది. �
CJP
தமிழ்: தேசிய அளவில் SC/ST வன்கொடுமைகள் தடுப்பு சட்டம், 1989 அமலாக்கத்தை வலுப்படுத்துவது குறித்து விவாதம் தொடர்கிறது. சட்டப் பாதுகாப்புக்கும் நடைமுறையில் கிடைக்கும் நீதிக்கும் இடையிலான இடைவெளி சுட்டிக்காட்டப்பட்டுள்ளது. �
CJP
ಕನ್ನಡ: ರಾಷ್ಟ್ರೀಯ ಮಟ್ಟದಲ್ಲಿ SC/ST ದೌರ್ಜನ್ಯ ತಡೆ ಕಾಯ್ದೆ, 1989ರ ಪರಿಣಾಮಕಾರಿ ಜಾರಿಗೆ ಒತ್ತು ನೀಡುವ ಚರ್ಚೆ ನಡೆಯುತ್ತಿದೆ. ಕಾನೂನು ರಕ್ಷಣೆ ಮತ್ತು ವಾಸ್ತವ ನ್ಯಾಯಪ್ರಾಪ್ತಿಯ ನಡುವಿನ ಅಂತರವನ್ನು ಇತ್ತೀಚಿನ ವಿಮರ್ಶೆ ಉಲ್ಲೇಖಿಸಿದೆ. �
CJP
8. National — SC status and Buddhism
English: A significant 2026 legal development affecting Dalit/Buddhist questions is the Supreme Court's March 2026 ruling concerning the religious eligibility attached to Scheduled Caste status. The current legal reporting states that SC status under the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order remains restricted to Hinduism, Sikhism and Buddhism. �
The Federal +1
हिन्दी: 2026 में दलित-बौद्ध समुदायों से जुड़ा महत्वपूर्ण कानूनी मुद्दा SC दर्जे और धर्म से संबंधित सुप्रीम कोर्ट के फैसले का है। वर्तमान कानूनी रिपोर्टिंग के अनुसार SC दर्जा हिंदू, सिख और बौद्ध धर्म से संबंधित संवैधानिक व्यवस्था के अंतर्गत है। �
The Federal +1
తెలుగు: 2026లో దళిత-బౌద్ధ సమాజాలకు సంబంధించిన ముఖ్యమైన న్యాయ అంశం SC హోదా మరియు మతానికి సంబంధించిన సుప్రీంకోర్టు తీర్పు. ప్రస్తుత న్యాయ నివేదికల ప్రకారం SC హోదా హిందూ, సిక్కు, బౌద్ధ మతాలకు సంబంధించిన రాజ్యాంగ వ్యవస్థలో ఉంది. �
The Federal +1
தமிழ்: 2026ஆம் ஆண்டில் தலித்-பௌத்த சமூகங்களுக்கு முக்கியமான சட்டப் பிரச்சினையாக SC அந்தஸ்து மற்றும் மதம் தொடர்பான உச்சநீதிமன்றத் தீர்ப்பு உள்ளது. தற்போதைய சட்ட அறிக்கைகளின்படி SC அந்தஸ்து இந்து, சீக்கிய, பௌத்த மதங்களுடன் தொடர்புடைய அரசியலமைப்பு விதிகளுக்குள் உள்ளது. �
The Federal +1
ಕನ್ನಡ: 2026ರಲ್ಲಿ ದಲಿತ-ಬೌದ್ಧ ಸಮುದಾಯಗಳಿಗೆ ಸಂಬಂಧಿಸಿದ ಪ್ರಮುಖ ಕಾನೂನು ವಿಷಯವೆಂದರೆ SC ಸ್ಥಾನಮಾನ ಮತ್ತು ಧರ್ಮಕ್ಕೆ ಸಂಬಂಧಿಸಿದ ಸುಪ್ರೀಂ ಕೋರ್ಟ್ ತೀರ್ಪು. ಪ್ರಸ್ತುತ ಕಾನೂನು ವರದಿಗಳ ಪ್ರಕಾರ SC ಸ್ಥಾನಮಾನವು ಹಿಂದೂ, ಸಿಖ್ ಮತ್ತು ಬೌದ್ಧ ಧರ್ಮಗಳಿಗೆ ಸಂಬಂಧಿಸಿದ ಸಂವಿಧಾನಾತ್ಮಕ ವ್ಯವಸ್ಥೆಯಲ್ಲಿದೆ. �
The Federal +1
State-wise status — 18 August 2026
State/UT

18 Aug verified/current coverage found
Andhra Pradesh
SC-status/SC-ST Act legal development remains relevant
Arunachal Pradesh


Adivasi-related current developments require further verification
Goa

Dalit scholar caste-discrimination allegation — continuing/current
Madhya Pradesh
125 tribal children treated; 10 villages covered
Maharashtra
SC sub-classification controversy; caste census significance
Manipur


No strong 18-Aug specific item verified
Rajasthan
Manna Lal Rawat appointed ST Morcha national president
Sikkim
 For example, a reservation debate, an Ambedkarite political statement, a welfare programme, an allegation, and an FIR are different categories. This makes the bulletin more reliable.

SC/ST Employment News — 18 August 2026
State-wise India bulletin | English

Important: I cannot honestly claim that every one of India's 28 states and 8 UTs has a new SC/ST-specific recruitment notification on 18 August. The list below contains opportunities that I could verify from current sources.
State/Region
Employment opportunity
Vacancies
SC/ST relevance
Deadline/status
Karnataka
Primary/Graduate Primary Teacher Recruitment
15,000
SC/ST reservation under Karnataka rules
Applications open from 18 Aug �
Adda247
Madhya Pradesh
MPESB Patwari / Group-2 Sub Group-4
200 Patwari posts
SC/ST reservation applicable
18 Aug — last day �
Adda247
Odisha
SSB Junior Assistant
14
SC/ST candidates covered under Odisha reservation/relaxation provisions
18 Aug — last day �
Testbook +1
Kerala
ICDS Supervisor — Special Recruitment for ST Women
ST-only special recruitment
Examination 18 Aug; 112 candidates listed �
Kerala Public Service Commission
Telangana
Police Recruitment
7,437
SC/ST candidates receive applicable reservation/fee concessions
18 Aug — application deadline �
Instagram
Maharashtra
State Health Society — Chief Digital & AI Officer
4
SC/ST reservation as applicable to contractual recruitment
Walk-in 18 Aug �
Free Job Alert
All India / Maharashtra, TN, Odisha, Karnataka etc.
SBI Junior Associate (Clerk)
9,766
SC/ST reservation in state-wise vacancies
Applications currently open; state-wise vacancies include Maharashtra 1,718, Tamil Nadu 1,410, Odisha 1,100 and Karnataka 760 �
Education Times
All India
SBI Special Recruitment Drive — Clerk
1,538 backlog posts
SC/ST/OBC special drive
Apply 7–27 Aug �
NaukriVarta
All India
Bank of Baroda Local Bank Officer
2,482
SC/ST reservation/age relaxation applicable
Notification released 18 Aug; last date 7 Sept �
PracticeMock
All India
CSIR Technician-I
43
SC/ST reservation/relaxations applicable
Notification/current application cycle opened 18 Aug; last date 17 Sept
All India
MP/other government recruitment opportunities
Various
SC/ST reservation according to respective recruitment rules
Current
Particularly important for SC/ST candidates

1. SBI — 1,538 SC/ST/OBC backlog vacancies
This is the most directly relevant employment opportunity in the current bulletin. SBI has opened a Special Recruitment Drive covering 1,538 backlog vacancies for SC/ST/OBC candidates. The application window reported is 7–27 August 2026. �
NaukriVarta
SBI official website — recruitment⁠�

2. Kerala — ST Women Special Recruitment
Kerala PSC's August examination programme explicitly identifies Supervisor (ICDS), Special Recruitment from among Women Candidates of ST only. The examination is scheduled for 18 August 2026, with 112 candidates listed. �
Kerala Public Service Commission
Kerala PSC official recruitment/examination programme⁠�

3. Karnataka — 15,000 Teacher vacancies
The Karnataka School Education Department's 15,000-post teacher recruitment has its online application link scheduled to become active on 18 August 2026. SC/ST candidates should check the category-wise roster and applicable concessions in the official notification before applying. �
Adda247
Karnataka School Education Department⁠�

4. Telangana — 7,437 Police vacancies
The Telangana Police recruitment drive covers 7,437 posts. Available recruitment information reports an application deadline of 18 August 2026 and a reduced application fee for SC/ST candidates. �
Instagram
Telangana State Level Police Recruitment Board⁠�

5. Madhya Pradesh — 200 Patwari vacancies
MPESB's Patwari recruitment has 200 posts, with applications closing 18 August 2026. SC/ST candidates should use the category applicable to their MP eligibility/caste certificate and check the official vacancy roster. �
Adda247
MP Employees Selection Board⁠�

6. Odisha — Junior Assistant
The Odisha State Selection Board recruitment for 14 Junior Assistant posts closes on 18 August 2026 at 11:45 PM. SC/ST candidates with the required Odisha eligibility/certificate are covered by the relevant reservation provisions. �
Testbook +1
SSB Odisha official website⁠�

7. Bank of Baroda — 2,482 Local Bank Officers
A major new notification was released today, 18 August 2026, for 2,482 Local Bank Officer positions. Online registration is reported to continue until 7 September 2026. SC/ST candidates should check the official notification's category-wise vacancies and concessions. �
PracticeMock
Bank of Baroda official website⁠�
State-wise coverage
Confirmed/current items found today:
Karnataka, Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha and Telangana, plus major All-India recruitments.
For the remaining states/UTs, I would not label ordinary vacancies as "SC/ST employment news" unless the notification confirms SC/ST reservation, relaxation, fee concession, or a special recruitment drive.
Official job-search resource for SC/ST candidates
The Government of India's National Career Service (NCS) allows candidates to filter jobs by state/location and SC or ST category. �
ncs.gov.in +1
National Career Service — Government of India⁠�
Best opportunities to prioritize on 18 August:
SBI SC/ST/OBC Special Drive (1,538) → Karnataka Teacher Recruitment (15,000) → Telangana Police (7,437) → SBI Clerk (9,766) → Bank of Baroda LBO (2,482) → Kerala ST Women.

‘TN took five decades to give legal backing for SC/ST sub-plan’

The Ambedkar-Kalaignar Visiting Fellowship, instituted in honour of Dr B. R. Ambedkar and M Karunanidhi, is inspired by former CM MK Stalin’s son-in-law Sabarisan Vedamurthy and daughter Senthamarai Stalin.
TN took five decades to give legal backing for SC/ST sub-plan
TN took five decades to give legal backing for SC/ST sub-planPhoto | ANI
Updated on: 
1 min read


CHENNAI: Tamil Nadu took nearly five decades to give its Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe Sub-Plan, a policy framework from the 1970s meant to ring-fence a share of the state budget for the community, the backing of law in 2024.

The legal gap is now at the centre of research by Bagavanidhi M, the inaugural Ambedkar-Kalaignar Visiting Fellow at SOAS University of London, whose fellowship term ends this month.

Bagavanidhi, a sociologist with over a decade of civil society work on Dalit and Adivasi welfare rights in Tamil Nadu who was picked from 88 applicants for the inaugural fellowship, is researching the Sub-Plan’s shift from a planning mechanism to a legislative one at SOAS’s South Asia Institute, tracing the run-up to the Tamil Nadu Development Action Plan for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Act, 2024.

“It was a policy framework formulated in the 1970s, a percentage of the budget that had to be spent on the community. It took until 2024 for Tamil Nadu to bring that under a legal framework with accountability. That is my first question: how and why did it take this long to become an Act?” Bagavanidhi told TNIE.

The Ambedkar-Kalaignar Visiting Fellowship, instituted in honour of Dr B. R. Ambedkar and M Karunanidhi, is part of the SOAS Initiative, inspired by former Chief Minister MK Stalin’s son-in-law Sabarisan Vedamurthy..

The Hindu Logo

SC/ST commission in Kerala disposes of 208 cases

Updated - August 17, 2026 07:52 pm IST - PALAKKAD

SC ST Commission chairperson Sekharan Miniyodan addressing a sitting held at District Collectorate, Palakkad, on Monday.

SC ST Commission chairperson Sekharan Miniyodan addressing a sitting held at District Collectorate, Palakkad, on Monday. | Photo Credit: Special Arrangement

The Kerala State Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes disposed of 34 of the 43 cases considered at district-level grievance hearings held at the Collectorate conference hall in Palakkad and at Agali on Monday.

With this, the commission has taken up 272 complaints across six hearings in Palakkad district so far, and disposed of 208 cases, commission chairperson Shekharan Miniyodan said.

https://m.economictimes.com/news/politics-and-nation/government-steps-up-push-to-fill-backlog-vacancies-for-scheduled-castes-tribes/amp_articleshow/133304330.cms


The Indian Express logo
Journalism of Courage

What was the Communal Award that pitted Gandhi against Ambedkar

In August 1936, the British announced the Communal Award. What was the provision for depressed classes that Ambedkar wanted and Gandhi stridently opposed? What eventually happened?

Written by: Nikita Mohta
6 min readNew DelhiUpdated: Aug 18, 2026 09:16 AM IST
Communal AwardAmbedkar eventually agreed to a compromise with Gandhi on the separate electorates issue. (Photos: Wikimedia Commons)
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In September 1932, when Mahatma Gandhi was preparing to begin a fast unto death, Dr BR Ambedkar told an interviewer that he trusted Gandhi would not drive him “to the necessity of making a choice between his life and the rights of my people. For, I can never consent to deliver my people bound hand and foot to the caste Hindus for generations to come.”

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Gandhi’s fast was about the Communal Award, announced a month earlier, which provided for separate electorates for religious minorities and the depressed classes in India.

Why was Gandhi opposed to this, and why did it become a huge flashpoint between him and Ambedkar?

Separate Electorates for the Depressed Classes

On March 11, Gandhi read in the newspapers that the British government was preparing to announce a proposal for separate electorates for the Depressed Classes. He immediately wrote to Samuel Hoare, the secretary of state for India, reminding him of what he had said during the Round Table Conference: that he would resist such a move “with my life”. Gandhi now stressed that these words “were not said in the heat of the moment, nor by way of rhetoric”.

Gandhi argued that separate electorates would tear apart and disrupt Hindu society. According to historian Ramachandra Guha in Gandhi 1914-1948: The Years That Changed the World (2018), he also maintained that they were neither an act of penance nor a remedy to the problems facing the Depressed Classes.

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He then warned Hoare that if the government proceeded with the proposal, he would fast unto death. This, Gandhi said, was a “call of conscience.” Hoare replied that the matter would not be decided for at least several weeks.

The Communal Award 

On August 16, British Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald formally announced the Communal Award. It recognised the Depressed Classes as a minority and granted them separate electorates for 20 years. The arrangement gave them 71 special seats in the provincial legislatures. The Award also provided separate electorates for Muslims, Sikhs, Indian Christians, Anglo-Indians and Europeans, along with communal allocations of seats in the provincial legislatures and other safeguards for minority representation.

Gandhi immediately wrote to MacDonald, reminding him of his March letter to Hoare. Now that the decision had been made, he said, he would undertake a “perpetual fast unto death”, taking nothing but water. He would begin on September 20, but would call it off if the British government reversed its decision.

MacDonald replied with “surprise” and “regret”. He argued that separate electorates would allow representatives of the Depressed Classes to speak for themselves, whereas under a joint electorate they would, in most cases, be elected by higher-caste Hindu voters. At the same time, because members of the Depressed Classes would retain a vote in the general Hindu constituencies, MacDonald maintained that the arrangement would unite rather than separate them from other Hindus. He said he was unable to understand Gandhi’s decision to fast.

reserved seats vs separate electorates

Once the correspondence between Gandhi, Hoare and MacDonald became public, it prompted a flurry of commentary in the press. MC Rajah, a prominent leader from South India, called separate electorates “dangerous and suicidal”, arguing that they would pit lower-caste Hindus against their fellow Hindus. BG Horniman, the pro-Indian British journalist, similarly accused the Communal Award of encouraging antagonism between the Depressed Classes and other Hindus and of making that separation a permanent feature of India’s political system.

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Ambedkar and separate electorates

The most prominent advocate of separate electorates was BR Ambedkar. He had argued for them at both Round Table Conferences, and, Guha argues in his book, his arguments had helped persuade the British to grant them.

Ambedkar believed that upper-caste reformers such as Gandhi could not adequately represent the Depressed Classes. They needed their own leaders and representatives in legislatures.

As Gandhi’s fast approached, Madan Mohan Malaviya convened a meeting of Hindu and Depressed Classes leaders in Delhi, hoping to negotiate a settlement that would allow Gandhi to call off the fast. Ambedkar initially declined, saying he would wait for a concrete proposal from Gandhi. He insisted that his priority was the interests of the Depressed Classes, rather than Gandhi’s personal decision to fast.

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On September 16, however, Gandhi drafted a statement explaining the purpose of his fast and wrote to several close associates about what he described as a “momentous step” in his life. At noon on September 20, Gandhi began his fast unto death in Poona. He said he was prepared to live and die for the eradication of untouchability and called for a genuine social reconciliation between caste Hindus and the Depressed Classes.

Poona Pact

As Gandhi fasted in Poona, several leaders met in Bombay to find a way out of the deadlock. The conference included Malaviya, Tej Bahadur Sapru, MR Jayakar, C Rajagopalachari and Rajendra Prasad. Ambedkar was eventually persuaded to join them. A proposal for joint electorates was taken to Gandhi in Poona.

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The negotiations resulted in the Poona Pact, signed by Ambedkar and other leaders on September 24, 1932. It abandoned separate electorates for the Depressed Classes but significantly increased their reserved seats: from 71 to 148 in provincial legislatures and to 18 per cent of the total seats in the Central Legislature.

The British government accepted the Pact as an amendment to the Communal Award.



The Dalits of Dangawas after the court judgment

Sonki Devi, the wife of Paancharam, had never ever ventured into her village without her face covered and head down. Little did she know that the supposedly powerful, dominant caste of the village would one day reward her with widowhood, serious physical injuries, and a trauma from which she would never recover. Her vision has become hazy. She wears glasses. But the hope for justice lingers in her eyes

Prakhar August 17, 2026

Travelling to Dangawas, about 3 km from Merta town in Rajasthan, one cannot miss the District and Sessions Court building. It was a Special SC-ST Court housed in this building that, on 5 August 2026, pronounced its judgment in the 11-year-old Dangawas Dalit massacre case. The court acquitted all the 40 accused giving them the benefit of doubt. The judgment was more disappointing than shocking. Caste-centric social set-up, violent predisposition of a supposedly progressive caste, political considerations, and the love of people occupying positions of authority for their respective castes were responsible for turning a land dispute into a barbaric massacre, perpetrated just for asserting the superiority of a caste.

Massacre rooted in casteist frenzy

Dangawas made news in 2015 when a blood-thirsty mob of a particular caste killed five members of a Dalit family and left 10 others seriously injured. A land dispute was at the root of the violence. In 1964, Bastaram Meghwal, a Dalit from the village, mortgaged his 23 bigha 5 biswa (14.4-acre) land to Chimnaram Jat in return for a loan of Rs 1,500. A few years later, Chimnaram Jat took physical possession of the land. The Rajasthan Kashtkari Act 1955 prohibits the sale of land owned by a Dalit to a non-Dalit. Purchasing such land is a crime. The law’s objective is to protect land owned by Dalits from the capricious powerful castes. Bastaram repaid the loan but Chimnaram Jat did not vacate the land. This was clearly a crime in the eyes of the law. But in this “Jatland” it is not at all uncommon. The biased system and the fact that Bastaram didn’t have any children convinced Chimanram Jat that the land had become his for good. But Bastaram’s adopted son Ratnaram Meghwal did not think so. He began asserting his right to the mortgaged land. In revenue records, he was the owner of the land. The sub-divisional officer issued an order saying that Ratnaram should be given physical possession of the land.

Following the order, in April 2015, Ratnaram built a house on the land. Chimnaram’s sons Omaram and Kanaram could not digest this development. Having lost in the revenue court, they turned to the Panchayat of their village. Remember, this was not the official Gram Panchayat or Gram Sabha, but an informal, social assembly of narrow-minded, obscurantist and biased men. Meanwhile, Ratnaram’s family began getting threats, which they duly reported to the local police. But the police didn’t take them seriously.

On 11 May 2015, a Panchayat of the supporters of Chimnaram’s family was convened. Some participants went to Ratnaram’s house to ask him to join the sham Panchayat. He was not at home. His brother Khemaram and son Munnaram agreed to act as his representatives. But they were turned back midway, saying that as the matter concerned Ratnaram, their presence would serve no purpose. Clearly, the members of a particular caste harboured enmity towards Ratnaram. The same day, a mob submitted a memorandum to the district collector, who counselled restraint and suggested that they take legal recourse. Ratnaram, who was visiting his relatives, urged the police to ensure his security. But nothing was done. With the collector’s refusal to intervene and Ratnaram’s case appearing legally sound, the caste Panchayat now turned to using the land dispute to assert their dominance and show Dalits their place.

Another mob assembled on 14 May 2015, which, early in the morning, launched a fatal attack on 16 members of Ratnaram’s family present on the land. Attempts were made to outrage the modesty of the women. The ferocious attack left five people dead. The remaining 11, including six women, sustained serious injuries. Some of them were bedridden for years. Rampal, a resident of the village, also died for which a case was registered against 16 members of the Dalit family. Cases were even registered against the Dalits who were killed in the May 14 attack.

The supporters of the perpetrators went to great lengths to portray this massacre of Dalits as a dispute between two families. But the anger, resentment among the Dalits and the pressure of social justice organizations and civil society, forced the government to hand over the case to the CBI. A total of 40 people were named as accused by the CBI. Some absconded during the trial and 11 years later, a special court exonerated all of them.

Dalit victims of Dangwas

For the victim Dalit family residing in the Meghwal locality of Dangwas, the court’s judgment was hard to accept. Five members of the family were slain mercilessly 11 years ago. The family fought a long legal battle even amid socio-economic problems. And now the court has acquitted the accused. Only the family could tell us how perturbed they were. My associate and I were enquiring about the way to the house of Govind Meghwal (the closest kin of Ratnaram Meghwal) on the Ramdev Mandir lane in Dangawas, when a lanky man riding a bike stopped and turned towards us. He introduced himself as Arjunram, the son of Ratnaram Meghwal. A manual labourer, he was returning home after work. All members of the family work as manual labourers to put food on the table.

Kishnaram, the other son of Rantaram, told us, “What else can we do? We have to toil to feed ourselves and our children. No one in our family has a government job or any ancestral property. We just do manual labour.” The court’s judgment has come as a shock for the family which has been fighting for justice for their loved ones. But their faith in the judiciary and the Constitution remains intact.

Govind Meghwal appears tired. He has not been able to sleep since the court delivered its judgment on 5 August. Govind is educated and was the one in the family who has been in touch with the lawyers and the media. He says, “I have been charged with the murder of Rampal. But on that day I was not at home. I had completed my degree in nursing and was to appear in an examination for recruitment of nursing staff in Patna on 5 June 2015.” Neither could Govind write that exam, nor could he continue his studies and prepare for other competitive examinations. He devoted the prime of his life to fighting for justice for his murdered family members. He, in consultation with his family, has decided to file an appeal in the High Court against the decision of the Special SC-ST court. He says, “We respect the judiciary but this judgment is disappointing. We will knock on the doors of the High Court for justice. We are confident that the High Court will take up this case promptly and ensure that the accused are punished.”

Sonki Devi, an elderly resident of Dangawas village, who husband Paancharam was killed in the Dalit massacre

Narendra, a young member of the family, says, “Since this judgment, we haven’t been able to sleep properly. We have faith in the judiciary but this judgment is beyond us.” This is not an emotional reaction either. It is based on solid reasoning. Ashish Bijaria, the presiding officer of the special court, has acquitted all the accused giving them the benefit of doubt. The 245-page judgment admits that the incident had taken place but finds complete lack of unimpeachable evidence of the involvement of the accused. The judgment says that the prosecution could not specify which accused attacked which deceased or injured person. The judgment also highlights the contradictions in the depositions of the eyewitnesses.

But the question that needs to be asked is what level of specificity and accuracy can be expected from the witnesses who were clamouring to save their lives from a blood-thirsty mob. In a village of 7,000 residents, how can the six women witnesses, who rarely ventured out of their localities, and the injured young men, who used to work in other villages, be expected to remember the names of the assailants? Govind Meghwal, an accused in the murder of Rampal, was subjected to a polygraph test. But none of the 40 accused were put through the test. And if they had refused the test, what does it indicate about their culpability? The judgment also points out that the witnesses changed their statements. If that was so, why the witnesses were not asked about it and why the investigating agency was not questioned on this issue. Even as I grapple with these arguments, Govind’s question continues to torment me: “Had the murderers killed all the 16 family members, who would have testified, and how would the court have reached a verdict?”

This statement cannot be dismissed as the comment arising from resentment and disappointment. It finds corroboration in an important judgment of the Supreme Court. In its December 2018 judgment on Farida Begum versus State of Uttarakhand, the apex court said, “Unless the contradictions are such material contradictions which may destroy the case of the prosecution, the benefit of such contradictions cannot be given to the accused.” In the context of the Dangawas case, it can well be presumed that this ruling of the Supreme Court can help overturn the judgment.

The judgment also refers to another contradiction – whether Paancharam Meghwal died after he was crushed by the tractor of Manaram Jat or he was buried in the debris of the house. Paancharam Meghwal’s brother Khemaram, who sustained serious injuries in the incident, still shudders while recalling the incident that day. He says, “A mob suddenly attacked us. We did not realize what was happening. Ratnaram was surrounded by a crowd. I, Kishnaram and Pokarram climbed atop the house. Manaram brought the house down by driving his tractor into it. Meanwhile, Kishnaram jumped off the roof of the house and ran away to save his life. Pokarram fell down from the roof straight into the hands of the assailants. The brutal manner in which he was done to death would leave anybody shaken. I fell on the other side and the tractor was driven over my legs. Meanwhile, repeated ramming by the tractor brought the house down. Pancharam was buried under the rubble and died.”

According to the judgment, one witness deposed that Paancharam died due to being hit by a stone. Khemaram, whose limbs have inserted metal rods, says, “Even if a stone killed him, the question is who threw the stones and who brought the house down. We have told the court all about them.” Khemaram Meghwal was a mason. After the attack, he was confined to bed for two years and he has been told that he cannot do any work involving physical labour for the rest of his life.

The judgment repeatedly refers to the witnesses talking about a “mob” and stresses that they could not identify the accused by name. At the end, it says that it is proved that the incident did take place, but the identity of the perpetrators remains unproved and goes on to acquit all the accused. The pain is palpable in the voice of deceased Paancharam’s wife Sonki Devi, who sustained serious injuries. “If they did not kill our men, who did?” she asks. Whether the court took this profound question into consideration is not known. But what we know is that the Supreme Court, in its 1989 judgment on Lalji and Others versus State of Uttar Pradesh, had said, “Once an unlawful assembly and its common goal are proven, the prosecution does not need to prove a specific overt act or active strike for every individual member.” If the witnesses could not identify the accused, this ruling could have come into effect.

Be that as it may, the pain and distress that Sonki Devi and five other women present in the house underwent is enough to move any sensitive person. An attempt was made to molest them and filthy pejoratives like “Dhedhni” and “Chamarin” were hurled at them. Sonki Devi, the wife of Paancharam, had never ever ventured into her village without her face covered and head down. Little did she know that the supposedly powerful, dominant caste of the village would one day reward her with widowhood, serious physical injuries, and a trauma from which she would never recover. Her vision has become hazy. She wears glasses. But the hope for justice lingers in her eyes.

(Translation from the original Hindi by Amrish Herdenia)


 

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