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TN government school HM booked for abetment after dalit girl ends life
The HM passed a casteist remark during admission interview, ordered her out of premises
MADURAI: The Caste-Hindu headmistress of a government higher secondary school was booked under abetment charges on Friday, after a 16-year-old Dalit girl died by suicide on August 25 allegedly after she ordered her out of the school for telling her mother not to keep her hands folded during an admission interview.
Police identified the deceased student as P Nisanthi (16) of Ambedkar Nagar, Usilampatti. A case of suicide was registered on August 25, but altered to abetment of suicide and the HM Vimala’s name was included.
Nisanthi’s uncle, P Sangili (52), a share-auto driver, said the incident took place on August 24 when Nisanthi went to the school with her mother, P Thavamani, seeking admission. Vimala inquired about the girl with her previous school.
During the conversation, Thavamani was listening with folded hands, but Nisanthi tapped them down. The headmistress questioned the action, refused to admit her, allegedly passed a casteist remark, and ordered them to leave the premises. The next day, Nisanthi died by suicide.
“Nisanthi was upset over the incident, which triggered her to end her life. She refused to eat and cried a lot the previous night. It happened to our child in this era and it should not happen again in society. We want action against the headmistress,” he said.
Police said there was no CCTV inside the room and only the girl’s arrival and departure could be seen in the footage recorded outside. “The exact conversation between them was not clear, but the incident prompted her to end her life. Whether SC/ST Act will be invoked will be decided after the inquiry by Usilampatti DSP. As of now, the case has been converted into one of abetment of suicide,” a police source said.
A school education official who held an inquiry with the headmistress stated that she denied the charges and claimed she had spoken casually without any casteist motive. A report has been submitted to the district collector. Further action against her will be decided in line with the police investigation.
Nisanthi completed Class 10 at a government school in Thottappanayakanur before joining the first group at a government school in Poochipatti. However, she did not attend that school as she wanted to pursue nursing group. Later, the family approached a government-aided school in Usilampatti, where they were asked to pay `5,000. Unable to afford the amount, they approached the Government Model Higher Secondary School for admission.
(To overcome suicidal thoughts, contact TN Health Department helpline 104 and Sneha’s helpline 044-24640050)
Courtesy : TNI
TN government school HM booked for abetment after dalit girl ends life
The HM passed a casteist remark during admission interview, ordered her out of premises
MADURAI: The Caste-Hindu headmistress of a government higher secondary school was booked under abetment charges on Friday, after a 16-year-old Dalit girl died by suicide on August 25 allegedly after she ordered her out of the school for telling her mother not to keep her hands folded during an admission interview.
Police identified the deceased student as P Nisanthi (16) of Ambedkar Nagar, Usilampatti. A case of suicide was registered on August 25, but altered to abetment of suicide and the HM Vimala’s name was included.
Nisanthi’s uncle, P Sangili (52), a share-auto driver, said the incident took place on August 24 when Nisanthi went to the school with her mother, P Thavamani, seeking admission. Vimala inquired about the girl with her previous school.
During the conversation, Thavamani was listening with folded hands, but Nisanthi tapped them down. The headmistress questioned the action, refused to admit her, allegedly passed a casteist remark, and ordered them to leave the premises. The next day, Nisanthi died by suicide.
“Nisanthi was upset over the incident, which triggered her to end her life. She refused to eat and cried a lot the previous night. It happened to our child in this era and it should not happen again in society. We want action against the headmistress,” he said.
Police said there was no CCTV inside the room and only the girl’s arrival and departure could be seen in the footage recorded outside. “The exact conversation between them was not clear, but the incident prompted her to end her life. Whether SC/ST Act will be invoked will be decided after the inquiry by Usilampatti DSP. As of now, the case has been converted into one of abetment of suicide,” a police source said.
A school education official who held an inquiry with the headmistress stated that she denied the charges and claimed she had spoken casually without any casteist motive. A report has been submitted to the district collector. Further action against her will be decided in line with the police investigation.
Nisanthi completed Class 10 at a government school in Thottappanayakanur before joining the first group at a government school in Poochipatti. However, she did not attend that school as she wanted to pursue nursing group. Later, the family approached a government-aided school in Usilampatti, where they were asked to pay `5,000. Unable to afford the amount, they approached the Government Model Higher Secondary School for admission.
(To overcome suicidal thoughts, contact TN Health Department helpline 104 and Sneha’s helpline 044-24640050)
Courtesy : TNIE
Here is the 29 August 2026 report in the five languages you requested. The incident occurred in Usilampatti, Madurai district, Tamil Nadu. Multiple reports, including The New Indian Express and PTI, report that the police altered the case to abetment of suicide and named the government-school headmistress. �
The New Indian Express +1
📰 English
Tamil Nadu: Government school headmistress booked for abetment after 16-year-old Dalit girl dies by suicide
A 16-year-old Dalit girl, P. Nisanthi of Ambedkar Nagar, Usilampatti, died by suicide on August 25, a day after she and her mother visited a Government Model Higher Secondary School seeking admission. According to the family’s complaint, the headmistress allegedly made a casteist remark and ordered them to leave after the girl asked her mother not to stand with folded hands during the admission interview.
Police initially registered a suicide case on August 25 but subsequently altered it to abetment of suicide, naming the headmistress. Police and education officials are investigating the allegations, including whether provisions of the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act should also be invoked. The headmistress has denied having any casteist intention. �
The New Indian Express +1
Source: The New Indian Express — Full report�
🟠 தமிழ்
தமிழ்நாடு: தலித் மாணவி தற்கொலை — அரசு பள்ளி தலைமை ஆசிரியர் மீது தற்கொலைக்கு தூண்டியதாக வழக்குப் பதிவு
மதுரை மாவட்டம் உசிலம்பட்டியைச் சேர்ந்த 16 வயது தலித் மாணவி பி. நிசாந்தி ஆகஸ்ட் 25 அன்று தற்கொலை செய்து கொண்டார். அதற்கு முந்தைய நாள், செவிலியர் பிரிவில் படிக்க அரசு மாதிரி மேல்நிலைப் பள்ளியில் சேர்க்கை கோரி தனது தாயுடன் பள்ளிக்குச் சென்றிருந்தார்.
சேர்க்கை நேர்காணலின்போது, மாணவியின் தாய் கைகளை கூப்பியபடி நின்றதாகவும், மாணவி தனது தாயின் கைகளை கீழே இறக்கச் செய்ததாகவும் கூறப்படுகிறது. இதனால் தலைமை ஆசிரியர் கோபமடைந்து, சாதியைக் குறிப்பிட்டு அவமதிக்கும் வகையில் பேசி, பள்ளியை விட்டு வெளியேறுமாறு கூறியதாக குடும்பத்தினர் குற்றம் சாட்டியுள்ளனர்.
முதலில் தற்கொலை தொடர்பான வழக்கு பதிவு செய்யப்பட்ட நிலையில், பின்னர் தற்கொலைக்கு தூண்டியதாக வழக்கு மாற்றப்பட்டு தலைமை ஆசிரியரின் பெயர் சேர்க்கப்பட்டது. SC/ST வன்கொடுமை தடுப்புச் சட்டத்தின் கீழ் நடவடிக்கை எடுக்க வேண்டுமா என்பதையும் போலீசார் விசாரித்து வருகின்றனர். �
The New Indian Express +1
ஆதாரம்: The New Indian Express — முழுச் செய்தி�
🟢 తెలుగు
తమిళనాడు: దళిత బాలిక ఆత్మహత్య — ప్రభుత్వ పాఠశాల ప్రధానోపాధ్యాయురాలిపై ఆత్మహత్యకు ప్రేరేపించిన కేసు
మదురై జిల్లా ఉసిలంపట్టికి చెందిన 16 ఏళ్ల దళిత బాలిక పి. నిసాంతి ఆగస్టు 25న ఆత్మహత్య చేసుకుంది. అంతకుముందు రోజు నర్సింగ్ చదవడానికి ప్రభుత్వ మోడల్ హయ్యర్ సెకండరీ పాఠశాలలో ప్రవేశం కోసం తన తల్లితో కలిసి వెళ్లింది.
ప్రవేశ ఇంటర్వ్యూలో బాలిక తల్లి చేతులు జోడించి నిలబడటంపై బాలిక అభ్యంతరం వ్యక్తం చేసిన తరువాత, పాఠశాల ప్రధానోపాధ్యాయురాలు కులపరమైన వ్యాఖ్యలు చేసి వారిని బయటకు పంపారని కుటుంబ సభ్యులు ఆరోపించారు.
మొదట పోలీసులు ఆత్మహత్య కేసు నమోదు చేశారు. తరువాత కేసును ఆత్మహత్యకు ప్రేరేపించిన కేసుగా మార్చి ప్రధానోపాధ్యాయురాలి పేరును చేర్చారు. SC/ST అట్రాసిటీస్ నిరోధక చట్టం కింద కూడా చర్యలు తీసుకోవాలా అనే అంశంపై విచారణ కొనసాగుతోంది. �
The Pioneer +1
మూలం: ThePrint / PTI — పూర్తి వార్త�
🔵 ಕನ್ನಡ
ತಮಿಳುನಾಡು: ದಲಿತ ಬಾಲಕಿ ಆತ್ಮಹತ್ಯೆ — ಸರ್ಕಾರಿ ಶಾಲೆಯ ಮುಖ್ಯೋಪಾಧ್ಯಾಯಿನಿ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಆತ್ಮಹತ್ಯೆಗೆ ಪ್ರಚೋದನೆ ಪ್ರಕರಣ
ಮದುರೈ ಜಿಲ್ಲೆಯ ಉಸಿಲಂಪಟ್ಟಿಯ 16 ವರ್ಷದ ದಲಿತ ಬಾಲಕಿ ಪಿ. ನಿಸಾಂತಿ ಆಗಸ್ಟ್ 25ರಂದು ಆತ್ಮಹತ್ಯೆ ಮಾಡಿಕೊಂಡಿದ್ದಾರೆ. ಅದಕ್ಕೂ ಮುನ್ನ ದಿನ ನರ್ಸಿಂಗ್ ವಿದ್ಯಾಭ್ಯಾಸಕ್ಕಾಗಿ ಸರ್ಕಾರಿ ಮಾದರಿ ಪ್ರೌಢಶಾಲೆಗೆ ಪ್ರವೇಶ ಪಡೆಯಲು ಅವರು ತಮ್ಮ ತಾಯಿಯೊಂದಿಗೆ ತೆರಳಿದ್ದರು.
ಪ್ರವೇಶ ಸಂದರ್ಶನದ ವೇಳೆ ಬಾಲಕಿಯ ತಾಯಿ ಕೈಗಳನ್ನು ಜೋಡಿಸಿಕೊಂಡು ನಿಂತಿದ್ದ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಬಾಲಕಿ ಆಕ್ಷೇಪ ವ್ಯಕ್ತಪಡಿಸಿದ ನಂತರ, ಮುಖ್ಯೋಪಾಧ್ಯಾಯಿನಿ ಜಾತಿ ಆಧಾರಿತ ಅವಹೇಳನಕಾರಿ ಮಾತುಗಳನ್ನು ಆಡಿದ್ದಾರೆ ಮತ್ತು ಶಾಲೆಯಿಂದ ಹೊರಹೋಗುವಂತೆ ಹೇಳಿದ್ದಾರೆ ಎಂದು ಕುಟುಂಬದವರು ಆರೋಪಿಸಿದ್ದಾರೆ.
ಪೊಲೀಸರು ಮೊದಲು ಆತ್ಮಹತ್ಯೆ ಪ್ರಕರಣ ದಾಖಲಿಸಿದ್ದರು. ನಂತರ ಪ್ರಕರಣವನ್ನು ಆತ್ಮಹತ್ಯೆಗೆ ಪ್ರಚೋದನೆ ಪ್ರಕರಣವಾಗಿ ಬದಲಿಸಿ ಮುಖ್ಯೋಪಾಧ್ಯಾಯಿನಿಯ ಹೆಸರನ್ನು FIRನಲ್ಲಿ ಸೇರಿಸಿದ್ದಾರೆ. SC/ST ದೌರ್ಜನ್ಯ ತಡೆ ಕಾಯ್ದೆಯಡಿ ಕ್ರಮ ಕೈಗೊಳ್ಳಬೇಕೇ ಎಂಬುದನ್ನೂ ತನಿಖೆ ಮಾಡಲಾಗುತ್ತಿದೆ. �
The New Indian Express +1
ಮೂಲ: The New Indian Express — ವರದಿ�
🟣 ଓଡ଼ିଆ (Oriya)
ତାମିଲନାଡୁ: ଦଳିତ ଛାତ୍ରୀଙ୍କ ଆତ୍ମହତ୍ୟା — ସରକାରୀ ସ୍କୁଲ୍ ମୁଖ୍ୟଶିକ୍ଷୟିତ୍ରୀଙ୍କ ବିରୋଧରେ ଆତ୍ମହତ୍ୟାକୁ ପ୍ରେରଣା ଅଭିଯୋଗ
ମଦୁରାଇ ଜିଲ୍ଲାର ଉସିଲାମପଟ୍ଟିର ୧୬ ବର୍ଷୀୟ ଦଳିତ ଛାତ୍ରୀ ପି. ନିସାନ୍ଥି ଅଗଷ୍ଟ ୨୫ ତାରିଖରେ ଆତ୍ମହତ୍ୟା କରିଥିଲେ। ତାହାର ଗୋଟିଏ ଦିନ ପୂର୍ବରୁ ସେ ନର୍ସିଂ ପଢ଼ିବା ପାଇଁ ଏକ ସରକାରୀ ମଡେଲ୍ ଉଚ୍ଚ ମାଧ୍ୟମିକ ବିଦ୍ୟାଳୟରେ ନାମଲେଖା ପାଇଁ ତାଙ୍କ ମାଆଙ୍କ ସହ ଯାଇଥିଲେ।
ପରିବାରର ଅଭିଯୋଗ ଅନୁଯାୟୀ, ନାମଲେଖା ସାକ୍ଷାତ୍କାର ସମୟରେ ଜାତିସୂଚକ ଅପମାନଜନକ ମନ୍ତବ୍ୟ କରି ମୁଖ୍ୟଶିକ୍ଷୟିତ୍ରୀ ସେମାନଙ୍କୁ ବାହାରକୁ ଯିବାକୁ କହିଥିଲେ।
ପୋଲିସ ପ୍ରଥମେ ଆତ୍ମହତ୍ୟା ମାମଲା ରୁଜୁ କରିଥିଲା। ପରେ ଏହାକୁ ଆତ୍ମହତ୍ୟାକୁ ପ୍ରେରଣା ଦେବା ମାମଲାରେ ପରିବର୍ତ୍ତନ କରି ମୁଖ୍ୟଶିକ୍ଷୟିତ୍ରୀଙ୍କ ନାମ ଯୋଡ଼ିଛି। SC/ST ଅତ୍ୟାଚାର ନିରୋଧ ଆଇନ ଅଧୀନରେ ମଧ୍ୟ କାର୍ଯ୍ୟାନୁଷ୍ଠାନ ହେବ କି ନାହିଁ, ତାହା ତଦନ୍ତ କରାଯାଉଛି। �
The Pioneer +1
ସ୍ରୋତ: ThePrint — PTI ରିପୋର୍ଟ�
Two Adi Dravidar Welfare officials sentenced to three years for bribery in Tiruchy
The accused were Devadoss, then Adi Dravidar Welfare Officer, Tiruchy, and Chandrasekaran, Superintendent, Adi Dravidar Welfare Office, Tiruchy.
According to the DVAC, Kannan, a teacher at the Adi Dravida Welfare School in Balakrishnanpatti, Thuraiyur taluk, had been facing a criminal case. After availing medical leave, he sought to rejoin duty. He was directed to meet the Adi Dravidar Welfare Officer regarding his joining.
Devadoss allegedly demanded Rs 5,000 to allow Kannan to rejoin without suspension, while Chandrasekaran allegedly demanded another Rs 5,000 for processing his file.
Kannan approached the DVAC’s Tiruchy detachment, following which a trap was laid. On August 10, 2009, acting on Devadoss’s instructions, Chandrasekaran allegedly received Rs 10,000 from Kannan. Both officials were subsequently arrested.
After investigation and trial, the Special Court, Tiruchy, convicted both accused and sentenced them to three years’ rigorous imprisonment and a fine of Rs 10,000 each under Section 7 of the Prevention of Corruption Act, 1988. They were also sentenced to three years and a fine of Rs 10,000 under Section 13(2) read with 13(1)(d). The sentences will run concurrently.
Tamil Nadu After Vijay Hears Students’ Grievances, TN Announces Boost for Adi Dravida Hostels N RAVIKUMAR&D SEKAR 28 August 2026 12:04 PM ‘Ambedkar reading centres’ would be built in the hostels to improve their reading habit and search for knowledge besides helping them to emerge successful in competitive examinations Chief Minister C. Joseph Vijay’ at Adi Dravida hostel at Saidapet. (X) As Preferred Source CHENNAI: Chief Minister C. Joseph Vijay’s visit to an Adi Dravida hostel at Saidapet and listening to the grievances of the students found its echoes in the schemes of the Adi Dravida welfare with social welfare minister Vanni Arasu on Thursday announcing an increase in food expenses provided by the government, and additional funds for the maintenance of such hostels, besides a separate organisation, called ‘Aran’, to supervise the hostels. Also Read - Neighbouring States, Nations Adopting TN Schemes: Minister Rajmohan Advertisement Vanni Arasu announced the increase in food expenses provided by the government to the Adi Dravida hostels for school students from Rs. 1,400 per month to Rs. 1,800 per month for each student. For college hostels, the expenses will be increased to Rs. 2,000 per month for each student, from Rs. 1,500. Replying to the discussion on the demand for grants for the department in the Assembly, Vanni Arasu said Rs. 200 crore will be allocated for the purpose and it will improve the nutrition and health of the students staying in the Adi Dravida hostels. Also Read - Wellington Reservoir Gets ₹130 Crore Revamp Discover more Hiring A Civil Rights Attorney Discovering Popular Tourist Destinations Applying For Government Grants The minister also announced an increase in the maintenance funds provided for the Adi Dravida and Scheduled Tribes hostels for school students from Rs. 50,000 to Rs. 75,000 per year, while raising the same from Rs. 50,000 to Rs. 1 lakh for hostels for college students. ‘Ambedkar reading centres’ would be built in the hostels to improve their reading habit and search for knowledge besides helping them to emerge successful in competitive examinations. Also Read - Congress Hits Back at Former Ally DMK for Hypocrisy Over Nehru, Ambedkar Omission Discover more Booking Luxury Hotel Accommodations Navigating Government Agency Resources Bidding On Municipal Government Contracts Subscribing To South Asian Film Streaming Services A management organisation, ‘Aran’, will be formed to improve the administration, supervision and students’ welfare in Adi Dravida hostels. This will ensure quality administration, transparent supervision and quick grievance redressal, besides providing a safe and healthy atmosphere to help the education of students, he said. The government also increased the annual maintenance funds given for Adi Dravida schools. Also Read - Ramadoss Urges Govt to Protect Cauvery Rights Against Karnataka's Push for Mekedatu Vanni Arasu announced the construction of 150 hostels for the students belonging to Adi Dravida and Scheduled Tribes at a total cost of Rs. 160 crore. This will create an amicable situation for the students and help them progress in education, he added. He said 100 community centres will be built in areas where people of Adi Dravida communities live in large numbers. A commercial complex would come up at Coimbatore to encourage Adi Dravida and Scheduled Tribes entrepreneurs, he said, adding it will expand the production and marketing opportunities for such entrepreneurs and increase their income. A tribal cultural centre will be formed in Chennai to protect their culture and arts. The minister also announced a Social Justice Board for Adi Dravidas to provide them welfare schemes and improve their social and economic development. He said 23 Adi Dravida and Scheduled Tribe schools will be upgraded and the formation of the Social Justice Trust to help them in education and economic development. He said MoUs will be signed with commercial banks to provide loans easily for Adi Dravida and Scheduled Tribes communities and special cooperatives would be formed for them. A Sanitation Workers Welfare Committee will be formed to solve the grievances of sanitation workers and special anganwadis will be formed in 250 places where people of Scheduled Tribes communities live in large numbers. Also, 5,000 concrete houses for Adi Dravida communities and 2,000 houses for tribal communities and 2,500 houses for sanitation workers, will be constructed. ( Source : Deccan Chronicle.
Deccan Chronicle.
சென்னை: முதலமைச்சர் சி. ஜோசப் விஜய், சென்னை சைதாப்பேட்டையில் உள்ள ஆதிதிராவிடர் மாணவர் விடுதிக்குச் சென்று மாணவர்களின் குறைகளைக் கேட்டதைத் தொடர்ந்து, ஆதிதிராவிடர் நலத்துறை பல்வேறு புதிய அறிவிப்புகளை வெளியிட்டுள்ளது. �
Deccan Chronicle
முக்கிய அறிவிப்புகள்:
பள்ளி மாணவர்களுக்கான விடுதி உணவுச் செலவு மாதம் ₹1,400-லிருந்து ₹1,800 ஆக உயர்வு.
கல்லூரி மாணவர்களுக்கு ₹1,500-லிருந்து ₹2,000 ஆக உயர்வு.
விடுதிகளுக்கான பராமரிப்பு நிதி பள்ளி விடுதிகளுக்கு ₹50,000 → ₹75,000; கல்லூரி விடுதிகளுக்கு ₹50,000 → ₹1 லட்சம்.
மாணவர்களின் வாசிப்பு மற்றும் போட்டித் தேர்வு தயாரிப்பை ஊக்குவிக்க “அம்பேத்கர் வாசிப்பு மையங்கள்” அமைக்கப்படும்.
விடுதிகளின் நிர்வாகம், கண்காணிப்பு மற்றும் குறைதீர்ப்புக்காக “அரண் (Aran)” என்ற தனி அமைப்பு உருவாக்கப்படும்.
ஆதிதிராவிடர் மற்றும் பழங்குடியின மாணவர்களுக்காக 150 புதிய விடுதிகள் ₹160 கோடி செலவில் கட்டப்படும்.
ஆதிதிராவிடர் மக்கள் அதிகமாக வசிக்கும் பகுதிகளில் 100 சமூகக் கூடங்கள் அமைக்கப்படும்.
கோவையில் ஆதிதிராவிடர் மற்றும் பழங்குடியின தொழில்முனைவோருக்காக வணிக வளாகம் அமைக்கப்படும்.
சென்னையில் பழங்குடியினரின் கலாச்சாரம் மற்றும் கலைகளைப் பாதுகாக்க பழங்குடியினர் கலாச்சார மையம் அமைக்கப்படும்.
ஆதிதிராவிடர்களின் சமூக-பொருளாதார முன்னேற்றத்திற்காக Social Justice Board மற்றும் Social Justice Trust அமைப்பதற்கான அறிவிப்புகளும் இடம்பெற்றுள்ளன.
ஆதிதிராவிடர் சமூகத்திற்கு 5,000 வீடுகள், பழங்குடியினருக்கு 2,000 வீடுகள், தூய்மைப் பணியாளர்களுக்கு 2,500 வீடுகள் கட்டப்படும். �
Deccan Chronicle
செய்தி மூலம்: Deccan Chronicle – After Vijay Hears Students’ Grievances, TN Announces Boost for Adi Dravida Hostels�
हिन्दी
विजय द्वारा छात्रों की समस्याएँ सुनने के बाद तमिलनाडु सरकार ने आदि द्रविड़ छात्रावासों के लिए बड़ी घोषणाएँ कीं
चेन्नई: मुख्यमंत्री सी. जोसेफ विजय ने सैदापेट स्थित आदि द्रविड़ छात्रावास का दौरा कर छात्रों की समस्याएँ सुनीं। इसके बाद आदि द्रविड़ कल्याण विभाग ने छात्रावासों के भोजन, रखरखाव, शिक्षा और प्रशासन को मजबूत करने के लिए कई घोषणाएँ कीं। �
Deccan Chronicle
मुख्य घोषणाएँ:
स्कूल छात्रावासों में भोजन का खर्च ₹1,400 से बढ़ाकर ₹1,800 प्रति माह।
कॉलेज छात्रावासों में ₹1,500 से बढ़ाकर ₹2,000 प्रति माह।
स्कूल छात्रावासों का वार्षिक रखरखाव अनुदान ₹50,000 से ₹75,000।
कॉलेज छात्रावासों का रखरखाव अनुदान ₹50,000 से ₹1 लाख।
छात्रों की पढ़ाई और प्रतियोगी परीक्षाओं की तैयारी के लिए “अम्बेडकर रीडिंग सेंटर” बनाए जाएंगे।
छात्रावासों के बेहतर प्रशासन, निगरानी और शिकायत निवारण के लिए “अरन (Aran)” नामक अलग संगठन बनाया जाएगा।
आदि द्रविड़ और आदिवासी छात्रों के लिए ₹160 करोड़ की लागत से 150 नए छात्रावास बनाए जाएंगे।
आदि द्रविड़ आबादी वाले क्षेत्रों में 100 सामुदायिक केंद्र बनाए जाएंगे।
कोयंबटूर में आदि द्रविड़ और आदिवासी उद्यमियों के लिए वाणिज्यिक परिसर बनाया जाएगा।
चेन्नई में आदिवासी संस्कृति और कला के संरक्षण के लिए आदिवासी सांस्कृतिक केंद्र स्थापित किया जाएगा।
आदि द्रविड़ समुदाय के सामाजिक और आर्थिक विकास के लिए Social Justice Board और Social Justice Trust की घोषणा की गई।
5,000 आदि द्रविड़ परिवारों, 2,000 आदिवासी परिवारों और 2,500 सफाई कर्मियों के लिए मकान बनाए जाएंगे। �
Deccan Chronicle
समाचार स्रोत: Deccan Chronicle – मूल समाचार�
Caste and Hinduism: A difficult question
SHASHI THAROOR
August 26, 2026
22 MIN READ
Caste discrimination has deep roots in Indian society, but Hinduism also carries a long tradition of reformers who challenged exclusion from within the faith.
Author Shashi Tharoor (right) and the Nepali translation of his book, Why I Am a Hindu (left).
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Some of the ancient temples of Thiruvananthapuram, especially the Sree Padmanabhaswamy Temple built in the eleventh century, are truly dynamic and beautiful. The fact that this temple is one of the wealthiest temples in the world has recently been revealed. The reason for this is that the victorious kings and emperors of the ancient Kingdom of Travancore used to offer immense treasure to this temple. Here, Vishnu is worshipped as Padmanabha, depicted lying on the giant serpent named Ananta in the Kshira Sagara, or the ocean of milk. This posture of his is immensely famous. This very idol is worshipped with great reverence by the kings, emperors, and subjects alike.
The Maharajas of Travancore preferred to call themselves Padmanabhadasa (servants of Padmanabha) and ruled in the name of God. Here, contrary to the divine right of kings, an example of the royal right of God can be observed.
Although there is no shortage of attractive temples in our country, not all the practices encouraged by these temples appear equally attractive. The ancient Varna system was one such tradition, of which I was oblivious for many years. This was because my parents never discussed it. When I was 11 years old, after a classmate in Mumbai asked about my caste, I wanted to learn about it from my parents. However, having been sensitive and liberal since childhood, the discrimination based on caste felt extremely repulsive to me.
Caste and Hinduism
It is extremely difficult to maintain the pretense that Hinduism can be viewed separately from the problem of the caste system. This is because even in some revered scriptures, this discrimination is described as sanctioned by religion. In the important sections of the Rigveda, there is no mention of the caste system. Its mention is first found in the Purusha Sukta, which was added later. Describing the sacrifice of the cosmic being (Purusha), it states that from his mouth came the Brahmins—scholars, priests, and intellectuals; from his arms came the Kshatriyas—warriors and rulers; from his thighs came the Vaishyas—traders, cattle rearers, and farmers; and from his feet came the Shudras—laborers, artisans, servants, and slaves.
This Sukta is being challenged, and it is also viewed as a conspiracy to legitimize caste discrimination. Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar, a leader advocating for the rights of Dalits, held similar views. However, many Hindus consider the caste system to be a practice sanctioned by religion. As I have demonstrated in my book An Era of Darkness, there were castes in India, but there was no caste system. The British, for their administrative convenience to understand, categorize, and classify Indians, placed emphasis on caste just as they did on religion. Consequently, a more rigid casteist system developed in the following days. Devdutt Pattanaik has described this as a forced attempt by the British to fit around three thousand castes (lineage-based occupations and sub-castes) into the four Varnas described in the scriptures. As a result, a complex caste system came into existence, which remains a question mark and a source of nuisance for Hindu society.
Looking at the language of the Purusha Sukta, it might seem that only Brahmins can be temple priests. However, Shudra priests still perform religious rituals in many places of worship today. In October 2017, the Travancore Devaswom Board, which manages temples, appointed 36 priests, including 6 Dalits. (In the temples of Kerala, formerly untouchable people were not allowed entry until 1936. Even today, in many temples across the country, only devotees wearing the sacred thread are allowed entry.) There is a common understanding that due to the Varna system, only Brahmins were permitted to attain education and knowledge. But we also know that Ved Vyasa, the compiler of the Vedas, was the son of a mother belonging to a so-called lower caste of fisherfolk. Similarly, Valmiki, the author of the epic Ramayana, belonged to the hunter caste. Today, both of these individuals are revered by all Hindus, including Brahmins.
Tharoor’s book Why I Am a Hindu. Image courtesy: Amazon
The origin of caste in Hinduism may also have occurred to organize various racial, sectarian, and occupational groups within the social hierarchy. According to Dr. Radhakrishnan, this was Hinduism’s contemporary solution to withstand external pressure—a way to bring various groups incorporated into Hindu society into the mainstream of Hindu religion and civilization. In the eyes of this great scholar, caste or Varna meant an organized diversity, equal plurality, and unity in diversity, which is also the foundational formula of creation.
Organized diversity appears commendable as long as it does not take the form of a bond causing social discrimination and economic oppression. But this system was not always like this. Prior to the colonial era, there was a special kind of flexibility in the operation of the Varna system, under which, apart from Ved Vyasa or Valmiki, several other famous examples of caste mobility or transformation exist.
However, the Varna system began to interfere even in religious worship. In many temples, the entry of lower castes and untouchables was prohibited. Because those who were socially ostracized faced various social restrictions and rejections, they were labeled as untouchable.
Such hateful practices cannot be defended in any form. Many modern Hindus have grown up rejecting the discriminatory aspects of the caste system. Yet, they remain concerned about caste when it comes to their children’s marriage. Their straightforward logic is: caste is a collective system operating for many centuries; we do not want to abandon it. We are satisfied with the mutual equality inherent within it and consider it appropriate to establish marital relations within our own caste group. However, this does not mean we discriminate against or mistreatment people of other castes. We are educated people and know that all of this is wrong. This kind of compromise by many modern Hindus may look like a blot. Nevertheless, this trend appears quite common among today’s Hindu population.
It is also necessary to mention here that the most influential movements against casteism originated from within Hinduism itself. These include movements from Basava in the twelfth century to Sri Narayana Guru in the nineteenth century. During all these movements, devotion toward Hindu deities as well as the terminology and concepts of Hinduism remained intact. After being forbidden to worship in the Shiva temple, Narayana Guru took a dip in the river and found a stone shaped like a Shivling. Instead of rejecting Shiva—whom society had denied him—he established a Shiva created by himself. The fourteenth-century saint Chokhamela was a Dalit, and although denied entry into the temple, he remained perpetually absorbed in devotion to God. In one of his verses, addressing God in a tone suggesting a conversation with a high-caste person, he wrote, “Hungry and thirsty, I have come with great hope for a piece of your bread.”
Similarly, in another verse, he used terms like having brought a bowl to receive a piece from God. Despite being barred from entering the temple, he remained absorbed in the service of his deity by eating leftovers of the offerings. His actions are certainly worthy of imitation to an astonishing degree. But it also demonstrates that Chokhamela’s social status or caste had no bearing on his spiritual superiority or his revered image after death. Among Lingayat saints, many came from impoverished backgrounds. Manu S. Pillai has written that although Basava, the founder of the Lingayat sect, was a Brahmin himself, his principal disciples—such as Allama Prabhu (drummer), Siddharama (herdsman), Makkaiya (washerman), and Kakkaiya (tanner)—came from various lower-caste communities.
Despite many such positive examples, social change and transformation were extremely rare in Hinduism. Furthermore, the condition of the Shudras was extremely miserable. Was religion responsible for this? Or was it the society that put it into practice? Untouchability is a practice that is almost impossible to link to scriptures. The argument that one must practice caste discrimination to be a good Hindu is also illogical. As philosopher Jonardon Ganeri has written, “Within Hinduism itself, there exist philosophical resources that encourage internal critique of repulsive and unjust social practices.” Readers familiar with the tenets of Adi Shankaracharya can confirm Ganeri’s statement, pointing to the Upanishads’ emphasis on the oneness of existence, the divinity present in every human being, the soul residing in every person, and the ultimate merger of all souls into Brahman. In this view, the equality of all souls and the absence of caste differences are inherent.
The sentiment for the well-being of all human beings is also found in Vedic concepts. Bahujana Hitaya, Bahujana Sukhaya—this very idea of equality without social or economic discrimination is present even in the Vedas. It is said that Adi Shankaracharya himself once encountered an outcaste Chandala. His disciple told the Chandala to move out of the path.
The Chandala turned around and asked Adi Shankaracharya, “Who are you telling to move? Is the ‘Self’ within me different from the ‘Self’ within you?” Hearing this philosophy of Brahman from the mouth of a lower-caste Chandala, Adi Shankaracharya was so awestruck that he bowed before the Chandala and accepted him as his master.
Manu S. Pillai, in his book, has described an episode from the same era. Vararuchi, the son of Shankaracharya’s master, married an outcaste woman, and they had 12 children. Among them, one became a Brahmin, another a carpenter, and a third a Muslim. When these three brothers sat down together for a meal, one brother served his favorite food, a cow’s udder (which can also be called beef in modern language). The story that follows states that the meat turned into plants, and they all shared and ate it together. From this, the lesson to be drawn is that despite being different, they were all one—children of the same parents and the same earth.
And yet, caste discrimination existed extensively and to the level of tyranny. It is also true that Hindus accepted the logic of reservation long ago so that the damage caused by centuries of birth-based discrimination could be compensated. This is why the Constitution of India, as one of the world’s oldest and most generous affirmative action programs, has ensured not only equal opportunities but also participation through reservations in educational institutions, government jobs, parliament, and state assemblies for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Dalits and Adivasis). Acknowledging one thousand years of discrimination—especially the despicable and indescribable social oppression in the form of untouchability—the majority of Hindus have cheerfully supported the reservation system. Viewing it as a just solution, they have expressed no opposition.
This reservation is granted to groups listed in the schedules of the Constitution based on their caste (considered unchangeable) identity. In the year 1989, after the implementation of the Mandal Commission’s recommendations by the government of V. P. Singh, Other Backward Classes (OBCs) were also included in these groups, significantly increasing the number of people receiving reservation benefits. However, there was no difference in the basis of receiving these benefits. Even though the word ‘class’ was used in backward classes, the lists included castes and sub-castes that were socially slightly above Dalits. People like me consider caste identity an unnecessary remnant of the pre-independence era and view it as something to be abandoned. However, we also acknowledge that the benefits obtained on the basis of caste cannot be denied. As wise heirs to the freedom movement that spoke out openly against caste and caste discrimination, we are not expected to validate caste feelings. Yet, sometimes, such feelings stored in the depths of the inner mind are seen to manifest.
But that is not the case for me. I am fully conscious of my inclination in the opposite direction. I am the son of an executive of a Kerala magazine who, during his college days, abandoned his caste name, Nair, at the call of Mahatma Gandhi. Later, he went to London and, upon returning, settled with his family in Western-developed Mumbai. I am a member of a nationalist generation that grew up almost entirely ignorant of the caste system.
I still remember how I learned about my caste. At that time, I was 11 years old and representing my seventh-grade class in a school drama competition. The eighth-grade class was represented by the son of a famous film family, who was from a Hindu family. Later, that young man became very famous as a romantic actor. At that time, along with acting, I had also performed a comic poem and played the lead role in a performance put on by my classmates. That young man was either intrigued or displeased by my performance. Therefore, he stopped me the next day near the bathroom stairs and asked, “Tharoor, what caste are you?”
Hearing that question, I looked at that gentleman with some confusion and said, “I… I don’t know.” My father had never talked about any caste, let alone religion, to me. He had kept me away from such topics.
“What do you mean you don’t know what caste you are?” the actor’s son asked again in surprise. “Everyone knows their caste.”
I hesitantly told him that I genuinely did not know my caste.
“Does that mean you are not a Brahmin or some such caste?” he said, staring at me.
I could not even tell him that I was… et cetera… et cetera. After that, that gentleman never spoke to me at school. But at that moment, I wanted to learn about my caste from the very parents whose liberal religious outlook had guided me this far. They explained the Nair community to me in very simple words. In this manner, owing to that young man met at school and future successful film actor, I received the first information about my lineage’s past.
Despite obtaining this information about my caste by coincidence, I grew up considering caste an irrelevant matter. The idea that caste is a symbol of identity held no special significance for me. Because it is one of many such markers that should be used according to need and convenience. While spending holidays in my parents’ village, my caste identity might have carried some meaning. But in my metropolitan school, it had no importance. My parents never asked about the caste or religion of friends who came to my house to play or attended my birthday party. I grew up unaware of caste. I entered into an inter-caste marriage and raised both of my children without ever discussing caste. Until I crossed five decades of age and entered the caste-ridden world of Indian politics, my understanding of caste remained like this. Even in this new world of politics, I never tried to find out the caste of anyone I met or worked with. Whether hiring cooks or other domestic staff, I never asked about their caste. I have invited all kinds of people to my home and shared meals with them. But I never even imagined trying to understand their caste.
Even so, India is a land of multiple identities, and one of its major identities is caste. For instance, as it has been said, for some people, it is a tool for political mobilization. The rise of the Yadav (OBC) community in parts of North India is an example of this.
Most Indians often vote for candidates of their own caste. While accepting such a trend as a reality of Indian politics, the English-speaking urban class may criticize this behavior. After all, none of us express disagreement when Dalit leaders take pride in their caste or call for Dalit unity. Being unaware of caste is also a symbol of my privilege. Because according to my Dalit friends, no Dalit can remain ignorant of their caste. When an oppressed class adopts various media to express its self-respect, outrage over caste usually flares up only when a member of a so-called upper caste displays the arrogance of their power and dominance.
Casteism cannot disappear immediately from the Indian landscape. Numerous political and administrative gains and losses are tied to it. Therefore, that is not possible anytime soon. For many Hindus, caste has become a living part of their daily lives. However, there are also many Hindus for whom it does not hold that much importance. Gradually, it is becoming one of many forms of identity, a form that can be altered according to the occasion.
Now, an Indian can claim connection with multiple groups, of which caste is just one group. Thus, perhaps caste itself may not remain as important as before. But most Hindus have not reached that stage right now, and unfortunately, politics may not allow them to reach there either. In recent years, various castes have also been seen attempting to portray themselves as more backward than one another. For example, incidents of advanced and powerful communities like Marathas, Patels, and Jats demanding reservations based on this rationale. As one of my uncles once remarked philosophically, “Now in our country, to move forward, it is necessary to be backward (this comment may sound biased, but currently, many unreserved castes have started feeling this way).” Another irony is that the crop of caste division nurtured and cultivated by British colonial rule shows no signs of being destroyed anytime soon in our country, and it has become a painful part of our lives. I have written about this in detail in my previous book, An Era of Darkness.
According to a survey, published news stating that 27 percent of Indians still believe in untouchability is not an extraordinary piece of news in the current context (Seema Chishti, ‘Biggest Caste Survey: Every Fourth Indian Believes in Untouchability’, The Indian Express, November 29, 2014). Most Indians grew up in an India where discriminatory behavior is commonly seen. English-medium educated people tend to think that caste discrimination occurs mainly in rural and backward areas, rather than in urban areas.
The aforementioned survey also presented some surprising facts. According to it, nearly every third Hindu (30 percent) admits to believing in untouchability. This means they do not allow Dalits to enter their kitchen or use their utensils. These statistics also revealed another strange fact: 23 percent of Sikhs, 18 percent of Muslims, and 5 percent of Christians also believe in untouchability. (According to a scholar friend, this figure regarding Christians seems a bit low. According to him, many churches in Tamil Nadu have separate seating benches and burial grounds for different castes. Some churches even tell Dalits to sit outside.)
All these religions claim to believe in equality and mutual brotherhood. Quoting the lead researcher of the survey, Dr. Amit Thorat, affiliated with the National Council of Applied Economic Research (NCAER), The Indian Express wrote, “Looking at these statistics, it becomes clear that even after conversion (to other religions), the mindset does not completely change. Caste identity is attached to an individual in such a way that it is difficult to step out of it in a social context.”
My father’s and my approach toward the caste of our friends and colleagues was not sufficient in today’s caste-conscious India. Because we remained ignorant and indifferent to caste. For a long time, I thought this was the ideal for modern India—an egalitarian feeling toward everyone, as Martin Luther King Jr. said, measuring someone’s personality not by their caste, but by the content of their character or merit.
However, after spending 34 years abroad and the last decade in India, I realized I was wrong. As an 18-year-old blogger, Tejaswini Tabhane, has written, “For a Brahmin, their caste pride is linked to the insult of other castes.” She further writes, “The caste system is both the foundation and the structure of Indian society. Both power and authority operate through this medium. Remaining indifferent to the caste system does not eliminate the social, political, and economic privileges acquired by being born into a higher caste.” According to her, any individual placed in a high position in the social hierarchy benefits from their caste status, whether intentionally or unintentionally, knowingly or unknowingly.
In Indian society, caste controls the distribution of resources and opportunities. Caste remains fully present in your life. Yet, it is not visibly obvious because your social and economic capital is the product of your caste.
I must admit she is right. That is why her passionate words strike a chord in the heart. She says, “Being born into a higher caste cannot be considered anyone’s fault. But denying that there are benefits received for free based on caste and proving the presence of mechanisms related to it wrong is not right.” On the other hand, for the neglected castes at the bottom rung of this social structure, caste means insult, oppression, deprivation, and an identity imposed by others.
In other words, the privilege of ignoring caste belongs only to those of higher castes; individuals of lower castes simply cannot ignore the caste system. Many times, an attempt is made to deal with the caste system using a color-blind approach similar to how Westerners try to view everyone equally. However, this comparison does not seem very effective. Race is clearly visible, but that is not the case with caste. Therefore, it is much easier to forget or ignore caste in personal and social relationships. For example, a white employer, after rejecting a Black applicant’s application, cannot say, “I did not know they were Black.” But in a similar situation, a high-caste Hindu can say, “I did not know they were a Dalit.” Nevertheless, being conscious of caste rather than ignoring it and overcoming related obstacles through positive actions is the need of the hour. Jawaharlal Nehru hoped that the caste system would disappear from India’s consciousness. My thinking was similar. But in today’s India, that does not seem possible anytime soon.
A recent survey by the NCAER confirms that unjust caste discrimination still continues in almost all religious communities in India. Hindu society is not free from this stigma either. But as Swami Vivekananda said, “Caste has no connection with religion. It is a purely social arrangement, and a significant number of Hindus can and should keep their children free from casteist thoughts.” In the Puranas, there is a description of a debate between Sage Vashistha and Vishwamitra regarding whether Vedic religion should be a universal religion or restricted among Aryans. While the Upanishads worked to expand the influence of ritualistic religion explained in the Vedas, gurus like Adi Shankaracharya and Ramanuja made it even more democratic. According to Adi Shankaracharya, any human being, merely by virtue of having Hindu parents, can attain supreme consciousness through the study, chanting, worship, and devotion of scriptures, Puranas, and epics. Adi Shankaracharya never supported casteism.
Today’s sympathetic and liberal outlook toward caste is the result of a long line of reformers. Kabir, Nanak, Sai Baba of Shirdi, Sri Narayana Guru, and Mahatma Gandhi carried forward this wave of reform.
Undoubtedly, Hindu society has perpetuated a despicable practice. But no one can claim that this is an integral part of the Hindu religion. A wonderful story is popular about Lord Krishna’s childhood friend, Uttanga. Krishna had granted him a boon: whenever he felt thirsty while walking on the road, God would provide him with water. Once, Uttanga was in a secluded place and felt terribly thirsty.
Remembering the boon granted to him, he asked God for water. He immediately saw a Shudra hunter wearing tattered clothes, carrying a leather water pouch around his waist. But the orthodox Brahmin Uttanga refused to drink the water he had. The hunter kept following him, urging him to drink the water. Uttanga did not agree and grew angry with Krishna for not arranging water.
Right before his eyes, the hunter vanished, and Lord Krishna himself appeared in his place. He explained to Uttanga that he had sent Lord Indra in the guise of a hunter in tattered clothes, and the leather pouch contained nectar instead of water. Had he drunk it, he would have attained immortality. Krishna mildly chided Uttanga, pointing out that he had judged the hunter based on his tattered clothes and caste, and consequently lost a golden opportunity to attain immortality.
Instead of a Hindu who cannot hire a Dalit cook or invite a Dalit boss to eat at their home, a Hindu who believes that caste discrimination does not align with their religion is better. Every day, we read or hear about Dalits being barred from entering a temple or facing oppression due to caste in some other event. Raja Ravi Varma, India’s first painter to gain nationwide popularity, made paintings of Hindu gods and goddesses in the 1890s and printed lithographic copies of them, which sold in large numbers. Since then, Dalits who were not allowed entry into temples began framing those very pictures in their homes to offer prayers. As I mentioned in the preceding pages, Kerala’s great social activist Sri Narayana Guru built temples by consecrating Shivlings himself because he was not permitted to enter Shiva temples.
There is no doubt that the negative image of Hinduism has long been associated with the view that it protected caste discrimination instead of eradicating it and caused human oppression based on caste. But is religion really responsible for the tyrannical behavior of its followers? Perhaps not. However, it is necessary for Hindus to make a collective and determined effort to remove the dark stain of caste discrimination from the gentle face of their religion.
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Dr Ambedkar’s Views about the Role of Education in the Development of an Individual and the Nation
“Dr. B.R. Ambedkar regarded education as the most powerful instrument for individual emancipation and national progress.” He saw it not merely as the acquisition of degrees or job skills, but as a means to cultivate the mind, foster critical consciousness, build character, develop self-respect, and enable people to challenge oppression and participate fully in democratic life.
Education for Individual Development
Ambedkar viewed education as essential for personal liberation and human dignity, especially for those historically denied it due to caste. Key aspects of his views include:
Cultivation of the mind and critical thinking: He stated that “Cultivation of mind should be the ultimate aim of human existence.” True education develops reason, individuality, and the capacity to question dogma rather than simply filling the mind with facts. University education, in particular, should stimulate mental effort, encourage critical study of authorities, and instil a standard of thoroughness in the pursuit of truth.
Self-respect, fearlessness, and character: Education should make a person fearless, teach unity, help one understand birth rights, and prepare one to struggle for freedom. He emphasized that “An educated man without character and humility is more dangerous than a beast.” Character and humility were more important than mere learning; education without moral grounding could harm society.
Empowerment against oppression: For Dalits and other marginalized groups, education was the primary weapon to overcome inferiority complexes, social slavery, and economic dependence. It awakens awareness of one’s existence and rights, removes the sense of subservience, and equips individuals for economic mobility, political participation, and social equality. He famously said education is “the milk of a tigress; whoever drinks it can roar.”
Accessibility and universality: Education must reach everyone, regardless of caste or gender. He advocated making higher education as cheap and accessible as possible for the lower classes and stressed women’s education, noting, “I measure the progress of a community by the degree of progress which women have achieved.” He founded institutions such as the People’s Education Society (1945) and colleges like Siddharth College to provide practical access.
His well-known slogan — “Educate, Agitate, Organize” (delivered at the All India Depressed Classes Conference in Nagpur in 1942 and earlier associated with the Bahishkrit Hitkarini Sabha) — placed education first as the foundation for political consciousness, collective action, and organized struggle.
Education for National Development
Ambedkar linked individual education directly to the strength and progress of the nation. He did not separate the interests of the backward classes from those of the country as a whole:
Foundation of democracy and social justice: An educated citizenry is necessary for genuine democracy. Without education, people cannot capture positions of power or exercise real political influence. He argued that the spread of education should receive the same importance as political movements, because only then can key positions be held by those who understand and uphold equality and justice.
Eradication of social evils and nation-building: Education eliminates ignorance, bias, exploitation, and the walls of caste and inequality. It creates an enlightened public opinion and reforms society. Universal primary education forms the base of national progress, while higher education produces leaders and professionals who can advance the nation. He saw educated people (especially from marginalized communities) as essential for modernizing India and making it advanced.
Moral and social purpose: The purpose of education is “to moralize and socialize the people.” Schools and universities should produce good citizens who contribute to the welfare of others and the nation, not merely self-interested individuals. Knowledge should be used both for personal betterment and for the improvement of society.
Constitutional vision: As the chief architect of the Indian Constitution, Ambedkar helped embed provisions supporting education (including directive principles on free and compulsory education, protections against discrimination, and special measures for weaker sections). He believed political democracy would remain incomplete without social and economic democracy, which education helps create.
In summary, Ambedkar saw education as revolutionary: it liberates the individual from mental and social bondage and simultaneously builds a just, democratic, and progressive nation. Without widespread, quality, and accessible education rooted in liberty, equality, and fraternity, neither personal dignity nor national strength could be achieved. His own life — rising from severe discrimination through rigorous education abroad and in India — embodied this conviction.
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S.R. Darapuri I.P.S.(Retd), National President, All India Peoples Front.
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ஒரு தனிநபரின் மற்றும் தேசத்தின் வளர்ச்சியில் கல்வியின் பங்கு குறித்த டாக்டர் அம்பேத்கரின் கருத்துக்கள்
டாக்டர் பி.ஆர். அம்பேத்கர், தனிமனித விடுதலைக்கும் தேசிய முன்னேற்றத்திற்கும் கல்வியை மிகவும் சக்திவாய்ந்த கருவியாகக் கருதினார். அவர் கல்வியை, வெறும் பட்டங்களைப் பெறுவதாகவோ அல்லது வேலைத் திறன்களைப் பெறுவதாகவோ கருதாமல், மனதைப் பண்படுத்தவும், விமர்சன சிந்தனையை வளர்க்கவும், குணநலன்களைக் கட்டமைக்கவும், சுயமரியாதையை மேம்படுத்தவும், ஒடுக்குமுறையை எதிர்க்கவும், ஜனநாயக வாழ்வில் முழுமையாகப் பங்கேற்கவும் மக்களுக்கு உதவும் ஒரு வழியாகப் பார்த்தார்.
தனிநபர் மேம்பாட்டிற்கான கல்வி
தனிமனித விடுதலைக்கும் மனித மாண்புக்கும் கல்வி இன்றியமையாதது என அம்பேத்கர் கருதினார்; குறிப்பாக, சாதியின் காரணமாக வரலாற்று ரீதியாக கல்வி மறுக்கப்பட்டவர்களுக்கு இது மிகவும் அவசியம். அவரது கருத்துக்களின் முக்கிய அம்சங்கள் பின்வருமாறு:
மனதை வளர்த்தல் மற்றும் திறனாய்வுச் சிந்தனை: “மனித வாழ்வின் இறுதி நோக்கம் மனதை வளர்ப்பதாக இருக்க வேண்டும்” என்று அவர் குறிப்பிட்டார். உண்மையான கல்வி, மனதை வெறும் உண்மைகளால் நிரப்புவதோடு நின்றுவிடாமல், பகுத்தறிவு, தனித்துவம் மற்றும் மரபுசார்ந்த நம்பிக்கைகளைக் கேள்வி கேட்கும் திறனை வளர்க்கிறது. குறிப்பாக, பல்கலைக்கழகக் கல்வியானது மன உழைப்பைத் தூண்ட வேண்டும், அறிஞர்களின் கருத்துக்களை திறனாய்வு ரீதியாகப் படிக்க ஊக்குவிக்க வேண்டும், மேலும் உண்மையைத் தேடுவதில் முழுமையான ஒரு தரத்தை மாணவர்களிடையே ஏற்படுத்த வேண்டும்.
சுயமரியாதை, அச்சமின்மை மற்றும் நன்னடத்தை: கல்வி ஒருவரை அச்சமற்றவராக்க வேண்டும், ஒற்றுமையைக் கற்பிக்க வேண்டும், பிறப்புரிமைகளைப் புரிந்துகொள்ள உதவ வேண்டும், மேலும் சுதந்திரத்திற்காகப் போராடத் தயார்படுத்த வேண்டும். "நன்னடத்தையும் பணிவும் இல்லாத ஒரு படித்த மனிதன், மிருகத்தை விட ஆபத்தானவன்" என்று அவர் வலியுறுத்தினார். வெறும் கற்றலை விட நன்னடத்தையும் பணிவும் மிக முக்கியமானவை; அறநெறி அடித்தளம் இல்லாத கல்வி சமூகத்திற்குத் தீங்கு விளைவிக்கும்.
ஒடுக்குமுறைக்கு எதிரான வலுவூட்டல்: தலித்துகள் மற்றும் பிற விளிம்புநிலை சமூகத்தினருக்கு, தாழ்வு மனப்பான்மை, சமூக அடிமைத்தனம் மற்றும் பொருளாதாரச் சார்புநிலையை வெல்வதற்கான முதன்மை ஆயுதமாகக் கல்வி விளங்கியது. அது ஒருவரின் இருப்பு மற்றும் உரிமைகள் குறித்த விழிப்புணர்வை ஏற்படுத்துகிறது, அடிமைத்தன உணர்வை நீக்குகிறது, மேலும் தனிநபர்களைப் பொருளாதார முன்னேற்றம், அரசியல் பங்கேற்பு மற்றும் சமூக சமத்துவத்திற்குத் தயார்படுத்துகிறது. கல்வி என்பது “ஒரு பெண் புலியின் பால்; அதைக் குடிப்பவர் கர்ஜிக்க முடியும்” என்று அவர் புகழ்பெற்ற ஒரு கூற்றைக் கூறினார்.
அனைவருக்கும் கல்வி கிடைக்க வேண்டும். சாதி, பாலின வேறுபாடின்றி கல்வி அனைவரையும் சென்றடைய வேண்டும். அவர், அடித்தட்டு மக்களுக்கு உயர்கல்வியை முடிந்தவரை மலிவாகவும் அனைவருக்கும் கிடைக்கக்கூடியதாகவும் மாற்றுவதை ஆதரித்தார். மேலும், பெண்களின் கல்விக்கு முக்கியத்துவம் அளித்து, “ஒரு சமூகத்தின் முன்னேற்றத்தை, அதில் பெண்கள் அடைந்துள்ள முன்னேற்றத்தின் அளவைக் கொண்டே நான் அளவிடுகிறேன்” என்று குறிப்பிட்டார். நடைமுறை அணுகலை வழங்குவதற்காக, அவர் மக்கள் கல்விச் சங்கம் (1945) போன்ற நிறுவனங்களையும், சித்தார்த் கல்லூரி போன்ற கல்லூரிகளையும் நிறுவினார்.
அவருடைய நன்கு அறியப்பட்ட முழக்கமான — “கல்வியறிவு பெறு, போராடு, அணிதிரட்டு” (1942-ல் நாக்பூரில் நடைபெற்ற அகில இந்திய ஒடுக்கப்பட்ட வகுப்பினர் மாநாட்டில் வழங்கப்பட்டதும், முன்னதாக பஹிஷ்கிருத் ஹித்கரினி சபாவுடன் தொடர்புடையதுமான) — அரசியல் விழிப்புணர்வு, கூட்டு நடவடிக்கை மற்றும் ஒழுங்கமைக்கப்பட்ட போராட்டம் ஆகியவற்றுக்கான அடித்தளமாகக் கல்விக்கு முதலிடம் அளித்தது.
தேசிய வளர்ச்சிக்கான கல்வி
அம்பேத்கர் தனிநபர் கல்வியை தேசத்தின் வலிமை மற்றும் முன்னேற்றத்துடன் நேரடியாக இணைத்தார். அவர் பின்தங்கிய வகுப்பினரின் நலன்களை நாட்டின் ஒட்டுமொத்த நலன்களிலிருந்து பிரிக்கவில்லை.
ஜனநாயகம் மற்றும் சமூக நீதியின் அடித்தளம்: உண்மையான ஜனநாயகத்திற்கு கல்வி கற்ற குடிமக்கள் அவசியம். கல்வி இல்லாமல், மக்களால் அதிகாரப் பதவிகளைக் கைப்பற்றவோ அல்லது உண்மையான அரசியல் செல்வாக்கைச் செலுத்தவோ முடியாது. அரசியல் இயக்கங்களுக்கு அளிக்கப்படும் அதே முக்கியத்துவத்தை கல்விப் பரவலுக்கும் அளிக்க வேண்டும் என்று அவர் வாதிட்டார். ஏனெனில், அப்போதுதான் சமத்துவத்தையும் நீதியையும் புரிந்துகொண்டு நிலைநிறுத்துபவர்களால் முக்கியப் பதவிகளை வகிக்க முடியும்.
சமூகத் தீமைகளை ஒழித்தல் மற்றும் தேசத்தைக் கட்டியெழுப்புதல்: கல்வி அறியாமை, பாரபட்சம், சுரண்டல் மற்றும் சாதி, சமத்துவமின்மை எனும் தடைகளை நீக்குகிறது. அது ஒரு அறிவார்ந்த பொதுக் கருத்தை உருவாக்கி, சமூகத்தைச் சீர்திருத்துகிறது. அனைவருக்கும் தொடக்கக் கல்வி தேசிய முன்னேற்றத்தின் அடித்தளமாக அமைகிறது, அதே நேரத்தில் உயர்கல்வி தேசத்தை முன்னேற்றக்கூடிய தலைவர்களையும் தொழில் வல்லுநர்களையும் உருவாக்குகிறது. இந்தியாவை நவீனமயமாக்குவதற்கும் முன்னேற்றமான நாடாக மாற்றுவதற்கும் படித்த மக்கள் (குறிப்பாக விளிம்புநிலை சமூகங்களைச் சேர்ந்தவர்கள்) இன்றியமையாதவர்கள் என்று அவர் கருதினார்.
அறநெறி மற்றும் சமூக நோக்கம்: கல்வியின் நோக்கம், “மக்களுக்கு அறநெறி கற்பிப்பதும் அவர்களைச் சமூகமயமாக்குவதும்” ஆகும். பள்ளிகளும் பல்கலைக்கழகங்களும், வெறும் சுயநலவாதிகளை அல்லாமல், பிறர் மற்றும் தேசத்தின் நலனுக்குப் பங்களிக்கும் நல்ல குடிமக்களை உருவாக்க வேண்டும். அறிவானது தனிப்பட்ட முன்னேற்றத்திற்கும் சமூகத்தின் மேம்பாட்டிற்கும் பயன்படுத்தப்பட வேண்டும்.
அரசியலமைப்பு தொலைநோக்குப் பார்வை: இந்திய அரசியலமைப்பின் முதன்மை சிற்பியான அம்பேத்கர், கல்விக்கு ஆதரவளிக்கும் விதிகளை (இலவச மற்றும் கட்டாயக் கல்வி குறித்த வழிகாட்டு நெறிமுறைகள், பாகுபாட்டிற்கு எதிரான பாதுகாப்புகள், மற்றும் நலிந்த பிரிவினருக்கான சிறப்பு நடவடிக்கைகள் உட்பட) நிலைநிறுத்த உதவினார். சமூக மற்றும் பொருளாதார ஜனநாயகம் இல்லாமல் அரசியல் ஜனநாயகம் முழுமையடையாது என்றும், கல்வி அத்தகைய ஜனநாயகத்தை உருவாக்க உதவுகிறது என்றும் அவர் நம்பினார்.
சுருக்கமாக, அம்பேத்கர் கல்வியை ஒரு புரட்சிகரமானதாகக் கருதினார்: அது தனிநபரை மன மற்றும் சமூகப் பிணைப்புகளிலிருந்து விடுவிப்பதோடு, ஒரு நீதியான, ஜனநாயக, மற்றும் முற்போக்கான தேசத்தையும் ஒரே நேரத்தில் கட்டமைக்கிறது. சுதந்திரம், சமத்துவம், மற்றும் சகோதரத்துவம் ஆகியவற்றில் வேரூன்றிய, பரவலான, தரமான, மற்றும் அனைவருக்கும் கிடைக்கக்கூடிய கல்வி இல்லாமல், தனிமனித மாண்பையோ அல்லது தேசிய வலிமையையோ அடைய முடியாது. வெளிநாடுகளிலும் இந்தியாவிலும் பெற்ற கடுமையான கல்வியின் மூலம், கடுமையான பாகுபாடுகளிலிருந்து மீண்டெழுந்த அவரது சொந்த வாழ்க்கையே இந்த உறுதியான நம்பிக்கையை மெய்ப்பித்தது.
எங்கள் செய்திமடலுக்கு குழுசேரவும்
சமீபத்திய CounterCurrents புதுப்பிப்புகளை உங்கள் இன்பாக்ஸிற்கு நேரடியாகப் பெறுங்கள்.
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